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Of this work not more than wo large paper, and 500 small paper,
copies have been printed, of which this is No. f small paper.
OF THE
(Ttorf 0ampf on.
TWO VOLUMES,
Illustrated.
PREFACE BY
THE LORD BISHOP OF LONDON,
INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER ON THE HISTORY OF THE TOWN BY
W. RYLAND D. ADKINS, B.A.,
Late History Exhibitioner of Balliol College, Oxford,
Barrister-at-Laiv.
THE FIRST VOLUME EDITED BY
CHRISTOPHER A. MARKHAM, F.S.A.,
Hon. Sec. Northamptonshire Architectural Society,
Author of "The Church Plate of the County of Northampton," &c.
THE SECOND VOLUME EDITED BY THE
REV. J. CHARLES Cox, LL.D., F.S.A.,
Author of "Three Centuries of Derbyshire Annals," &c.
PUBLISHED BY ORDER OF THE CORPORATION
OF THE
COUNTY BOROUGH OF NORTHAMPTON. _ „
5iiCROFORMED"iY
DATS
Df)
690
U&U6
5
GENERAL CONTENTS.
VOLUME ONE.
PAGE
PREFACE, BY THE BISHOP OF LONDON ... ... ... ... ... Hi.
INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER, BY W. RYLAND D. ADKINS ix.
DOMESDAY BOOK i — 6
THE GREAT ROLLS OF THE PIPE 7 — 24
CHARTERS, LETTERS PATENT, AND ACTS OF PARLIAMENT ... 25 — 195
LIBER CUSTUMARUM 197 — 430
LIST OF ACTS OF PARLIAMENT ... ... ... ... ... 433 — 448
LIST OF COUNCILS AND PARLIAMENTS ... ... ... •••449 — 455
LEGAL NOTES ON THE LIBER CUSTUMARUM, BY T. GREEN ... 457 — 478
GLOSSARY 481
INDEX OF SUBJECTS ... ... .., ... ... ... ... ... 497
INDEX OF PERSONS 500
INDEX OF PLACES ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 508
VOLUME TWO.
PAGE
PREFACE ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... iii.
INTRODUCTION ... ... ... .. ... ... ... ... i — 9
Civic GOVERNMENT AND STATE ... ... ... ... ... u — 99
Civic JURISDICTION ... ... ... ... ... ... ...101 — 149
TOWN PROPERTY, BUILDINGS, AND REVENUE ... ... ... 151 — 212
COMMONS AND CATTLE 213 — 229
PUBLIC HEALTH 231 — 271
THE TOWN TRADES ... ... ... ... ... ... -..273 — 308
FREEMEN AND APPRENTICES 309 — 326
CHARITABLE FOUNDATIONS ... ... ... ... ... • ••327- — 379
ALL SAINTS' AND OTHER CHURCHES 381 — 423
THE DEFENCES OF NORTHAMPTON AND THE COMMONWEALTH
STRUGGLE ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ...425 — 463
ROYAL VISITS AND NATIONAL EVENTS 465—490
MEMBERS OF PARLIAMENT ... ... ... ... ... ...491 — 512
TOPOGRAPHICAL 513 — 528
VARIA ET ADDENDA ... ... ... ... ... ... ...529 — 544
APPENDIX, WITH LISTS OF MAYORS AND BOROUGH OFFICIALS 545 — 571
INDEX 573
OF THE
SECOND VOLUME.
1550 TO 1835.
BY
J. CHARLES Cox, LL.D., F.S.A.,
Author of " Churches of Derbyshire,"
Three Centuries of Derbyshire Annals/' "How to write the History of a Parish,
"The Gardens of Scripture," &c.
PUBLISHED BY ORDER OF THE CORPORATION
OF THE
COUNTY BOROUGH OF NORTHAMPTON.
jSon&on : ELLIOT STOCK, 62, PATERNOSTER Row.
(Ttorf 0ampf on : BIRDSALL & SON, WOOD STREET.
520072
DATE
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PRINTED BY STANTON AND SON, ABINGTON STREET.
I
V?
NO;
PREFACE.
"PEARLY in the spring of 1895 I was asked to report to the
Town Council of Northampton on the condition and contents
of their muniments with a view to printing and publication. In
accordance with this request, a report was presented through the
Town Clerk. Eventually, after some delay, the Corporation
decided to undertake the publication of two volumes, the last
of which has fallen into my hands. It was decided that those
who did the work should do so on independent lines, so that
I am only responsible for this volume. The plan adopted has
no doubt its advantages, but it prevents any unity of action,
or distinct method of treatment.
The later documents and books pertaining to the Corporation
are very numerous, and require continuous comparison and colla-
tion in order to arrive at satisfactory results. The chief difficulty
has been to compress each subject, so as to confine the result
to the projected 550 pages. Some idea of the labour involved
in the preparation of this volume can be formed, when it is
stated that only a little more than one-third of what had to be
copied was eventually used in its extended form.
No two people would probably entirely agree as to the best
plan to follow in the arrangement of such a volume, or in the
comparative importance to be given to specific subjects. All that
can be said is that an honest attempt has been made to adopt
IV NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
a practical and useful plan, and advice has been sought and
followed, from several well qualified to give it.
Information other than that found in the local muniments
has only been sparingly used; but where documents at the Public
Record Office, British Museum, and Bodleian, etc., threw additional
light on particular subjects, they have been carefully consulted and
cited. It should, however, be clearly understood that this volume
does not in any way pretend to be a history of Northampton
from the time of Philip and Mary. No reference will be found
in these pages to any subject that is not named in the local records.
Nor are there any extracts from the records later than 1835, save
in the list of mayors, which is brought up to date.
In addition to material help from several members of my own
family, I desire to specially thank my friends, the Rev. R. M.
Serjeantson and Mr. Bruce B. Muscott, for much literary assistance ;
Mr. H. Manfield for the excellent photographs of the Corporation
insignia ; and Mr. T. Shepard for his beautiful and careful drawings
of the civil and ecclesiastical seals of the town and of the old
Guildhall.
Several Northampton townsmen have put me under obligation
by the generous loan of private manuscripts, prominent amongst
them being Mr. W. D. Crick and Mr. H. G. Toser. The former
put at my disposal a charming little set of eight MS. volumes
relative to the town, containing a variety of information not found
elsewhere, as well as the MS. record of the great election of 1767 ;
whilst the latter lent the MS. chronicle termed " Northampton
Mayors and Bailiffs, commencing in 1461, with several Remarkable
Occurrences." On the inside of the cover is written "Joseph
Hall, 1785. I wrote this Book, and continued it from the year
above written." This last book is frequently referred to in the
following pages as the Hall MS.
PREFACE. V
Nor must I omit to mention my continued indebtedness to the
Town Clerk and Clerk of the Peace, Mr. William Shoosmith, for
his constant kindness, and for his readiness to give me the fullest
access, at all times, to the literary storehouse in his charge. It is a
pleasure, too, to thank my friend Mr. W. B. Shoosmith for much
valued help.
A literary experience of thirty years at the Public Record Office
and British Museum, has invariably caused me to be grateful for
the courteous attention of the officials. Recent visits to both these
public institutions, in connection with the production of this volume,
have confirmed my previous oft-repeated opinions, but my particular
thanks are in this instance due to the British Museum MS. authorities
for leave to inspect a great number of " Additional Charters" per-
taining to Northampton which are not yet calendared Those
desirous of obtaining careful and reliable help in record-hunting,
or in any form of transcript work, cannot do better than put
themselves in the hands of Messrs. Hardy & Page, of 21, Old
Buildings, Lincoln's Inn.
With regard to the index, which will, I trust, be found full and
complete, the almost unanimous advice of experienced and practical
men has been followed in making it a single index, instead of one
of many divisions. It is the first time I have myself followed
that method for a large book ; but as a frequent index user, it
commends itself much to my own judgment.
The particular circumstances under which this volume was
produced have rendered it more liable than usual to author's slips
and printer's errors when under revision. I have noticed about
a score, but so far as I am aware, they are all trivial and readily
detected, so it is not thought worth while to insert a list of errata.
Doubtless, in a book covering so wide an area of subjects, there
vi NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
are some more serious blemishes or mistakes. I shall be grateful
to any one who will point them out to me, either privately or by
way of review. Whatever may be its faults, it is the first time
that a volume of this kind, dealing with the inner life and govern-
ment of an English borough during the last three centuries, has
been attempted.
J. CHARLES Cox, LL.D., F.S.A,
Holdenby Rectory,
October, 1897.
ILLUSTRATIONS.
PLATE I. — The Maces of the Town of Northampton ... To face p. 82
PLATE II.— Silver Badge and Mace Heads ... „ p. 88
PLATE III. — Seals of the Town of Northampton ... ... „ p. 142
PLATE IV.— The Old Town Hall, Northampton ... „ p. 172
PLATE V. — Elizabethan Standard Bushel ... ... ... ,, p. 194
PLATE VI. — Ecclesiastical Seals of Northampton ... ... „ p. 338
Plan of the Old Town of Northampton ... ... ... At end of vol.
CONTENTS. ix
CONTENTS.
PAGE.
SECTION ONE. — Introductory ... ... ... ... ... .. ... i
The town muniments — Many of them lost in the fire — Placed in All
Saints, 1553 — Coffer of 1608 — Threats to break open iron chest, 1664 —
Custody of the three keys — New iron chest in 1790 — Mutilation of
documents by Alderman Hall, 1800 — Mr. Baker, the historian — Mr.
Stuart Moore's calendar — Private charters, leases, and evidences, from
1150 to 1835 — Orders of assembly, and minutes of the aldermen's
court — Mayor's and chamberlain's accounts — List of apprentices and
freemen, and other books — Separate papers and documents — Transcripts
of public records for the toll case — General aim of this volume.
SECTION Two. — Civic Government and State ... ... ... ... ... u
The assembly — Its popular character — Great change of 1489 — Its com-
ponentparts — The Twenty-four — The Forty-eight — Lists of the house —
Refusal of the Forty-eight men to serve — Mr. Perceval's opinion, and
appeal to king's bench — New charter — Failures to make a quorum —
Irregularities of finance — Report of committee and of commissioners —
The mayors and mayors' accounts — Court of aldermen — Bailiffs —
Chamberlains and chamberlains' accounts — Town clerk and town
attorney — The mace bearer and great mace — The four serjeants-at-
mace — Bellman and beadles — Hall keeper — Waits — Flag bearers — Dress
of assembly.
SECTION THREE. — Civic Jurisdiction 101
Recorders — Town Counsel — Coroners — Treasure Trove — Magistrates —
Stewards — Court of record or hustings — Orphans' court — Statute
merchant recognizances — Staple merchants and inventories — Mayor as
arbitrator— Mayor as escheator — Vernalls inquests — Convictions for
swearing — Constables, thirdboroughs, and dozeners — The town seals —
Judges and assizes.
SECTION FOUR. — Town Property, Buildings, and Revenues ... ... ... 151
The property of the town in 1586 — Gradual loss of property — Long
leases and fines — Possessions of the Gobion family — Purchase of Gobion
manor by the town in 1622 — Inclosure act of 1799 — The first town
hall — The second town hall, temp. Edward I. — Enlarged in Henry VII.
reign—Again enlarged in 1631— The town gaols— Houses of correction
or bridewells— Out relief for the poor — Begging badges — Relief of the
unemployed — Spinning wheels — Relief in winter — St. George's hall —
Markets and fairs — Market tolls — The market cross — Weights and
measures — Tumbrel, pillory, and stocks — Traverse tolls — The great
toll case — The fee farm.
X NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
SECTION FIVE. — Commons and Cattle ... ... ... ... ... ... 213
The town commonalty once a village community — Finder, hogherd,
and herdsman — Pasture times on the commons — Number of cows and
horses permitted to graze— Taintors on the commons — The inclosure
of Northampton field — Willows on the commons — The town bull —
A herdswoman — Branding day and branding dinners — Hogs and the
hogherd — Pinfolds — Vermin — Duston lordship or abbot's meadow.
SECTION Six. — Public Health 231
The plague of 1578 — The attacks of 1603-5 — The college used as a
plague house — Terrible attack in 1638 — Parochial returns of the deaths
from plague — Letter from Dr. Clarke to Sir John Lambe — Shorter
attack of 1638 — Outbreak of 1648 — Choice of the tower house as an
infectious hospital — Account of the tower house — Watch and ward
during London plague of 1666 — Fire at Cotton end, 1561 — Precautionary
Elizabethan orders against fire — Town fire buckets kept in the
churches — Precautions of 1643 — The great fire of 1675 — Resolutions of
the assembly — Relief of the distressed — Ninety-nine years' leases on
condition of rebuilding — The rebuilding act of parliament and its
working — Benefactors' board, All Saints — Later fires — The great and
little conduits — Drought in 1608, and restrictions of hours of water
supply — Use of conduits forbidden to brewers and innkeepers — Shops
and bridewell under conduit hall— Houses built at the conduit, 1685-6 —
Scarlet well waterworks — The waterworks of William Wykes — Tank
at Wood Hill — Little conduit removed in 1831 — Water carts — Public
pumps and wells — St. Thomas' well — The chalybeate spring of Vigo
and the new walk — Sanitary condition of the streets and houses —
Town muck heaps — Sanitary overseers — Overcrowding — Paving of the
highways — Appointment of scavenger — Lighting of the streets — Skav age
due — Incroachments — Scavengers appointed by statute.
SECTION SEVEN. — The Town Trades 273
The prevalent trades of the town — Trade guilds in Northampton —
Amalgamated trades' constitution of 1574 — The bakers — Different
kinds of bread, and horse-bread — The butchers — Dispute as to the
butchers' stalls — The chandlers — Fishmongers and fishing — The fullers —
The glovers — The hosiers — The ironmongers — The mercers— Millers
and mills — The shoemakers — Shoes for the army in 1642— The
tailors and woollen-drapers — Whittawers and tanners — Innholders,
brewers, and maltsters — List of inns and alehouses— Benefactions for
poor tradesmen.
SECTION EIGHT. — Freemen and Apprentices 309
General conditions of obtaining the freedom — Orders of 1553 —
Various Elizabethan regulations — List of freemen from 1561 — Fees for
the town freedom— A quaker freewoman of 1722 — The scandal of
— Burgess books — The new charter of 1796 and renewal of
CONTENTS. XI
freedom — Freedom fees in 1834 — Apprentices and covenanted servants
from 1561 to 1593 — Implements of their trade — Earlier entries in orders
of assembly — Orders of 1625 — Later regulations.
SECTION NINE. — Charitable Foundations ... ... ... ... ... ... 327
Hospital of St. Leonard — A parochial chapel — The mayor's oath —
St. Leonard's farm and the lazerman — Seal of St. Leonard's — Hospital
of St. John — Complaints against the masters and their non-residence —
Endeavours of corporation to secure control — Seal of St. John's —
Hospital of St. Thomas — Its management by the corporation — Removal
of inmates, 1854 — Demolition of buildings, 1872 — Langhams' charity —
Sir Thomas White's loan charity — Freeman's charity — The free
grammar school and its masters — The corporation and education —
Tables of benefactions in town hall — Report of corporation committee
in 1783.
SECTION TEN. — All Saints and other Churches ... ... ... ... ... 381
St. Andrew's priory and All Saints — The advowson granted to the
town by Cardinal Pole, and sold in 1835 — The will of John Quarrior —
Elizabethan church usages — Calvin's Catechism and Puritan confession
of faith — Visitation of 1637— Scandalous condition of the church —
Dr. Sibthorpe's correspondence — The vicars and their stipends —
Ministers during the Commonwealth — Sale of next presentation in
1746 — The fabric — The fire, and the rebuilding — Portico, cupola, and
statue of Charles II. — Seats — Mayor's cushion — Black hangings —
Galleries — Organ and Organist — Bells — Customs of the church, 1620 —
Inventories — Sale of altar plate to pay debts — Sexton — Varia — Other
churches of the town — St. Katharine — St. Mary — St. Gregory —
St. Giles — St. Peter — And St. Sepulchre.
SECTION ELEVEN. — The Defences of Northampton and the Common-wealth
Struggle ... 425
Grants of murage — Walls rebuilt, 1301 — Bailiffs responsible for their
repair — The town gates and bridges — Frequent bridge assessments —
The great civil strife — Ship money denied by Northampton— Refusal
of trained bands to leave the liberties — Northampton garrisoned for
the Parliament —Work at the fortifications — Scout horsemen — Trees
felled— The garrison and the covenant — Raising of volunteers —
Demolition of the walls and castle — Soldiers and trained bands — Troops
for the Elizabethan wars in Ireland — Billeting soldiers, 1627-9 —
Muster roll of 1667 — Volunteers of 1794 — Arms and armour, temp.
Elizabeth and James — Town arms and munition in 1643 — Arms
surrendered in 1662 — Watch and ward — Elizabethan regulations — The
orders of 1645.
SECTION TWELVE. — Royal Visits and National Events... ... ... ... 465
Royal visits—Norman, Plantagenet, and Tudor kings— Queen Elizabeth's
three visits — James I. and Holdenby house — Charles I. and Queen
Xll NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
Mary— William III. — Queen Victoria in 1844 — National Events — The
Armada — Fifteenths and tenths — National assessments — Oath of
allegiance — James II. and removal of town officials— The revolution
of 1688 — Bonfires for victories — Queen Anne and the Marlborough
wars — The four Georges — The assassination of Mr. Perceval — George
IV. and William IV.
SECTION THIRTEEN. — Members of Parliament ... ... ... ... ... 491
Payment of members in 1328 — Election of members of the assembly
by the assembly — Returns temp. Philip and Mary — Elizabethan
elections — Return of the recorder and his son — Elections under the
Stuarts — A single member during the commonwealth — Contested
elections in 1661 — Contests in 1663, 1670, and 1678 — Walpole's
excise bill — Wholesale creation of freemen, 1733 — Householders and
not freemen declared electors— The notorious election of 1768 —
Gigantic expenditure — Extracts from Hall's MS. — Corporation vote
;£iOOO for their candidate in 1826 — Elections of 1830 and 1831.
SECTION FOURTEEN. — Topographical ... ... ... ... . ... 5J3
Abbot's meadow — Abington street — Austin lane — Ball's lane — Balmes-
holme lane — Bearward street — Bell Barn lane — Bailiffs hook — Black
friars lane— Bridge street — Butchers' row — Cap lane — The Chequer —
College street — Cow lane - Crackbelle lane— Derngate — The Drapery —
Drum lane — Dychurch street- Fennell well — Fetter lane — Fleshmonger
street— The Friaries — The Glovery — Gobion lane — The Gut — Gyselgot —
Hermitages — Hogmarket lane — The Horsemarket — Horseshoe lane —
Ivie lane — King street — Knight street— Lady lane — Marvells mill —
Marehold — Mercers row — Mountsorrel — Newland— North street — Nuns
well_ Quart pot lane — Pike lane — Rood-in-the-wall — St. Giles' street —
St. George's row — St. John's lane — St. Leonard's street - St. Martin's
street— St. Mary's street - Scarletwell lane — Sheep street — Silver street
— Smerekerenererowe — Swinewell street — Three pots lane — The Tower—
West street— Wood street — Wood hill — Woolmonger street.
SECTION FIFTEEN. — Varia et Addenda ... ... ... ... ... ... 529
The Mayor — Oaths of the Town Clerk, Bailiffs, and Steward — Vernalls
inquest — Town waters in 1553 — Common labour — Stourbridge fair —
Merchant from Constantinople — State lotteries— The South Bridge-
Bedford and Market Harborough road — Postmaster — Horseracing — The
Free Grammar School— Navigation — Railways.
APPENDIX ... ... ... .. ... ... ... ... ... . 549
Lists of Mayors, Bailiffs, Chamberlains, Town Clerks, Stewards, Serjeants-
at-mace, Town Criers, and Masters of Free Grammar School.
SECTION ONE.
INTRODUCTORY.
THE TOWN MUNIMENTS — MANY OF THEM LOST IN THE FIRE — PLACED IN ALL SAINTS,
1553 — COFFER OF 1608 — THREATS TO BREAK OPEN IRON CHEST, 1664 — CUSTODY OF THE
THREE KEYS — NEW IRON CHEST IN 1790 — MUTILATION OF DOCUMENTS BY ALDERMAN
HALL, 1800 — MR. BAKER, THE HISTORIAN — MR. STUART MOORE'S CALENDAR
— PRIVATE CHARTERS, LEASES, AND EVIDENCES, FROM 1150 TO 1835— ORDERS OF
ASSEMBLY, AND MINUTES OF THE ALDERMEN'S COURT — MAYOR'S AND CHAMBERLAIN'S
ACCOUNTS — LIST OF APPRENTICES AND FREEMEN, AND OTHER BOOKS — SEPARATE
PAPERS AND DOCUMENTS — TRANSCRIPTS OF PUBLIC RECORDS FOR THE TOLL CASE
— GENERAL AIM OF THIS VOLUME.
INTRODUCTORY.
information contained in the following pages is, in the
main, gathered from the town muniments, excluding the
charters and customary, which have been so fully treated of in
the first volume.
In studying the records of so important a borough as North-
ampton, not a little disappointment is experienced in finding them
exceedingly meagre up to the close of the reign of Henry VIII.
There are, for instance, no records or rolls ot even the briefest
description, with regard to the town proceedings earlier than this
date, whilst as to rolls or minutes of the various town courts held
within the walls, there are none extant until quite recent years.
The terrible fire of 1675 was, in all probability, the cause of
the loss of a considerable number of the town records. That the
corporation were at one time possessed of a large series of records,
made evident from the endorsements on many old grants and
other deeds still extant, to the effect that these deeds had
been enrolled on " The Rolls of the Memoranda of the Court
of Northampton." The existing minute books also testify to the
loss of many others ; for they refer to the " Book of Processes,"
the " Steward's Book of Annual Memoranda of Court Proceedings,"
thd " Chamberlain's Book of Commons and Cattle," " Orphans Court
Book," " Book of Escheats," and the " Bailiff's Journals," all of
which are now missing. In other places references are found to
the constable's books of the different wards or quarters. Town
constable's books would certainly be kept at least as carefully as
the many known examples in country parishes, and would be full
of interesting matter relative to watch and ward, fires, arrests of
suspects, &c.
Nevertheless, the town is much to be congratulated, not only
on the rescue from the great fire of the charters, the customary,
two large minute books, with a few other volumes, and a bundle
or two of evidences, but also on the preservation of a considerable
amount of valuable historical material of a later date.
The guildhall was one of the few buildings that was preserved
from serious damage during the fire. Probably all the old muni-
B 2
4 NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
ments that then escaped destruction were in safe keeping in one
of the upper chambers. The town documents that had been stored
in All Saints' church would almost certainly perish, for on the
outbreak of the fire, the chief townsmen rushed to that great
central stone building, there to deposit their portable treasures,
but the flames made such leaps upon the church that the fabric
and its contents were consumed with startling rapidity.
One of the very first years for which orders of the assembly are
extant, gives proof of the care that the burgesses intended to take of
their archives. In 1553, the town records were moved for safe keeping
to the church of All Saints, which had recently been given to the
mayor and burgesses of Northampton. At an assembly held in
October of that year, it was agreed :—
That all the Recordes shalbe putt in the vestry of our lady Chapell in a presse
to be lokked with iij lokkes & to have iij keys thereto & to be in severall mens
keping that is to say in the maiors for one, another in the keping of one of the
xxiiij, & the third in the keping of one of the xlviij yerly from hensforthe [to be
brought in by the Stewarde yerly by the last of December]
The term " all the Recordes " would not refer to the whole of
the muniments, for they could not be contained in a single press,
even of considerable size ; probably it meant all the records of
court proceedings, the remainder of the muniments being still
kept at the guildhall.
The following later entries afford further evidence of the
interest that the corporation took, from time to time, in the due
preservation of their muniments.
In 1607, the assembly ordered the chamberlains to provide —
One coffer or chest therein to inclose or put all wrytings escripts myniments &
evidences whatsoever tendyng or concerning anie demise of anie land belonging
to the Corporation, & that this same coffer or chest shalbe likewise provided three
severall ke^es, to wit one key for the Maior of the town of Northampton for the
tyme being, and thother two keyes severallie for the Chamberlaines of the
saide towne.
On October I3th, 1664, the assembly passed a resolution, in
connection with a dispute then raging with Mr. Vaughan, the
ex-mayor, which shows that the more important writings were at
that time kept in an iron chest :—
That the great Iron Chest in weh the towne Records & writeings doe lye be
broaken open unlesse Mr. Vaughan doe forthwith Deliver the Key (to the Mayor)
of one of the Padlocks belonging to the sd Chest.
A somewhat later entry shows that the three keys of this record
INTRODUCTORY. 5
chest were in the respective custody of the mayor, the senior
chamberlain, and one of the bailiffs. The custody of these keys,
however, differed at various periods.
The mayor's accounts for 1745 state that three new padlocks
were provided for the corporation chest, at a cost of 45. 6d.
A new iron chest and its carriage, for the town hall, cost
£2>- 9s-j m 179°- The mason's charge for building this safe into
the wall, was us. ; and the carpenter's for making a cupboard for it,
93. i id.
A case for books at the town hall, in 1800, cost £5. 125. gd.,
whilst £4. 145. 6d. was paid for a lock for the same, with six keys.
The costly litigation of 1831-3, usually known as the great toll
case, to which future reference will be made, brought to light some
curious facts with regard to the occasional careless treatment of
town documents. Mr. Theophilus Jeyes, when under examination in
court, stated that he became town clerk in 1800, and that in that
or the following year, he one day found Alderman Hall (who had
twice served as mayor, and was then one of the magistrates) with
a great number of leases, old charters, and other documents
belonging to the corporation, spread out on a table in the guildhall.
He had taken a pair of scissors out of his pocket, and was in the
act of clipping off the margin, with seal and signatures, from a
lease, with the probable intention of giving it to some seal
collector. Mr. Jeyes remonstrated, but the alderman laughed, and
cut several others, saying that these old things were quite useless,
and had better be destroyed. However, he suffered the town
clerk to rescue the mutilated lease, and the rest were restored to
their proper place. It so happened that this very document was
a lease of the town tolls, and had to be produced in court,
whereupon Mr. Jeyes gave this evidence to account for its muti-
lated condition. He further stated that the alderman had taken the
deeds out " a very old wooden chest, bound with iron, in an upper
chamber of the guildhall."
In 1813, Mr. George Baker, the local historian, applied for
leave to inspect the corporation journals, records, and other
documents, in order to assist him in an intended history of the
town and county of Northampton, which he was about to publish.
The assembly granted him full access to everything, under the
direction of the town clerk, provided that nothing was taken out
of the town clerk's custody.
6 NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
Mr. Stuart A. Moore, F.S.A., did a good work for the corpora-
tion in 1864, when he drew up a manuscript calendar of the archives
and muniments, having previously arranged them with much care.
He also made a full transcript of the Liber Custumarum.
The work of compiling this present volume has been very
considerable, and can only be appreciated by those who have
undertaken similar work. An immense amount of material has
had to be digested and assimilated before the simplest looking
facts or extracts can be presented to the reader. But it is only
due to Mr. Stuart Moore to say that this work would have been
far more laborious, if that antiquary's task had not previously
been undertaken. It would, however, be an advantage to have
Mr. Moore's calendar re-edited or revised, for one or two valuable
old books and papers have been recovered since 1864, the general
arrangement has been somewhat changed, whilst several documents
(fortunately of minor importance) have disappeared during the
time that has elapsed since the compilation of the list.
Those who desire full information as to the contents of the
Northampton muniment room, and obtain the necessary per-
mission, are referred to Mr. Moore's calendar. It would take far
too many pages of our limited space to attempt its reproduction
here, even in an abbreviated form. It must suffice to state the
contents, up to 1835, in quite general terms.
In addition to the charters proper, the town possesses a con-
siderable number of private charters or grants, evidences, leases,
etc., pertaining to the property of the corporation. These include
two hundred and twenty one separate deeds, which vary in date
from about 1150 to 1834. The majority of the earlier documents
are the title deeds of the St. Leonard's property to which reference
is afterwards made. Others relate to Gobion's manor, and different
possessions of the corporation, both writhin and without the walls.
The whole series abounds in information of value to the local
topographer or antiquary, of which only transitory use has been
made in these pages.
The two great folio books of the orders of assembly, which
have afforded the larger part of the information given in this
volume, must be described with some little detail, particularly as
the first of these wras not known to Mr. Moore, and the second
one has only four lines of description in his calendar.
The earliest of these thick volumes (both of which are heavily
INTRODUCTORY. 7
bound in leather covered boards, now much damaged) extends
from 1547 to 1627. The orders of assembly occur but fitfully in
the first three hundred pages ; and they are interspersed among
copies of current leases, and various town agreements and enrol-
ments. The first assembly, whose minutes are noted, met on
January 3oth, 1551-2; and the next on December 23rd, 1553. The
minutes of three assemblies are given for the year 1554, two for
1555, and one for 1558. From 1565 down to 1627, the assembly
minutes occur with regularity, save for some three or four
omissions, for which blank pages have been left. Amongst the
other subjects dealt with in this book, in addition to minutes of
assembly and transcripts of deeds, are : — mayor's and chamberlain's
accounts for 1553, interrogatories and answers in several Eliza-
bethan local suits ; trade constitutions for the bakers, butchers,
tanners, etc., of the town, chiefly between 1565 and 1585 ;
copies of wills that included town bequests : enrolment of a
few apprentices ; minutes of the mayor and aldermen's court,
1568-9; and various inventories of goods seized, chiefly for the
year 1562.
This book is, unfortunately, very defective ; according to the
paging, pages i and 2, and 7 and 8, as well as all between 166
and 233, and 240 and 249, are missing. In addition to this, there
are several leaves cut away in different places, before any con-
secutive paging was adopted.
The second great volume carries on the orders of assembly
uninterruptedly from 1628 to 1744. The same volume contains
copies of deeds enrolled by request at the courts of record held
by the mayor and coroners in the guildhall between 1628 and
1719. Other incidental matters here recorded are: — a committee's
resolve, in 1649, to assimilate the proceedings of the Northampton
assembly with those of the common council of the city of London ;
minutes of the court of mayor and aldermen for 1655, 1658, 1660,
1663, 1667, 1675, 1688-9, and 1690; oaths of allegiance in 1662;
occasional full lists of the " house " or assembly ; an inventory of
town arms, 1662 ; a list of the town trained soldiers, 1669 ; and
findings of the Vernall's inquests as to local boundaries between
1664 and 1724.
In both volumes, the writing is throughout in the hands of
the respective town clerks. The town clerk, or common clerk,
was invariably also the clerk of the court of record.
8 NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
Other books bring down the orders of the assembly to 1835,
without any admixture of other information.
The regular minutes of the court of the mayor and aldermen,
which was a separate court from the larger assembly, do not
begin till 1694. The first book of these minutes extends from
that date to 1771, and the second from 1771 to 1797. There is
some confusion in Mr. Moore's calendaring between the minutes
of the two courts.
An interesting volume is a full Elizabethan terrier of all the
lands and possessions of the corporation both in town and county ;
it is full of detail, and of the year 1586.
The register book of the orders of the commission appointed
by act of parliament to regulate the rebuilding of Northampton
after the great fire of 1675, is of unique legal value, and of
primary local importance.
Folio books containing the mayors' accounts and the cham-
berlains' accounts begin in 1690, and with but few gaps continue
consecutively till 1835.
The books containing the indentures of apprentices and the
enrolment of freemen begin, respectively, in 1561 and 1606.
Among the detached papers are small bundles of separate
mayors' accounts and chamberlains' accounts, as they were pre-
sented to the assembly, both of them beginning in 1676, the
year after the great fire; toll papers from 1715 to 1829; acts of
the corporation from 1746 to 1835; and parliamentary election
returns, beginning in 1732.
There are also a large number of copies of charters, letters
patent, etc., from the Public Record Office, relative to North-
ampton, the originals of which are not among the town records.
They are ' office ' copies, that is certified to be correct, and
supplied by accredited record agents, and almost all of them
are translated as well as given in the original. It is exceedingly
unusual to find such transcripts in a borough muniment room ;
and it need not be supposed that the unreformed corporation was
at any time seized with antiquarian or historic zeal, so as to
possess themselves of these valuable accessories to their own
records at some considerable outlay. The prosaic explanation is
that these extracts from Domesday and the Pipe Rolls, and
these copies of early royal grants of murage, pontage, and paviage
to the town of Northampton were, one and all, procured about
INTRODUCTORY. 9
1831 to be used as evidence in the great toll case. It is necessary
to emphasise this, as otherwise the student of the history of
Northampton in Anglo-Norman, Plantagenet, Tudor, and Stuart
times might consider that he had here got all that was important
connected with the history of Northampton, so far as the muniments
of the nation were concerned. This is very far from being the case ;
a great deal that is of importance and of detailed interest for the
town's history is altogether wanting, for only such documents were
transcribed as had a more or less immediate bearing on the
traverse and market tolls of Northampton.
The somewhat complex arrangements made by the corporation
for bringing out this work on their town records are such as to
preclude any opportunity on our part of indulging, at any length,
in general reflections on the civic life of Northampton during the
three centuries which are comprised in this volume, or on the com-
parative freedom, peculiar privileges, and special importance of this
great town. Such work is left to the capable and gifted pens of
Bishop Creighton and Mr. Ryland D. Adkins.
To simply print the laborious siftings from the store of local
muniments just enumerated, without a syllable of comment or
explanation, would, nevertheless, be as impossible for the writer
as it would be distasteful to the reader. The endeavour made
throughout the various sections of this volume is to place on
record a series of facts and statements, grouped round particular
officials, corporate properties, or special aspects of town life, with
as little as possible of conjecture or suggestion, and with an
entire absence of word-painting or comparative illustration.
SECTION TWO.
Civic GOVERNMENT AND STATE.
THE ASSEMBLY — ITS POPULAR CHARACTER — GREAT CHANGE OF 1489 — ITS COMPO-
NENT PARTS — THE TWENTY-FOUR — THE FORTY-EIGHT — LlSTSOFTHE HOUSE — REFUSAL
OF THE FORTY-EIGHT MEN TO SERVE — MR. PERCEVAL'S OPINION AND APPEAL TO
KING'S BENCH — NEW CHARTER — FAILURES TO MAKE A QUORUM — IRREGULARITIES OF
FINANCE — REPORT OF COMMITTEE AND OF COMMISSIONERS — THE MAYORS AND
MAYORS' ACCOUNTS— COURT OF ALDERMEN — BAILIFFS — CHAMBERLAINS AND CHAMBER-
LAINS' ACCOUNTS — TOWN CLERK AND TOWN ATTORNEY — THE MACE BEARER AND
GREAT MACE — THE FOUR SERJEANTS-AT-MACE — BELLMAN AND BEADLES — HALL
KEEPER — WAITS — FLAG BEARERS — DRESS OF ASSEMBLY.
CIVIC GOVERNMENT AND STATE. 13
THE ASSEMBLY.
'"PHIS is not the place in which to attempt, even in the briefest
form, any general essay upon the highly interesting subject
of the rise and fall and subsequent revival of English municipal
privileges, though some account is absolutely necessary for a due
understanding of town records. It may be well just to point out
that the best students of our national history seem to agree that
a remarkable spirit of popular liberty ran throughout the whole
government of most of our great English towns during the twelfth
and thirteenth centuries. Particularly is this noticeable in towns
on royal demesnes, of which Northampton was a conspicuous
example. The comparative equality and fraternity of the town
burgesses, under the widest democratic rule, began noticeably to
wane, though more slowly in some places than in others, towards
the close of the thirteenth and beginning of the fourteenth
centuries. From that time onwards, the passage from democracy
to oligarchy set in with a steady flow, and was not stayed until
the Corporation Reform Act of 1835.
In every one of our great towns, whose local records are
extant, it is most remarkable and significant to note how the
change from a wide and generous trust in the commonalty, to the
selfish rule of a narrow and corrupt oligarchy, was gradually, though
often unintentionally accomplished. Northampton affords a striking
example of this gradual corruption of a noble ideal.
One of the several fascinating points in connection with the
study of English municipal life is that no two towns, even on
the royal demesne, had exactly the same form of self govern-
ment. As the earlier and wider idea of genuine popular control
became unworkable from a variety of reasons, ingenuity seemed
to exhaust itself in finding a great diversity of ways in which
the idea of democratic government might be retained, whilst the
substance was practically lost. Nor is this diversity to be won-
dered at, when we recollect the varied degrees of liberty and
independence that the burgesses had won from kings and barons,
or had obtained from the church, and the jealous secrecy with
which they strove to surround their own special privileges.
14 NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
The student of comparative municipal self government will
find that, in a variety of ways, the different changes and eventual
development of civic control in Northampton may be compared
with great towns such as London and Norwich ; or with important
boroughs such as Yarmouth, Colchester, Worcester, or Leicester;
and in some respects with Coventry and Nottingham. In almost
each of these towns it came about that, by the end of the fifteenth
century, a common council of forty-eight members wras elected to
supersede the general assembly.
The primitive form of municipal institutions amongst us, after
the Normans had firmly established themselves in <"he land, can
be readily grasped. It forms an interesting admixture of English
and Norman customs. The old portreeve or head man of the
borough had become, in the later Anglo-Saxon times, little more
than the servant of the king. The ancient liberties of the English
were not unintelligible to the more educated townsmen from
Normandy. In Germany, Flanders, Italy, and Provence, con-
siderable struggles of the municipalities towards greater freedom
were then in progress. The amalgamated populations of our
Anglo-Norman towns were readily moved in a like direction.
They desired, and obtained the power to elect, on the widest
possible franchise, their own chief officer.
This freedom of annual election of a reeve of their choice
was completely granted to Northampton by Richard's charter of
1189, and confirmed by that of John in 1200. The last of these
charters associated with the reeve two bailiffs and four coroners,
the whole seven being popularly elected year by year. Henry
III. charter of 1227 is practically a repetition of that of 1200; but
by the time that king granted letters patent to the town in
1252, an important change in nomenclature had been adopted by
the burgesses, apparently without any express sanction. The
annually chosen head man of the borough was then called mayor
and not reeve. Here and there throughout England this change was
coming about ; the English reeve had so long been associated
with kingly choice and exaction, that those possessed of far
greater freedom, sought after a new title, and found it in the
Norman mayor. It was only the towns of high importance, and
exceptional liberties, that about this period took this step, or
had it granted them. London and York chose a mayor in the
end of Richard's days, Kings Lynn in 1204, Bristol in 1217,
CIVIC GOVERNMENT AND STATE. 15
Oxford in 1229, Chester in 1247, and Leicester in 1251. The title
was soon sought after by the older and more influential boroughs ;
but it was not till the time of Elizabeth, or even James I., that the
title of mayor was given to the chief officer of the majority of English
boroughs. At Northampton, the change of nomenclature took
place between 1227 and 1252 ; at the latter date it was certainly
a well established fact.
The whole community, or commonalty, of the town was
expected to take part in the election of reeve or mayor, and
where those officers existed, of the bailiffs and coroners. The
expression 'general assembly/ was of the widest possible signifi-
cation. Fines were enforced upon burgesses who were absent
from the general assembly, when duly summoned by bell, horn,
or proclamation. Powers existed, and were even some times
enforced, of closing shops and work rooms during the time of
the assembly, in order that it might be manifest that the claims
of public business were superior to private interests. The original
idea of our Anglo-Norman town assemblies was on a more com-
prehensive scale than even that of the village manor courts, where
all tenants were expected to muster, under a penalty. Every male
of working age, was expected to be present at the town assembly.
At Sandwich, for instance, on the first Monday in December, the
town serjeant sounded the common horn for a general assembly,
and made the following cry at the fourteen accustomed places : —
" Every man of twelve years or more, go to St. Clement's church ,
" there our commonalty hath need. Haste, haste."
The reeve or mayor naturally required advice and counsel in
the multifarious questions submitted to his discussion, even where,
as at Northampton, he was relieved of some of his duties by
popularly appointed bailiffs and coroners. Ere long, he found on
his appointment, a gradually increasing small body of men, who
had served the like office, and who were termed his " brethren "
or " co-brethren," or more usually by the Anglo-Saxon term of
aldermen. In certain cases the number of these brethren was
limited to twelve, in other cases the number was undefined;
whilst in some boroughs, only those who were chosen by the
commonalty could act as the mayor's advisers.
So far as Northampton is concerned, there can be no doubt
that, from about 1300, when the town was enlarged and St.
Giles included in the new walls, the colloqium generate or
l6 NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
congregatio of the townsmen (in English the general assembly
of the commonalty;, was summoned from time to time, for nearly
two centuries, to hold its meetings in the body of that large
church. This was not done because, as has been alleged, there
was no towrn hall, or guild hall, for the guildhall that stood at
the south east corner of the market square, was there soon after
1300, but because the great size of St. Giles' would admit of the
presence of a considerable body of the townsmen, who could not
possibly have assembled in the chamber or hall, where the mayor
and his brethren and the more select burgesses were wont to
take counsel.
Previous to 1300, the old town hall, a small building, stood
between the castle and the then market square, which partly
corresponded to the present Marehold. In the Anglo-Norman
town, the assembly was possibly held in the open, in the market place
or chequer. Here it maybe remarked that the spelling " Mayorhold "
is comparatively modern and wrong. In Elizabethan days, it is
several times spelt " Marehold/' when, in close juxtaposition,
occurs the word " maior " for the chief magistrate. In the days
when entire horses were the rule, and geldings quite the exception,
the separation of the horses and mares was a necessity at most
of the fairs. Hence in Northampton, the horses were in the open
Horsemarket, and the mares safely secured in the Marehold.
Marefair, as the continuation of Gold Street, is a street name of
later origin ; it used generally to be called West Street.
The general assembly, intended originally to be frequently
summoned, gradually gave way to a more select court. At
Northampton, up to 1489, the assembly was always called together
for choice of a mayor, as well as for the enacting of special
business.
In the time of Edward III., Northampton's assembly is
described as consisting of the mayor, the coroners, twelve bur-
gesses, and the commonalty. During the reigns of Richard" II.,
Henry IV., Henry VI., and Edward IV., a privy council of twenty-
four was the distinguishing feature ; the assembly being styled
the mayor, the twenty-four burgesses, and the whole community ;
or the mayor, the twenty-four co-burgesses, and all the com-
monalty. Right through these reigns, the presence of the
community wras necessary at Northampton for the passing of any
new bye-laws, or sanctioning any trade constitutions.
CIVIC GOVERNMENT AND STATE. 17
The narrowing down of the privileges of the community
almost to vanishing point, was accomplished in very many
boroughs in the last half of the fifteenth century, by substituting
supposed representatives for all the commonalty. In most of these
boroughs the change was accomplished by the overweening
power of the great burgesses, and particularly by the great trade
guilds, which, as we shall presently see, never overawed the
council at Northampton.
At Northampton, in conjunction with the neighbouring town of
Leicester, this memorable change, whereby the voice of the town
at large was practically silenced for three and a half centuries,
came about through the direct action of the nation's parliament.
There was, apparently, at Northampton, sufficient sturdy indepen-
dence to jeopardise the possibility of effecting so startling a
change through the town's parliament.
The interesting act of Parliament of 1489 has been printed in
full in the first volume. The preamble attempts to justify this
revolutionary measure, by reciting the great divisions, discords and
excitement of the popular assemblies, and the act proceeds to substitute
for the commonalty, forty-eight of the most discreet and best dis-
posed townsmen. The selection of the forty-eight was, however,
left entirely at the disposal of the mayor and past mayors, and
they were to hold office for life. The choice of the new mayor
and most of the general government of the town was to be left
in the hands of these forty-eight, in association with the mayor
and ex-mayors, and the bailiffs and ex-bailiffs. The only restric-
tion in the choice of the forty-eight was that they were not to
be chosen from past mayors or bailiffs. Thus disappeared, save
in name, the town's general assembly.
In 1505, Northampton's assembly is described as consisting of
the mayor, late mayors, bailiffs, and twenty-four co-burgesses,
and the forty-eight. The old privy council of the twenty-four
gradually disappeared in favour of the forty eight common council
men. Probably, in this instance, the phrase " twenty-four " implied
the late bailiffs and all those that had been bailiffs. It is rather
curious to note that, when we come to the time of preservation
of full lists of "the house" or assembly, it is found that the
ex-mayors or aldermen averaged about twelve, and the bailiffs
and ex-bailiffs about twenty four.
From the time of Philip and Mary, we know that it was
C
l8 NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
customary to call over the roll of the assembly on the first
meeting after Michaelmas, and to take down the names in writing.
Apparently, the calling of the roll was not infrequently resorted
to on other occasions, particularly when there was any doubt
as to a quorum being present, a clear majority of the whole
house being necessary for any local legislation. It is not,
however, till 1674 that aa list of the house" is met with in the
book of orders. A full list of the assembly on October 2nd, of that
year is extant, from which we find that the house then consisted
of thirteen aldermen (including the mayor), twenty six bailiffs,
and fifty-four forty-eight men or burgesses. By the side, however,
of six of the burgesses' names, marginal disqualifications are written,
thus reducing them to the right number. Against three the
one word " outed " is wrritten, against another " outed for basterdy,"
against a fifth " gone," and against a sixth " by reason of his
sickness excused."
The next list of the house is one drawn up on March 25th,
1720, when there were thirteen aldermen, in addition to the mayor,
thirty one bailiffs, and forty seven burgesses.
Lists are also given in full for the years 1722, 1724, 1729,
1732, and 1740. The list for 1742 marks those who were absent
on October 2nd; there were sixteen aldermen, of whom two were
absent ; twenty seven bailiffs, of whom six were absent ; and
forty eight burgesses, of whom nine were absent. The house,
then, on that occasion consisted of seventy five members.
A printed list of the full house or corporation first occurs
under date April 3oth, 1772. The house was then composed of
mayor, nineteen aldermen, and twenty-six bailiffs, and the forty-
eight burgesses ; a total of forty nine were present. In the list
of 1776, there were twenty-three aldermen and twenty-four bailiffs,
but only twenty-eight of the forty-eight burgesses. In several
other lists of subsequent years the roll of the forty-eight was
by no means complete.
In connection with this mention of printed lists, it may here
be noted that printed summonses to the assembly were used in
1813, whilst the first printed agenda for public business that we
have met with is dated October 25th, 1811.
We now come to definite standing ground. The official
records of the town, the orders of assembly, begin in the last
year of Edward VI. In 1552, the Northampton assembly con-
CIVIC GOVERNMENT AND STATE. 19
sisted of the mayor, his brethren, twenty-four comburgesses, and
the forty-eight. This comprehensive title of the assembly continued
with but slight change of phraseology, up till October 24th,
1595, when the last entry of the twenty-four comburgesses occurs,
to be immediately succeeded on November I4th, of the same year,
by the phrase, "the bailiffs and those that have been bailiffs/'
Northampton had its annually appointed two bailiffs, as well
as mayor ; and the mayors were, according to usage, almost
invariably chosen from the ex-bailiffs. It seems reasonable to
suppose that the twenty-four comburgesses were either a selected
number of the ex-bailiffs, made up from other sources when the
past bailiffs did not reach that number, or else that the phrase
lingered when the actual number was forgotten. The latter
supposition is perhaps the most probable. From 1595 to 1836,
the past bailiffs remained a distinct body, wearing special gowns,
and occasionally sitting with the mayor and aldermen when the
forty-eight burgesses were not summoned, or were meeting apart.
The full title given to the assembly in 1628 is, the " assembly
of mayor, aldermen his brethren, the bailiffs and all those that
have been bailiffs, and the forty-eight burgesses of the Common
Council. "
In the somewhat troublous and unsettled times towards the
close of the reign of Queen Mary, the assembly passed a verbose
and curious order, dated November I2th 1557, imposing fines
upon any who should use slanderous words with regard to the
mayor, or his brethren, or any of the twenty-four comburgesses.
It is an elaboration of the order of 1490 {Liber Custumarum),
and runs as follows : —
Synce that moche unfithing langage seditious wordes misrule and ungodlie
governaunce hathe of longe time Reigned in the boroughe & towne of Northamp-
ton amonge the inhabitants there & dwellers of the same, For a perpetuall peace
Reformation & better order to be had theryn, We have consideryd First and
principally that yt pleasethe god, yt establishithe perfect Reformation & tranquylite,
yt norryshithe & encreasithe love and charite among us, The universall wele alwey
enhaansynge and floryshynge, yt causythe plentye & abundaunce, and lawes to
have ther due courses, Justice to be indifferently mynistrede & executed, wheras by
the contrarye way and use thereof ensuethe commotions striffes & debates, povertie
myserye & many other inconveniences, The peryll and daunger whereof must of
Reason be erected & leyde to the charge off those persones having Rule & authorite
where any misgovernaunce be used & frequented, Therfor be yt establyshed &
provydede alwey that from thys time forwarde no manner of person or persones
what estate, degree, or conditions oever he be, beinge here franchised & sworne to
C 2
20 NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
ye liberties, freedoms & usages of this towne before the mayor for the time beinge,
that hathe or shall speak or spred abrode in any manner of wise any seditiouse
vile or maliciouse langage or tales of or by the maior or by any of them that
hathe ben maiors or by any others of the xxiiij comburgesseys of this towne, In
slanderynge hurtinge or aspersing ther good name & fame in any manner of
untrouthe, and that is proved by sufficient witnes before the maior and his counsell
for the time beinge, That then that person or persones that so noisythe slaunderithe
or defameth any of them above rehersed, & therein be founde defective & giltie
as ys aforeseide, shall pay to the maior for the time beinge to the use of 'the
towne so to be kept as common tresure of the Towne xs* yf that he be of abilite
& power to pay the seide xs* And if the saide person or persons be not able nor
off powers to pay xs* that then he or they remayne in prison xxlif dayes by the
discretion of ye maior & his counsell.
At the same assembly a strict order was passed as to the secrecy
to be observed by members of the inner council, as well as another
bye-law regulating the weekly meeting of the mayor's court. In the
latter case the term "Commoner" evidently means one of the
forty-eight.
Item yt is ordeynyd that if any of the xxiiij11 Comburgessys or any other being
sworne as well to the Councell of the maior as to the secret Councell off the »towne
of Northampton do declare & showe any manner of thing or cause communyd or
talkyd, & so commaunded by the mayor to be kept secret together in secret counsell
any time, & being provyd before the Maior & hys Counsell, the said person shall
pay the first tyme to the Ma for & to the use beeforeseyd xxs, the second time
xl8 & to be expulsed & put owt of the saide Counsell at the discretion of the maior
& his brethern.
Item that the maior every Monday shall have assistaunce at the Court off iiij of his
brethern that have been maiors & vj baylys and then to have no other in their stedes}
after any soche summons so given, every one that have ben maior & makithe default
shall pay to the pore boxe vjd, & every one that hathe ben bayly for like default shall
pay to the same boxe iiijd, totiens quotiens.
Also that every Commoner that is summoned to serve the Court every Monday
upon his or their lawfull summons by the officers of his quarters & do make default
shall pay viijd halfe to the bailys halfe to the pore man's boxe.
The following useful standing order for preserving due decorum at
their debate was agreed to by that assembly on April nth, 1642 :—
That whoesoever of this Assemblie shall come out of their places or from off their
seats more than one by one to speak uppon anie occasion shall forfeit xijd to the use of
the Corporation, and that whoesoever of the said Assemblie shall at any time make
anie noyse whiles one is in speakeinge shall forfeit also xijd to the use aforesafd to be
levyed by distresse or Imprisonment of the Offender till he payeth at the maiors
discretion
* Originally xls, but the 1 is crossed out in later ink in each place.
t The number of days is also erased in later ink, leaving the period of imprisonment indefinite.
CIVIC GOVERNMENT AND STATE. 21
On one of the last pages of the second volume of the great order
books, is a long entry, under date February i3th, 1649, whereby the
corporation committee resolve that the common council of the town
of Northampton shall be summoned and regulated according to the
Act of Common Counsell made that year by parliament for London,
and that the parties on both sides do endeavour to adjust their
differences by March 25th, and then attend this committee and act
accordingly. This resolution is followed by a transcript of the Act
of Parliament relative to the London common council, the chief
provisions of which are, that the lord mayor was to summon the
council on the written requisition of any ten members ; that the
members then assembling, if forty or more, shall form a common
council ; that the lord mayor, or in his absence his deputy, or the
oldest alderman, or in their absence any member duly chosen shall
be president or chairman, and shall cause all things offered to or
proposed in the council to be fairly or orderly debated, put to the
question, voted, and determined as the major part of the members
shall desire ; that in every vote and proceeding neither the lord
mayor nor the aldermen, jointly or separately, shall have any distinct
voice or vote other than as part of the assembly ; that the absence or
withdrawing of the lord mayor or aldermen from the council shall
not stop nor prejudice the proceedings ; that any common council
shall sit and continue so long as the major part of the council shall
think fit, and shall not be dissolved nor adjourned but by the order
and consent of the majority ; that every officer of the council shall be
chosen by the council, and shall have such reasonable allowance as
the council think fit ; and that every citizen shall have a right to
peruse and search into the acts, registers, and records, in the presence
of the officer in charge.
In October, 1696, occurs the first entry relative to refusal to act
as a councillor or forty-eight man, after due election in the aldermen's
court. This became a frequent source of dispute for upwards of a
century. The court of aldermen, at that date, ordered that if Mr.
James Cunningham, apothecary, who had been elected by them in
the previous year one of the forty-eight, persisted in his refusal
to take the oath and qualify himself for that post, he should
be fined £10.
In the mayoralty of Robert Ives, 1697, ^ was resolved by the
court of aldermen that as James Cunningham, having to be much
absent from his shop upon the business of his profession, had paid
22 NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
the fine of £10 rather than serve on the forty-eight, he should be
excused in the future from serving in that office.
Mr. John Ives, apothecary, was elected one of the forty-eight in
1704, but on being summoned to be sworn, he pleaded that his serving
would be a great prejudice and detriment to him in his trade or
profession, having occasion to be much absent from his shop upon
his business. He expressed himself as willing to submit to a fine
rather than serve. The case was brought before the mayor and
aldermen, and they decided that upon paying £10 for the use of the
corporation, Mr. Ives should be excused from serving as a burgess
for the future ; but that if he should be again elected and willing to
serve, that then the £10 should be refunded by the chamberlains.
A like order was made by the same court in 1706 in regard
to one Zechariah Herbert, who was also an apothecary.
In 1716 the aldermen turned out two members of the forty
eight " for their Indecent and unmanly behaviour at Assemblys."
Edward Lee was removed in 1719 for keeping " a disordered
alehouse."
In 1741 two members of the forty-eight were removed from
office because they were prisoners for debt.
This right of expulsion, the aldermen again exercised on July
1 5th, 1743, after a wholesale fashion, when they removed and
displaced from their several offices five aldermen, six bailiffs, and
four of the forty-eight, for neglecting from time to time to appear at
hall and assembly, though duly summoned. However, by another
vote of the same court, held August 8th, six of these defaulters
were restored to their former places in the corporation.
The non-attendance of the forty-eight and their refusal to
qualify when elected began now to be a chronic complaint in the
town. The aldermen upbraided the burgesses with lack of energy
for the public weal, whereupon the burgesses, with not a little truth,
retorted that the aldermen had so manipulated the choice of the
forty-eight that the supposed representatives of the commonalty
had practically no power, and that they declined to be mere pawns.
The evil grew to such a pitch, in the course of the next fifty years,
that the aldermen could hardly ever succeed in keeping up the
forty-eight, even nominally, at anything like its full strength.
At last, in 1791, the mayor and aldermen resolved to take
counsel's opinion on the subject, and a case was submitted to
their deputy recorder, Mr. Spencer Perceval, by the town clerk.
CIVIC GOVERNMENT AND STATE. 23
The clauses of the town charter of i5th Charles II., relative
to the company of forty-eight, were recited, which provide that
they shall be " honest and discreet men dwelling and abiding
within the town which have never been mayors or bailiffs " ;
that in conjunction with the mayor and ex-mayor, the two bailiffs,
and the ex-bailiffs, they shall be called the common council ; that
all bye-laws and rules are to be passed by a majority of the
whole common council ; that the mayor and aldermen are to fill
up all vacancies that may occur in the company of the forty
eight by a majority of their votes ; that any freeman or burgess
duly elected and refusing to serve could be fined by the
mayor and alderman ; and that if the defaulter did not pay
the fine he could be cast into prison, or a distress levied on
his goods.
It was further stated, as a part of the case, that at that
time the corporation consisted of a mayor, eighteen aldermen,
two bailiffs, twenty two other bailiffs who had served that
office, and nineteen qualified, and twenty nine duly elected
but not qualified forty-eight men ; and that the twenty nine,
though resident freemen, absolutely refused to appear, or to take
office.
The two queries submitted to Mr. Perceval were — Is it
advisable for the corporation to proceed by the above (charter)
or any other means to set a fine upon the forty-eight men for
refusing to serve ? And if advisable, should they be fined
annually or more than once for such refusal ?
Mr. Perceval replied that the mayor and aldermen had power
to fine the defaulters to a reasonable amount ; that if the payment
was refused, it might be recovered by action for debt, as the
charter methods were probably illegal, and clashed with statute
law ; that he strongly recommended that they should in the first
instance appeal to King's Bench for a mandamus to compel the
persons elected to accept office, for such a procedure could be
begun at once; and, even if refused, the judges would then state
what legal course the corporation ought to take. Mr. Perceval
further advised that a fresh summons to attend and qualify
should be served on the defaulters, with an intimation that if
they still refused, application would be made to the King's
Bench ; but at the same time he strenuously urged the corporation
to consider, whether, for the sake of the peace and harmony of
24 NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
the whole town, they could not try and secure other persons
who would willingly accept office, and have new elections.
Mr. Jeyes, the town clerk, endorsed the " case " with the
words, " Mr. P. refused to take his Fee of 3 Guineas which I
offered him."
It is to the credit of the aldermen that they took Mr. Perceval's
advice, and sought out others to accept the office. Several of
these, however, remained obstinate, and eventually three defaulters
had a mandamus served on them. The case was argued at
length, and the curious result that ensued, making a new charter
a necessity, had better be narrated in the contemporary words
of Mr. Hall's MS. :-
'794-
This year some memorable transactions occurred, which to give some account
of it will be necessary to recur to what had taken place some time prior to this.
The corporation had for some years contented themselves with summoning several
persons annually to take the office of common council men, who constantly refused
it, and it was done so long and to that degree, that the forty eight common council
were reduced to about nineteen. It has been alleged this was done that the upper
house, i.e., the mayor, aldermen, and bailiffs should have a majority ; be that as it
may, they even so reduced. But about the year 1791 they altered that plan, and
summoned a considerable number of others, most of whom complied and took the
oaths. Those that refused, namely, Samuel Hughes, John Kightley, and Robert
Becton had a mandamus served on them, and the case was argued several times
in the court of, King's Bench. The result was, as it appeared, that though as
freemen they were bound to serve as common council men, yet they contended
they were not duly elected, upon the ground of an act of parliament passed in the
reign of Henry VII., which enacted that there should be a majority of the forty
eight so called, at all elections of mayors and bailiffs, and it was stated that at the
election of Mr. Millar to be mayor, there was not a majority of the forty eight
present, and there was a majority of the forty-eight belonging to the corporation,
this was allowed by the court to be such a defect that they were declared
to be in a state of dissolution, and that they could not legally elect any
officers ; the consequence was, a new charter was deemed necessary. This
This stirred a controversy whether the corporation only should settle the terms and
articles of the new charter, or whether the town generally should be consulted.
The corporation resisted this, but many of the inhabitants assembled together in
the county hall (the town hall having been refused), warmly contended they had
a right to give their opinion in the formation of the new charter, and the dispute
was carried to such a length, that handbills appeared on both sides. Those who
called themselves the town agreed to petition the king for this purpose, and about
five hundred names were signed and presented by the Hon. Ed. Bouverie, one of
our representatives, but this had little or no effect, for at length a new charter
was granted, wherein all the members of the old corporation were named, and in
general was a transcript of the old one, with some trifling regulations. It was
CIVIC GOVERNMENT AND STATE. 25
brought to the town with great triumph, by the mayor, Lord Compton, and Mr.
Perceval, the deputy recorder.
The new charter, with some account of the rejoicings on its
.arrival, has been set forth in full in the first volume.
It was intended to hold an assembly in the guildhall, on
October 23rd, 1797, but for want of a majority of the house no
legal business could be transacted. Wherefore the mayor and
three justices of the peace fined each of the absent members
6s. 8d. The absentees included three aldermen, eight bailiffs, and
twenty two of the forty-eight.
It was decided in August, 1798, that for the future, "when
any question be agitated in this House the same shall be deter-
mined by Ballot to be then immediately determined, provided
always that such Ballot be demanded by at least three members
then present." This ballot resolution was immediately put into
effect on a poll for the mayor elect.
An assembly summoned for July 3ist, 1800, failed to obtain
the legal quorum of a majority, whereupon the defaulters (to
number of twenty three) were all summoned to appear in the
guildhall at three o'clock the following Monday, to show cause
why they should not be fined. Twelve of the defaulters were
fined 6s. 8d., for having respectively failed to assign a sufficient
cause or excuse for their non-attendance.
There was a like failure to form a quorum in October, 1802,
when there were thirty four absentees, twenty five of whom
were eventually fined 6s. 8d.
The usual summons failed to bring together a full assembly
on November 5th, 1807, no fewer th=^ ^irty five being absent. Of
this number fourteen were fined 6s. 8d. during the following
week. The adjourned assembly met with but little better success,
for on November I2th, there were twenty five absentees. How-
ever, there must have been some very special occurence on
that day, for the excuses of the whole twenty five were
considered valid by the mayor and justices when they appeared
before them on November 23rd,
It was agreed by the assembly of November 23rd, 1807, that
the business of the coming meeting, and all notices of motion,
should be sent out to every member of the corporation together
with his summons.
The 22nd of October, 1810, was another instance of a failure
26 NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
to make a house ; 37 members were absent, so that no legal
business could be undertaken. A further assembly was sum-
moned for the following Friday, and all the defaulters were
called upon by the mayor and justices to explain their absence.
The result was, that a fine of 6s, 8d. was imposed on twenty
two of the members.
There were thirty five absent from an intended assembly, in
April, 1811, but only two of the number were eventually fined,
and that in the reduced penalty of 53.
On October 22nd of the same year, thirty one were absent
from a duly summoned house, so that no assembly could be
formed. The justices were now roused to more stringent
measures ; on October 26th, seven of the defaulters were fined
135. 4d., and sixteen of the others 6s. 8d. each.
The laxity of attendance was not, however, yet checked. It
was intended to hold an assembly on January i2th, 1812, but
actually forty five members of the house were absent. The
justices met on January iQth, when they fined four of the
defaulters 2os., one of them 135. 4d., and two 6s. 8d. An assembly
was summoned for the same day, when there were again
thirty defaulters. On this occasion, the aldermen distinguished
themselves by their absence, ten of their number stopping awayr
including two justices. On January 28th, only seven of the
offenders were fined, the fine in each case being 6s. 8d.
There was another failure to make a house on March nth,
1816, when thirty members were absent. A week later, the
mayor and justices fined three of the defaulters 135. 4d., and
eighteen 6s. 8d.
A fiasco of a like character had to be recorded on January yth,
1819. An assembly had been summoned, but it could not be held'
as forty members of the house were absent. The mayor and
justices imposed fines of 135. 4d. on four of the defaulters, whilst
twenty nine had to pay 6s. 8d.
An assembly was intended to be held on October 3ist, 1822,
and the usual summons issued, but for want of a majority no
business could be transacted. The mayor and justices ordered
the thirty five absent members to appear before them on Novem-
ber 8th, to show cause why they should not be fined, when
twenty eight of the number were fined 6s. 8d. each.
On September 5th, 1834., an assembly was duly summoned,.
CIVIC GOVERNMENT AND STATE. 2J
but there being no majority present it could not be held. The
mayor and justices issued summonses against eight aldermen,
twelve bailiffs, and twenty six burgesses, for absence, with the
result that four of the delinquents were fined 133. 4d. each, and
twenty six 6s. 8d. Another assembly was called for September
9th, and again there was no quorum. This time there were
twenty six absentees, one of whom was fined 135. 4d., and twenty
6s. 8d. Eventually an assembly was got together on September
i8th. The old corporation apparently desired to keep up their
reputation for slovenly attendance to the end of their days, there
being further fines for non-attendance in 1835, the ^ast vear °f
their existence.
With regard to finance, the spirit of reform that was in the air
affected even some members of the old corporation. In January, 1831,
a handbill issued by Alderman Hewlett to members of the corporation,
and to the press, relative to the town accounts, was discussed by
the assembly. The chief points of this paper were, that most
of the sources of revenue, arising from charitable bequests,
butcher's stalls, tolls, etc., were in the hands of several private
persons engaged in trade, instead of being placed at some
respectable banking establishment ; that no balance sheet had ever
been published or distributed among the members of the cor-
poration ; and that the great body of the corporation were in a
state of total ignorance as to the manner in which the large
property under their management was regulated. Alderman
Hewlett proceeded to recommend that the whole finances of the
corporation be placed in the hands of a small committee holding
no other office, who should keep a proper banking account, and
hold monthly meetings ; that all accounts should be subject to
the perusal of all members ; and that the auditors should issue
annual balance sheets. The assembly refused to discuss these
proposals, and passed resolutions condemnatory of the unusual,
improper, and prejudicial proceedings of Alderman Hewlett.
In 1833, however, an elaborate report, extending over many
pages was made to the assembly by a special committee appointed
to audit the whole of the corporation accounts. Their recom-
mendations included that of having a proper banking account, the
plan of leaving moneys in the hands of individual members of the
corporation being, "to say the least, inconvenient and objectionable."
The private fund department offered the greatest opportunity
28 NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
for abuse; it dealt with large figures, balancing to £1555. 5s.. 5d.
for 1832. To this fund were paid almost the whole of the rents.
Out of it came the numerous "treats" and "feastings," in
addition to those of the mayor. Even the corporation committee
suggested that "the several Grants made by the Corporation for
the customary entertainments be immediately considered and
revised in order that a reduction may be made in these same.
Your Committee therefore recommend that in future the number
of persons invited to such entertainments are strictly confined to
those immediately concerned in the business of the day, and that
in no instance the sum drawn for such a purpose exceed fifteen
shillings each person."
Considering that the committee consisted exclusively of members
of the corporation of long standing (some of whom had themselves
acted as treasurers of the various complicated funds and charities),
the concluding paragraph of their long report is exceedingy
severe : —
" Your Committee in closing the remarks called for in the
progress of this protracted examination of the accounts feel a
desire not to say one word that may give offence to any one
but they are bound by a sense of Duty and with deep reluctance
to say many charges have found a place in the accounts of the
Corporation that if duly considered would never have appeared
and if properly examined would have been considerably reduced/'
With regard to feasting and like expenditure, more will be found
in the subsequent accounts of the office of mayor, of the court of
aldermen, of the town hall, of Sir Thomas White's charity, and of
the cattle-branding day, etc. It may here be mentioned, so far as
it affects the assembly, that on May 25th, 1815, it was ordered by
the assembly " that the whole House be invited to dine on the anni-
versary of the 2gth May, and that the ordinary be paid by the
Chamberlain. "
The old assembly, called into being in 1489, died with the passage
of the Municipal Reform Act on September gth, 1835. The following
are the concluding paragraphs of the long report made in the
previous year by the commissioners on municipal corporations as
a result of the inquiry they held in Northampton. Severe as some
of the passages seem, the report on Northampton is not so severe
in its strictures as those passed on several other corporations in this
part of England, notably on Leicester :—
CIVIC GOVERNMENT AND STATE. 29
As administrators of the corporate funds, the conduct of the corporation is open
to serious animadversion. With an income of .£1,448, it appears that they con-
tribute little to the benefit or improvement of the town. They have contributed
liberally, it is true, towards the schools which are under their patronage, but to
these alone. To the Lancastrian and National Schools of the town they contribute
nothing. The allowance of £i$o a year to the Mayor, to enable him to give an
entertainment to the corporation, is at best a useless expense ; and the granting of
annuities to the widows of deceased corporators can hardly be considered a proper
application of a public fund. The payment of the costs of the magistrates incurred
in legal proceedings, in which they individually, and -not the corporation as a body,
in any degree were concerned, appears most unjustifiable; and the application of
£1,000 to electioneering purposes, from a fund undoubtedly in its origin granted for
the benefit of the local community, carries its own condemnation with it, and renders
all comment superfluous. The corporation form an honourable exception to the
generality of similar bodies in regard to the publishing, even occasionally, accounts of
their income and expenditure. It is to be regretted, however, that since the com-
mencement of the contests in the borough this practice has been discontinued.
Since 1819, up to the time of our inquiry, no accounts had been published.
The management of their own and the trust estates appears, on the whole, to
have been conducted in a manner creditable to the corporation. The accounts also
have been kept with commendable regularity.
The result of the system of local government which has been described has
been, unquestionably, to produce in the minds of a large portion of the inhabitants
a feeling of unmixed dissatisfaction. It has also, beyond a doubt, added materially
to the intensity and bitterness of party feeling. Parties, as has already been stated,
are pretty equally divided in the town. The party who agree with the corporation
in political opinion (among whom are to be included many persons of great respect-
ability) are satisfied with the existing state of things, and express their confidence
in the magistracy and corporate authorities. Their opponents, on the other hand,
complain loudly of the exclusive possession of all authority by a particular party.
They complain of the appropriation of the public funds to political and party
purposes. They complain of the partial distribution of the charities, as fraught with
injustice to the honest voter, and as a means of acquiring an undue influence over
those of an opposite class, and they declare their total want of confidence in a
magistracy chosen exclusively from among political partisans. It seems impossible
to justify a system which alienates from the municipal government the affectious
and the respect of one half of the community, and which gives rise to complaints
of so serious a character — complaints which, whether correct or not, it seems im-
possible, on reviewing the evidence, of which the substance has been given in this
report, to pronounce unreasonable.
The new corporation was elected on November 3rd, 1835,
whereby the municipal government of the town is placed in the
hands of a mayor, six aldermen, and eighteen councillors.
30 NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
THE MAYORS, AND MAYORS' ACCOUNTS.
The popularly-elected mayor, as successor to his predecessor the
reeve, came into being in Northampton, as has been already stated,
between the years 1227 and 1252. The chief magistrate of
Leicester first obtained that title in 1251 ; but there seems good
reason to think that the change of nomenclature at Northampton,
came about at least as early as 1240.
A few interesting facts in connection with the earlier mayors
are established by the Liber Custumarum of the first volume,
such as the order of 1381 that the out-going mayor should be one
of the parliamentary burgesses ; the order of 1437 tnat no one should
be mayor a second time till seven years had elapsed, passed by the
assembly when John Sprigy finished his fourth mayoralty ; and the
order of 1448 for freeing a past mayor from brewing dues and from
watch and ward service. * His position as escheator of the town, as
clerk of the market, and as presiding judge of the weekly hustings
or court of record is also there established. In short, there seems to
be no privilege attached to the position of chief townsman in other
boroughs which did not belong to Northampton's mayor, and there
were but few towns wherein the mayor had so many dignities, or
where the whole community were expected to so implicitly respond
to his personal summons.
By letters patent of May 2nd, 1478, it was granted that all
future mayors of Northampton should be permitted to take their
oath of office before the ex-mayor, the recorder, and the four
coroners, or any two of them, instead of being put to the expense
of proceeding to London to take the oath before the barons of the
exchequer. Simon Bradfield, mayor 1478-9, was the first to avail
himself of this privilege.
The following particulars with regard to the mayors of North-
ampton have been gathered (with a few exceptions culled from
private manuscript sources) from the orders of the assembly, the
minutes of the aldermen's court, and from the mayor's accounts.
Lawrence Manley was elected mayor for the fourth time in the
year 1558, and at an assembly, held soon after the choice, it was
resolved : —
That noman shalbe maior twice in the space of vij yeres and that no man that
have ben thrisse maiour shalbe chosen maiour anymore during his lyff naturall.
In 1565, it was ordered that if any matter of contention happen
* See vol. I., pp. 248, 275, 289.
CIVIC GOVERNMENT AND STATE. 31
to be moved or stirred betwixt any that have borne the office of
mayor, and the matter lawfully laid before the mayor for the time
being and his brethren, their decision must be adhered to under pain
of expulsion from court and council, together with the penalty of
five pounds for the use of the chamber. The assembly in 1570
agreed : —
That no free man of this towne at any time hereafter shalbe electede and chozen
maior of Northampton but twisse in his lyff time and no more any former acte
or order to the contrarie made notwithstandinge.
At the assembly held on Sept. i5th, 1570, the following order
was made with reference to that fertile source of dispute and
constant change, the mayor's allowance : —
Forasmoche as the maior of this worshipfull Borughe is, by reason of his
office of maioraltie divers and sondrywaies charged to the greate hynderaunce
and partly an undoinge to some which be not very well hable to go throughe
with the same, In consideration whereof there hathe ben in tymes past dyvers and
sondrie allowaunces graunted unto the maior somewhat to exonerate him of the
great charge, which allowaunce of late yeres have ben taken awaye and the maior
appointed to a small stypent of xx markes towards his charge, which in respect
of the same ys as moche as nothinge, wherfor in consideration off the premises
and for the better maintenance of this boroughe in thoffice of mairaltie, It is
thought meet and convenient that the maior for the time being for the better
maintenance of his estate shall have his said stipent of xxie marks made up xx1'
to be payde him owte of the chamber of the towne, And also the making Free of
one man, which he shall not stonde accountath for.
An order of the assembly made on June 28th, 1588, recites
that whereas the mayor has for several years received twenty
pounds " towardes his dynner at Christyde and feasting then,
and suche other like his greate chardges," aud whereas also the
chamberlain at the town charge had made a feast called St.
Leonard's feast, seeing that the chamber is very poor and im-
poverished it is now ordered that for the space of six years there
be no feasting either at Christmas or on St. Leonard's day, and
the tw7enty pounds be remitted for that period, and the mayor
be only expected to give a dinner at Michaelmas and on the day
of his election.
In 1592, one John Kirkland, alderman, and his wife plead that
they are both of them, much broken with age, and so feeble and
impotent, that they are scarcely able to walk, much less to ride,
and that therefore he prays to be excused from serving the office
of mayor. On payment of five pounds, to be expended in paving
32 NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
the queen's highway, between the west gate and the west
bridge, the assembly agreed to acquit him for ever from holding
the mayoralty. On all state and important occasions, the mayor and
aldermen were always expected to ride on horseback in all the
bravery of their scarlet gowns.
At the October assembly of 1594, it was agreed that George
Redferne, cook, in consideration of the dutiful service heretofore
done and hereafter to be done to the mayor for the time being
according to his humble petition, should have a " freese coate "
bestowed on him, and a similar gift henceforth yearly at the feast
of St. Michael. The time of feasting at the chief magistrate's
expense being at Michaelmas, when he assumed office, that season
was evidently considered the fitting time for some token of the
corporation's appreciation of the mayor's cook !
On July iyth, 1621, the assembly again made an ordinance for
the withholding of the special grant of £20 usually paid to the
mayor, for a term of ten years. The next assembly, however,
held on August yth, when the new mayor was elected, made the
above order "frustrat and voyde."
In 1623, it was agreed that the laudable custom of the alder-
men, bailiffs, and forty-eight attending upon the mayor in their
best apparel "for the proclayming of the Crie and proclamation
heretofore accustomed upon the knowling of the bell three times
and to continue till all bee done" shall be continued under pain
of 33. 4d. from a defaulting alderman, 2s. 6d. from a bailiff, and
2s. from a burgess.
It was also ordered that if any mayor shall hereafter omit to make
the proclamation he shall forfeit ^5.
Amongst a variety of long moral orders passed by the assembly
in November, 1624, occurs the following, in restraint of undue
feasting : —
Whereas heretofore yt has ben accustomed that the mayor of this towne for the
tyme beinge and the Bailiffes alsoe are usualie to feaste divers inhabitants of this
towne and their wyves and divers other their allies and friends imediatelie after
the Feaste of the Nativitie of Christ yearlie to witt the maiors for certaine dayes
in a weeke then after and the Bailiffes for certaine days in other weeks then after
consequentlie one Bailiffe after another, Now for that yt appeareth that the usuall
feastinge in this kinde is verie superfluous and the Creatures ordayned for necessarie
use are unnecessarilie consumed to greate and extraordinarie charge, and to much
damage and hurt of the same Maior and Bayliffes, It is nowe therefore ordered and
agreed by this Assemblie that neither the maior that nowe is nor the Bayliffes that
CIVIC GOVERNMENT AND STATE. 33
nowe are nor any that hereafter shalbe maior or Bayliffes of this Corporation shall
hereafter keepe any feastinge in any weekes after the saide feaste of the Nativitie
yearlie as they usuallie have accustomed to doe nor at any other tyme . . . upon
pain of everie maior of bayliffes offendinge in the breach of this present ordinance
forfeite and paye Twentie powndes.
It was, however, provided that the mayor might be allowed,
according to old custom, to entertain the forty-eight at his own house
to dinner ; the said burgesses having previously attended the mayor
to church, and from church to the guildhall for the taking of his oath.
It was also provided that the bailiffs were to have liberty to entertain
their friends and acquaintances at any other time except the weeks
after Christmas, but the bailiffs' feast was not to consist of anything
more than " one messe of meete at one tyme."
One of the numerous signs of the times, in 1640, that foretold the
coming great civil struggle was the curtailing of the fee hitherto paid
to royal messengers. Up to December i8th of that year it had been
customary for the mayor of Northampton to pay a king's messenger
bringing writs and bundles of proclamations 35. 4d. for every
several writ. But at that date, the assembly decided that this fee,
which was growing to be a heavy charge, was merely a gratuitous
allowance, and did not represent any legal charge on the corporation
They therefore ordered that henceforth no more than I2d. was to be
paid to the messenger for each writ with proclamations, and that if
any mayor saw fit to pay any more that it should not be allowed him
in his mayoralty account.
A private copy of a contemporary manuscript gives an interesting
account of the long struggle that took place at the assembly on the
" choice day " for mayor in the year 1657 : —
A great contest arose this year about the choice of the Mayor. Mr. Sargeant
nominated Mr. Collins for his joint. Mr. Gifford being the eldest Alderman nominated
Mr. Roger Williams against him so it went to vote between the Mayor and Alderman
and Mr. Williams caried it, then after the Bailiffs were called the Mayor made known
what was done amongst them, so then Mr. John Smart being one of the eldest of the
bailiffs, he answered and said let us go up and think of a third man, which when they
had so done they nominated Mr. Jonathan Whiston and divided themselves after great
debate amongst them so that there was 17 to 10. Then when they had done the 48
Burgesses were called, which when they were come Mr. Mayor made known what He
and the Aldermen had done and what the Bailiffs had done, and did propound to them
the three men that were in question, and said it lay afore them either to chuse a 4th
man or let it go as the Bailiffs had made choice of. Upon that they withdrew and
went up to consider amongst themselves, and at last divided, and when they voted
all but about 5 or 6 did with one consent vote for the third man which was Mr.
D
34 NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
Jonathan Whiston and so continued, Whereupon the Mayor and Aldermen seeing of
them so resolute and unmoveable from their choice, the Mayor did adjourn the
Assembly till the next day being Friday the yth of August at one o'clock in y"
afternoon at their perils to meet, which come they all met and Mr. Mayor He made a
speech to them shewing that Mr. Whiston was not capable of the place by reason he
would not be conformable and take an Oath to give his best Advice according to the
best knowledge and cunning he could as Mayor for the year. Yet for all that and
many arguments used too the house could not beat them off, but they did continue still
as resolute, so that at length Mr. Mayor and Aldermen did yeild and send for Mr.
Whiston by two Aldermen and three Bailiffs to see whether he would take oath or
not so that all distractions might be ended. And when Mr. Whiston came Mr.
Mayor made a short speech to him and hinting to him the love of the house towards
him and also persuading him to take the oath whereupon it was read to him, and He
turning towards the house asked them if it was their desire for him to do so ? They
answered all generally that it was their desire, so then he took his oath, and they
three, Mr. Collins Mr. Williams and Mr. Whiston went to scrutinize, and Mr. Whiston
carried. There was not Mayor Aldermen Bailiffs and 48 Burgesses above 20 Voices
against him so he had a fair Election, and being so done he went up into his place
and gave the house many thanks for their love. In the next place he was to elect
his Bailiffs, which though it was a custom for him to nominate to the Mayor and
the Aldermen in the Council house, and for them to get two other against them, He
thought not so but came out to the house to acquaint them asking them which ?
They satisfied him it >vas the custom and persuaded him to do it, so then he went
into the Council House and made choice of Robert Coles and John Howes, and
the Mayor and Aldermen chose Joseph Warner and John Woolston, but Mr. Mayor
elect's choice stood, in regard they never go about to crosses, and this was the
end of our election.
After the very prominent part that Northampton took in the
great rebellion, it is not surprising to find that the town was
some time in settling down to orderly self government. This
displacement of duly elected officials, noticed subsequently under
" National Events/' did not tend in the direction of peace.
On August igth, 1663, at the close of the mayoralty of John
Brafield (who had twice before been fined for refusing the office
when duly elected), it was agreed to hold the mayor and justices
and other officials harmless, and not to bear the cost of any
actions, suits, molestations, damages or demands that may happen
to them for any official act or thing done by them. The preamble
to this somewhat wholesale rider, signed by the mayor, states that
it is passed in consequence of the implacable spirit of several persons
turned out of their places at the restoration, who made it their
design and business to foment and stir up suits at law against those
who had then the management of affairs.
CIVIC GOVERNMENT AND STATE. 35
On the occasion of the meeting of the assembly on August ist,
1665, for the election of a mayor, at the guildhall, " ye dore
being broake open," as the town clerk adds in the margin, the
mayor was absent, a circumstance without a precedent. The pro-
ceedings are thus recorded : —
All the Aldermen Bayliffs and Burgesses of ye town of Northampton in ye
Peace of God and the King were mett and assembled together to elect a Mayor
and Bayliffs for the yere ensueng having used our utmost endeavour to obtain ye
Mayor's presence and assistance therein, whoe notwithstanding hath absented him-
selfe We therefore hereby Testify and Declare that we whose names are subscribed
(had ye sd Mayor beene here present) would have noted Mr. John Frend to have
been mayor for ye yeare ensueing and hereby declare that we (as much as in us
lyeth) Doe hereby elect and choose Mr. John Frend (one of ye Aldermen of this
towne) to be mayor of this Corporation for the succeeding yeare Witnesse our
hands this Tenth day of August In the Seventeenth year of the raigne of our
Soveraigne Lord King Charles ye second over England, etc , 1665.
Here follow the signatures of six aldermen, fifteen bailiffs, and
thirty burgesses. A note signed " Henry Lee, Towne Clerk/5
is added to the effect that the assembly also elected John Summer
and Richard Ebrall to be bailiffs.
On Michaelmas day, when the new mayor, Mr. Frend, should
have entertained the corporation and his friends, he was taken
away prisoner, on the lord lieutenant's w-arrant, to Rushden, on
some unknown charge. The aldermen, however, gave bail of
£1000, for his loyalty, but ex-mayor Pickmer still refused to
swear his successor, or to give up the great mace as the emblem
of authority. Eventually, however, victory remained with Mr.
Frend, who was sworn before the recorder. Mr. Pickmer, together
with his friend Mr. Brafield (the king's mayor of 1662), were
imprisoned for three weeks, and then fined, and disfranchised.
On August 2nd, 1666, Mr. Richard Rands was elected mayor
"by the greater number of the votes of this house, and the sum
of iou wh he offered to fyne was refused and would not be accepted
of." Of him it is further recorded that, being elected against his
will, he made no feast, and did not so much as have the aldermen
home to drink a glass of wine. The reflection on this in the
Hall MS, is: — " he had more wit than to spend his money like
others that went before."
In January, 1667-8, it was ordered that a return be made to
the writ of mandamus or restitution brought by Mr. John Brafield,
the king's mayor of 1662, who had identified himself with Mr.
D 2
36 NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
Pickmer's action of 1665, for restoring him to his office from which
he was ejected " by order of His Matie Counsell and the pro-
ceedings of this house, and that the Mayor and all persons
concerned be borne out and indemnified from all charges and
troubles that may thereby accrue at the public charge." The
town attorney was ordered to make an appearance on behalf of
the corporation.
Mr. Brafield lost his case, but he still persevered. His next
step was to pick out certain members of the corporation, and to
charge them in the court of exchequer with making a false return
to the mandamus. In January, 1669-70, the assembly declared
that the return was made by the whole house and not by any
individuals, and after the advice of council, and they instructed
those against whom Brafield had commenced his actions to defend
them at the corporation's charge, and gave a bond as to their
responsibility under the common seal.
A year later it was decided to refer the dispute between
Brafield and the corporation to the two parliamentary burgesses
of Northampton, Lord O'Brian, and Sir William Farmer.
Finally, in 1671-2, the corporation lost their case, notwithstanding
their having acted in accordance with the direct commands of the
privy council in their original action, and Mr. John Brafield was
restored to his place and office as one of the aldermen. At
the same time Mr. Francis Pickmer, the mayor who locked up
the guildhall and set the whole corporation at defiance, was also
restored to the like place and office of alderman.
It would appear that, notwithstanding the restoration, a considerable
party remained in the Northampton corporation who resented what
they considered undue crown interference, and that Mr. Brafield
incurred their animosity, in 1662, as the royal choice. Mr. Pickmer
subsequently posed as an extreme king's friend, and with his foolish
action of 1665 Mr. Bradfield was identified.
In 1671, incidental mention is made of the "mayor's owne
allowance of £30 for Feasting in his mayoralty."
At the assembly of August 2nd, 1694, there was a prolonged
dispute as to mayoralty, resulting in a considerable benefit to the
common purse of the corporation. Mr. Mayor nominated Mr.
Jonathan Warner as mayor elect. Mr. Spencer being senior
alderman nominated Mr. John Whithouse ; the bailiffs and forty-eight
nominated Mr. Ives. - The result of the voting was the election of
CIVIC GOVERNMENT AND STATE. 37
Mr. Ives, but he declined to serve and paid £10 fine. The mayor
and Alderman Spencer repeated their nominations, but the bailiffs
and burgesses nominated and secured the majority for Mr. Wallis>
who, however, declined the honour and paid £10 fine. The mayor
next nominated Mr. Hayes, and Mr. Spencer, for the aldermen, Mr.
Parr ; but the bailiffs and burgesses secured the majority for Mr.
Clifford, and he also declining was fined £10. The mayor's choice
then fell on Mr. Hoare, the aldermen on Mr. Ebrall, and the bailiffs
and burgesses on Mr. Whiston who was elected ; but Mr. Whiston
likewise refused to act— the usual fine was imposed and paid, he
setting off a debt owed him by the corporation and therefore paying
only 405. The procedure now varied, Mr. Mayor proposed Mr. Else,
and Mr. Spencer proposed Mr. John Selby, whilst the bailiffs and
burgesses refrained from any nomination of their own. The
assembly divided, when the votes were found to be equal, and Mr.
Mayor gave a second vote for Mr. Else, and he was declared duly
elected. The town exchequer, however, again profited, for Mr. Else
refused to serve, and in his turn placed £10 on the table. Then the
mayor nominated Mr. Jeffcutt, and Mr. Spencer nominated Mr.
Oldham, whilst the bailiffs and burgesses nominated and carried Mr.
Styles ; but Mr. Styles refused, and another £10 was paid to the
chamber stock. Then again Mr. Mayor nominated Mr. Ivory, and
the same being offered to the house, the house unanimously adopted
him ; even the unanimous vote of the now weary assembly did not
pacify Mr. Ivory, who preferred his freedom from office to the £10
penalty. The next move was that the mayor nominated Mr.
Woolston, the aldermen made no nomination, and the bailiffs and
burgesses chose and carried Mr. Saunders, but he too refused and
paid the £10. At length the mayor nominated Mr. John Collins,
wrho by votes of the whole house was unanimously elected mayor,
and being elected accepted of the office of mayoralty.
The arbitrary action of James II , in removing, twro years in
succession, the elected mayors in favour of crown nominees is fully
described in the subsequent section on " National Events."
In 1692, William Agutter became mayor. Hall's MS. says that
having been chosen thrice and declining, he paid his £10 and was
departing, " but the Mayor calling the Doorkeeper not to let him go out
and desired him to stand, by many entreaties he was constrained and
stood, and took the £10 which he had laid on the board." It is
38 NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
added that "this Mayor excelled many for temperance and sobriety,
and did not sell the town land for claret, as others did."
In the following year Samuel Clifford was mayor, and on the
August choice day great difficulty arose in persuading anyone to
accept the office. The proceedings opened at noon. First, Robert
Ives was chosen, and he paid £10 rather than serve, and his example
was followed, with like results, by Messrs. Wallis, Gyles, Sanders,
Clifford, Atterbury, and Whiston. " At last the Mayor being weary
with chusing, and being past eight at night he did determine to call
an assembly next day, but being put in mind of Mr. Collins who was
not there did send for him, he had not been bailiff, but to avoid the
trouble of it he stood, being half-past nine o'clock." Thus ended a
memorable continuous sitting of nine and a half hours' duration.
Of Mr. John Hoare, the mayor chosen in 1698, the Hall MS.
remarks: " This Mayor was sick almost all the time of the Year,
and after a long sickness (occasioned as supposed by much drinking
and feasting) gave up the Ghost August loth." The rest of the
short time he had to serve was finished by Mr. John Clarke, his
predecessor.
From the town records, we learn that, at an assembly held on
August 3rd, 1699, to elect a new mayor, the then mayor, Mr. Hoare,
was absent through severe sickness. Mr. Thomas Brafield was
elected to act as usual at Michaelmas. Immediately aftewards Mr.
Mayor Hoare died, and on August loth the assembly again met to
supply his place. Mr. Brafield declined to act till Michaelmas, and
Mr. John Clarke was chosen for the interval. On October i3th Mr.
Brafield took the chair as mayor at the important initial assembly
of the corporate year. But his due appointment to the office could
not be recognised until, under the act, he had received the blesssd
sacrament and obtained his certificate. Before this could be done
the mayor met with an accident. On December 2yth, 1699, an
assembly was held summoned by the aldermen for the electing of a
mayor. " Mr. Brafield the present Mayor having broake his legg
and not able to goe to Church to receive the Sacrament and quallify
himself e according to Lawe." The mayorless assembly therefore
again formally elected Mr. Brafield, and as we find him duly presiding
as mayor in the following March, we conclude he was able to receive
the sacrament before that date.
In August, 1702, the house divided on a motion for the restoration
of burgess rights to one of the forty-eight (Mr. Benjamin Bullivant)
CIVIC GOVERNMENT AND STATE. 39
who had been turned out of the house by the court of aldermen. Mr.
Bullivant brought the mandamus for his restoration, and by a vote of
67 against 13 (which showed a full assembly) he was restored. As
a protest against the action of the aldermen, the assembly took the
almost unprecedented but apparently legal step of choosing a mayor
direct from the forty-eight. They actually selected the victim
of the aldermen's apparent tyranny, and by a vote of 68 to 12,
Benjamin Bullivant was elected mayor for the ensuing year.
In August, 1711, three duly elected mayors declined, and were
fined £10 each. In 1713 two mayors-elect were fined in similar
manner; three in 1723, and two in 1730.
At the August assembly, 1716, when Mr. Wallis had been
appointed mayor-elect, it was agreed that " in consideration that
Alderman Lyon in Mr. Wallis' absence, will venture to treat the
Corporation on Mr. Wallis' behalf (it being usual for the mayor-
elect to give a Treat on this occasion), the House unanimously
consented and agreed to stand by Mr. Lyon therein and to
reimburse him in case Mr. Wallis shall refuse."
In the following year, Mr. \\ illiam Agutter was unanimously
elected mayor. But a memorandum is added in the Order Book
to the effect that Mr. Agutter did not serve as mayor, for it was
discovered that he had not received the sacrament within a year
before his election as the act directs, nor had he received the
sacrament within three months after he had taken the oath as
forty-eight man, and that his office as a forty-eight man was
void, and he was not capable of being chosen mayor within the
charter. On this account Sir Edward Northey, the attorney
general, advised the old mayor (Mr. John Wallis) to serve again,
and his advice was followed.
Mr. William Williamson, who was chosen mayor in 1744, was
arrested during his term of office by a town process, " Mr. Richard
More signing the writ, and not looking to see who it was to
arrest."
His successor, Mr. Gibson, who was mayor in the celebrated
year of the Jacobite invasion, 1745, gave such satisfaction by his
spirited action, that the gentlemen of the towrn presented him
with a silver punch bowl, on which was engraved: — " Presented by
several of the principal inhabitants of Northampton to the worshipful
John Gibson, Esq., as a grateful acknowledgment of his extraordinary
care and vigilance in the ever memorable year, 1745." Underneath
40 NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
the town arms was further inscribed : — " We joy to call this wrorthy
man our own."
Of Mr. Slowick Carr (1750), it is said that he was a most
excellent magistrate, and first established the cheese fair, and
regulated the markets, weights, and measures. To the great grief
of the town, he died during his mayoralty.
During the mayoralty of Mr. Stamford Farrin, 1756-7, there
was a great mob in the town, occasioned by the high price of
corn, and by the conveying of flour into other counties. The
rioters assembled opposite the mayor's house, in Mercer's Row,
and broke his windows. The soldiers were called out, and for-
tunately the mob dispersed in much alarm when a volley was fired
over their heads.
It was under the rule of Robert Balaam, mayor in 1765-6,
that "the antient custom of having Plumb cakes at the Mayor's
choice was dropt, to the vexation of many." It was at this choice
that the assembly unanimously agreed that henceforth the mayors
should have £50 annual allowance from the corporation stock, and
not receive any allowance from the bailiffs.
The following year was noteworthy, as being one of the few
occasions when a mayor (Mr. John Davis) was selected, who had
not previously served the office of bailiff.
Owing to various petty disputes and jealousies with regard to
the annual choice dinner or feast amongst the members of the
corporation, it was resolved in 1796: — "That in future members
of the Common Council be invited to dine with the mayor elect
on the choice day of a mayor."
It was determined by the assembly in August, 1799, to allow
the mayor £60 towards the expenses of serving his office, and it
was requested that the mayor and bailiffs ask only members of
the corporation " to the Choice and Feast "
The mayor's allowance in 1801 was increased to £105. In 1803
there were two candidates for the mayoralty, Messrs. Kirkham
and Birdsall ; the poll was taken by ballot, w^hen the latter was
elected.
The assembly held on August 8th, 1805, was presided over by
the mayor, Mr. Francis Hayes, when the business transacted was
unusually varied and protracted. At its conclusion the mayor
nominated Mr. Thomas Armfield, one of the bailiffs, as his suc-
cessor, and he was duly elected to take office at Michaelmas. It
CIVIC GOVERNMENT AND STATE. 41
had long been the custom for the mayor elect to entertain the
corporation on the day of his nomination, which day was termed
"the choice/' and about this time it was usual for the enter-
tainment to take the form of a ball. On the evening of August
8th, a considerable company assembled at the George Inn, to celebrate
the appointment of Mr. Armfield, when Mr. Hayes, the mayor then in
office (to use the words of the order book), " dropped down as
he was dancing and instantly died." Another assembly was held
on August 23rd, when Mr. Armfield nominated Mr. Alderman
Gibson to fill the mayor's office for the brief period till Michael-
mas, and he was duly elected and sworn.
In 1808 the mayor (Thomas Hall) was not elected until seven
others had refused their election, and respectively paid their £10
fine. Mr. Hall was advanced in years, and had already served
three times as mayor, namely, 1789, 1794, and 1795. He was the
only one of the old mayors who ever served four times, subsequent
to the resolution of 1588, and shortly after the completion of his
fourth term of office, the assembly presented him with their formal
thanks "for the handsome manner in which he had consented to
serve the office of mayor last year, and for his impartial conduct
therein being the fourth time of his serving that office." It was
further resolved that this resolution be entered on the minutes of
the house, and that a copy be signed by the town clerk, and by
him presented to Mr. Hall.
The mayor's allowance was increased to £130 by the assembly
in 1808, whilst it was significantly hinted that the house expected
that there would be " liberal invitations for the Choice and Feast."
At the assembly held on March 23rd, 1810, Mr. Alderman Francis
Osborn gave notice that he should move at the next assembly for a
gold chain to be worn by the mayor for the time being on all public
occasions ; but when the house met on August gth it is recorded that
Mr. Osborn's motion about the chain was " adjourned until further
notice."
In 1813 a motion for an extra allowance to the mayor was voted
upon by ballot, and rejected.
Mr. William Brown was unanimously requested to serve again as
mayor in August, 1814, and on his consenting the considerably-
augmented grant of £220 was voted for his expenses in serving that
office for the ensuing year.
In August, 1815, ten members duly nominated and elected to
42 NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
serve as mayor were successively excused on payment of the £10
fine. At length Mr. William Brown consented to serve a third time,
on condition that the allowance of £220 was repeated, which request
was unanimously granted.
In August, 1821, the assembly resolved " that there be a Ball on
every Mayor's Choice in future, and that next Year such Ball be in
the Evening of the choice day, and that this Year the Ball be at such
time as the Mayor and Bailiffs may think proper."
The next year this resolution as to the ball was altered to the
" evening after the Feast on the Mayors Choice, except such evening
be on a Saturday or Sunday, and then on the Monday after the
Feast."
At the assembly held on April 3rd, 1823, the town clerk (Mr.
Jeyes) " presented to the Corporation a Gold Chain which he begged
their acceptance of as a mark of the kindness which he has at all
times experienced from the Corporation which Chain the Town Clerk
requested might be worn by the Mayor for the time being on all
public occasions."
At the August assembly, 1824, eight members were successively
proposed as mayors, and refusing were fined £10 each. Eventually
Mr. James Castell was elected, and the house expressed the opinion
that it was desirable to increase the allowance for the mayor and
bailiffs. No sooner was the election accomplished, than Mr. Alder-
man Holt moved and carried that all the fines just paid by the
recalcitrant members be restored to them, thus reducing the pro-
ceedings to a farce. At the next assembly, held on September 3rd,
the house ordered that the mayor's allowance be increased to £200,
and that of each of the bailiffs to £26 53.
The August assembly of 1829 saw a like scene, for on that
occasion eight members of the house were duly elected and succes-
sively relieved of the office on paying the £10 fine. Eventually Mr.
John Marshall, the out-going mayor, was re-elected, and consented
to act. At the next assembly £150 additional allowance (making
£350 in all) was voted.
In August, 1831, the assembly decided to dispense with the
annual ball given by the mayor and bailiffs ; that the allowance of
fifty guineas to the bailiffs be withdrawn (leaving them to take the
rent of the Bailiffs' Hook as heretofore) ; and that the mayor's
allowance be reduced to £150.
It is rather significant that the minutes of the last August
CIVIC GOVERNMENT AND STATE. 43
meeting of the old corporation (1835) are chiefly taken up with
resolutions as to the " Choice Dinner " ; it was ordered to be held
as usual at Mr. Nippin's at the Saracen's Head Inn, and paid for out
of the corporation funds. Mr. Charles Freeman, the reforming
chairman of the 1833 audit committee, was appointed mayor-elect.
The last meeting of the old corporation was on December
24th, 1835
MAYORS' ACCOUNTS.
Separate Mayors' Accounts for each year begin in 1676, and
consist of about eight leaves folded in quarto. They are twenty-
eight in number; the last one is for 1713 ; those for 1680, 1681, 1683,
1685, 1688, 1689, 1699, 1710, 1711, and 1712 are missing.
As an example of the nature of the mayor's accounts, as dis-
tinguished from those of the chamberlain or treasurer, it has been
thought well to reproduce the whole of the accounts for 1676-7. It
is a year of special interest because of the Great Fire of North-
ampton. The entries as to the visits of the commissioners, the
chimney tax (remitted by the king), and the frequent communications
with Lord Northampton and their member Lord O'Brian, all refer to
that calamity : —
The accompt of Mr. John Frend as Mayor of Northampton from the feast of
St. Michael 1676 : —
£. s. d.
Imprs. reed, of Martha Bellwidd for her Freedome ... ... ... ... IO o o
It. reed, of John Simpson for his Freedome ... ... ... ... 10 o o
It. reed, of Solomon Bray for his Freedome ... ,. ... ... ... IO o O
It. reed, of Samuel Allen the 2nd payment for his Freedome ... ... 500
It. reed, of John Woolston Apprentice to John Knight ... ... ... o IO o
It. reed, of Thomas Hoboy Appr. to Rice Mulliner ... ... ... o 10 o
It. reed, of Robert Hunt Appr. to Robert Man o IO o
It. reed, of John Marcey Appr. to Robert Ives senr. ... ... ... o 10 o
It. reed, of John Fox Appr. to Tho. Fox his father ... ... ... ... o 10 o
It. reed, of Jeremiah Assaby Appr. to William Austen ... ... ... oioo
It. reed, the horse race money ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 2 o o
It. reed, of Mr. Knighton upon the foot of his Accompt due to the towne 230
It. reed, of Tho. Bishop in pt. of his Freedome 200
It. reed, of Mr. Percivall in pt. of his Freedome 2 o o
It. reed, of Edw. Drury in full for his Freedome & d'lred. up the Bond ... 3 o O
It. reed, of Robert Sibley for pt. of his Freedome money ... ... 2 o o
It. reed, of Wm. Jeffery in pt. of his Freedome 2 o o
It. reed, of George White in pt. for his Freedome ... ... ... 200
It. reed, of George Bennett in pt. of his Freedome ... ... ... ... 2 o o
It. reed, of Maurice Bird for the like ... 200
44 NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
£. s. d.
It. reed, of John Trotter in pt. of his Freedome money ... ... ... i o o
It. reed, of Mr. Parr and Mrs. Short pt. of the Fee Farme money ... 55 o o
It. reed, of Mr. Wm. Else in discharge of his Accompt. ... ... ... 20 o o
It. reed, of Mr. Jonas Whiston upon the foot of his Acct. due to ye towne 1940
It. reed, of Mrs. Ventris upon composition upon the death of her husband 50 o o
It. reed, of Mr. Floyd in pt. pay the Deane and Canons of Windsor ... 30 o o
It. reed, of Samuel Scriven Arrears of Rent ... ... ... ... ... 10 o o
It. reed, of John Sibley in pt. of Arrears of Rent . 17 2 o
It. reed, of Mr. Theo. Whiston and Mr. Ed. Ward 3 yrs. rent for Cotton
Marsh Meadow .. ... ... ... ... ... ... 16 10 O
It. reed, of Mr. John Twigden senr. for Arrears of Rent... ... ... 200
It. reed, of John Twigden jun. his Constables levy rend, in his hands ... 200
Reed, upon the foot of Mr. Howes accompt 5 15 4
Reed, of Christopher Hawkins pt. of his Freedome money... ... ... 5 o o
PAYMTS. BY THIS ACCOMPT.
Payd. at the Sacramt. at Sepulchers 026
& at Sess. to Cl. of the Peace and Bayliffe 030
Pd. a messinger from the Comrs. to Billing to Ld. O'Brian 004
Pd. for Carriage of a Deputation to Browne and Cocker to Bristoll ... o o 4
Pd. for portage of the money chest from Mr. Knighton to the hall ... 006
Pd. Wm. Osmond & another watching one night at hall to secure the
money ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... o I 6
Pd. Harry Dover the 2nd night o I o
Pd. the Jury for the Vernalls Enquest ... ... ... ... ... ... o 10 O
Pd. John Stamford for bringing downe the Comn. for Gaole delivery ... o I O
Pd. Ed. Lee for writeing to the Ld. of Northton 006
Pd. Dover for carrying a Coppy of his Mats grt. of Chimney to Mr.
Geo. Clark at Weston 006
Spent on Mr. A. Hawell when he brought Ld. O'Briens IOH for ye Poore... 006
16 Jan. '76 Spent at Swann upon the Com. meeting about the Church and
towne concerns at Sess. house ... ... ... ... ... o u 6
19 Jan. Pd. at George wayting upon the Ld. of Northton about the Church 1126
Pd. a messenger to severall towns to desire the Comrs. to meete about the
Church Oio
Pd. Mr. Robt. Clerk towne Counsell his salary ... ... ... ... 200
Feb. 2. Pd. Ed. Lee writing 4 copyes of the Act for the Minister of
All Sis 080
Given to the Ld. O'Briens serveants when we wayted on him ... ... o 7 6
Pd. carrying a Copy of the Act to my Ld. ... ... ... ... 006
Pd. for horse hire to Ld. O'Brien for myselfe Mr. Lee and R. Sherwood ... o 3 o
Given to the Ld. Northtons servants when we wayted on him to shew
him a Coppy of the Act i o o
For horse hire for myselfe Mr. Massingbed Mr. Spenser, Mr. Lee and
Samuel Osmond ... ... .. ... ... ... ... 056
28 Feb. 76 Given Mr. Geo. Clerks servants when we wayted upon him
before he went to Parliamt ... ... ... ... ... 0120
And for horse hire for myselfe Mr. Massingbred Mr. Lee and one of the
serjts ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 050
CIVIC GOVERNMENT AND STATE. 45
£. s. d.
29 Feb. Spent at Swan upon the Corns, before they went to Parliament I 16 6
Spent on Lord Arlington's gent's servant that brought i8on... ... ... 026
Given John Mercer for writeing severall tymes to Mr. Pilkington ... o I 6
Pd. Mr. Recorder for his assistance about Mrs. Ventris bequest ... ... I o o
Pd. Mr. Morgan the like . ... ... ... ... ... ... loo
Pd. Mr. Pickmer for his paines ... ... ... ... ... ... ... o 10 o
Pd. Mr. Lees for his paynes ... .. ... .. ... ... ... o 10 O
Pd. Mr. Farmer for his assistance ... ... ... ... ... ... 050
Pd. Mr. James man bringing the duplicate of the tax to send to London 006
Pd. for Wyne and Beere for the Corns, at severall meetings at towne hall
as by particuler ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 2 16 4
Pd. Wm. Osmond for a journey to London to the Ld. O'Brien about the tax i 8 o
Pd. Tho. Briteman for horse hire then .. ... ... ... ... 090
28 March 77 Pd. Dover going to Dallington and Kingsthorpe to get hands
to Mr. Massingberds Deputation ... ... ... ... ... 006
Pd. Mr. Barnes mending the towne seale ... ... ... ... ... o i o
Pd. Wm. Osmond a Journey to London about the Chimneys ... ... 176
Pd. for his horse hire... ... ... .., ... ... ... ... 090
10 April 77 Pd Mr. Archer writeing to the Ld. Chancellor ... ... ... o i o
Pd. Mr. Morgans man for writings about Mrs. Ventres bequest .. ... 030
Pd. at Swan when Court mett about towne business ... ... ... ... 080
Spent at severall tymes about Mrs. Ventris bequest ... ... ... 036
Spent upon Chiefe Constables bringing Briefe money ... ... ... o 2 o
Spent upon Mr. Fennis about Dr. Conante money ... ... ... 006
Pd. Mr. Howes horse hire for severall journeys to Ld. Northton Ld O'Brien
and Mr. Clerke ... ... .. ... ,. ... ... 060
27 Ap. 77 Pd. Tho. Fitzhugh and Ed. Frend for Wyne to Treatt the Ld.
O'Brien at hall ... ... ... ... .., ... ... I 13 o
Pd. Giles Wingrave mending a Lock where the Coles lay ... ... ... 004
Pd. Wm. Osmond for a Journey to Sr Roger Norwick and to the
Bellhanger ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 056
Pd. Mr. Barnes mending ye Mace ... ... ... ... ... ... 020
Pd. Mr. Brafield for 15 Bottles Clarrett and of Sack for the Corns, at
first meeting about the Tax ... ... ... ... ... ... o 17 O
Given to Sr John Holmans servants when we mett the Archdeacon there
about the Church ... ... ... ... ... ... ... O 6 o
Pd. Mr. Carl for a Coppy of Mr. Pilkingtons gift... ... ... ... 050
17 May Pd. for horse for Mr. Lee to Ld. O'Brien about the Tax o i 6
21 May Pd. for carriage of i8n and £ of Bell Mettall sent to London to
Mr. Massingberd for a tryall ... ... ... ... ... oio
22 May 77 Pd. Archer for writeing to the Lord Trer : ... ... ... oio
Pd. Mr. Knighton to give the Ld. O'Briens servants wayting upon Mr.
Secretary ... ... ... ... ... ... ... o 10 6
Pd. for horse hire for Mr. Knighton Mr. Howse Mr. Rands and Mr. Lee 046
20 July Pd. for horse hire for Mr. Lee and Wm. Osmond to goe to
Ld. O'Briens in the night... ... ... ... ... ... 030
Pd. for horse hire and other expenses for Mr. Lee goinge to Sr. Roger
Norwich to Buy Ketton stone ... ... ... ... 030
Pd. Mr. Recorder, his Salary 4 guineas ... ... ... ... ... 460
46 NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
£. s. d.
Pd. 4 labourers mending the highway to Abbington and W. Scriven's man 050
Pd. the Clerke of Assize for an order namely Judge Wyndeham's hand
to take off Issues about the highway ... ... ... 026
Given to a poore woman and her childe sent out of the Fenns... ... o 2 o
Pd. Peddlie for horse and his owne paines to carry the woman to
Preston upon the hill where she was borne ... ... 026
17 Aug 77. Pd. Wm. Osmond for carrying the order to be handed by
Mr. Geo. Clerk at Weston about is. per h. ... ... ... 006
.25 Aug Pd. Ed. Lee writing an Instrument to settle Mr. Smart's gift
being under the towne scale ... ... ... ... ... 026
Pd. thire for a pint of Sack for Mr. Pilkington ... ... ... ... o I O
24 Aug Given Sr. Wm. Farmer's servants when we wayted on him i o o
29 Aug Given the Coachman that carry ed me with Capt. Willughby ... o 2 6
Pd Sam. Osmond's horsehire ... ... ... ... ... ... o I o
Pd. to treate the Aldermen of Coventry for wyne... ... ... ... 058
Pd. Mr. King for carriage of the Exemplification of the Act ... o i o
Spent upon Sr. Wm. Farmer's gent, for bringing the ioon ... ... o i o
3 Sept. Given to the Ld. Ch. Justice servants when we wayted on him o 10 o
Pd. for the coppy of the Privy Scale's carriage 006
Pd. for a bottle of Sack and for a botle of Rhenish wyne when he came
to towne Sr Wm. Farmer ... ... ... ... ... 038
Payd Matthias Dawes' Constable Bill 060
Pd. Mr. White's „ „ 0160
Pd. Mr. Styles' „ „ 164
Pd. Mr. Rowell's „ „ ... ... ... ... ... 250
Pd. for Letters as by particulars... ... ... ... ... ... 136
Pd. for Parchment and wax about the towne busyness ... ... ... o i o
Given at several tymes to passengers ... ... ... ... ... 0120
Pd. when Mr. Sergeant, Mr. Wallace and Mr. King received their
Deputation for the Chimney and writeings ... .. ... 080
Pd. Danl. Whitehead for bringing an old book of the Chimneys ... o i o
Pd. Mr. Hunt when we took off the mortgage from the Mills ... ... 200 o o
Payd Mr. Agutter Mr. Edwards and Sam. Osmund's charges paying the
same at Stamford ... ... ... ... ... ... i 13 4
Pd. for horse hire ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 0120
& given Saml. Osmond's paynes .. ... ... ... ... ... 034
Payd Saml. Osmond for a letter carrying to the Ld. Northtons ... o i o
Pd. Mr. Horton to pay the Deane and Chapter of Windsor and for the
Quietus ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 34 o o
Pd. for my Journey and Mr. Harris to London ... ... ... ... 540
I paid a Freeman according to an ancient Order ... ... ... 10 o o
Pd. Mr. Theoph. Whiston due to him on the foot of his Accompt ... 4 17 5
Pd. the horse race money to the Poore on St. Thomas day... ... 200
Due to me out of Mr. Cheysey's gift... ... ... ... ... ... 040
& out of Mr. Prior's gift ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 034
& out of Mr. Neale's gift ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 034
Pd. for perfecting this Book of Accts 034
The rects of this Accompt are Two hundred Nynty Three Pounds Four
Shillings and Fourpence ... ... ... ... ... ... 293 4 4
CIVIC GOVERNMENT AND STATE. 47
£. s. d.
The Paymts are Two hundred Nynty Nyne Pounds Fourteen Shillings and
Fourpence ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 299 14 4
The Paymts being the greater sume there remains due to the Accompt Six
Pounds Ten Shillings 6 10 o
Bartle Maning Mayor
Rich : White Willm Spenser
Rich Massingberd Tho : Atterbury
John Brafield Theo : Whiston
Ri: Rands Willi : Else
Daniel Poole
Wi'llm Agutter
The following are a few of the more noteworthy entries in the
subsequent years of these separate accounts: —
1678 Payd Henry Dover and Wm. Osmond for going into Country to
procure some Justices to make a Sessions ... .. ... o i o
Pd. for an Act. of Parliament for Observation of the Lord's day ... o o 10
Pd. for a botle of Sack to drink with the Ld. O'Brien when he wrote to the
E. of Peterbro ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 020
Pd. for 2 bottles of Sack for Sr. John Holman and Mr. Stedman at Swan
meeting about a Petition to the Bp. of Lyncolne ... ... 040
Pd. a messenger from Sr. Roger Norwich about Harborow Bells ... ... o i 6
Given Robt. Morton a soldier of Capt. Willughbys sick sent away by a passe 026
Pd. to a Messenger that brought 2 Proclamations ... ... ... ... 050
My charges to London in April with Samuel Osmond .in obteyning the
timber and getting an order for the goeing on of the Church 500
Pd. when the Jesuits' Books were carried to London to one of his Mats
Officers ... ... .. ... ... ... ... ... 040
Given to the Disbanded Soldiers at several times... ... ... ... o 10 o
1680 Pd for 4 bottles of Sack at 2 payments of Dr. Conant 080
Pd. Mr. Buckby his Fee about the Robery and a bottle of Sack ... o 12 o
Pd. for the Coach when I went to Ld Northampton's to be sworne ... o 16 o
Pd. Serjt. Buckby his salary as Recorder in Guineys 460
2os being badd money, sold it for gs and lost us ... ... ... o II o
1683 Pd. at London for the King's warrant about the new Charter and
other fees ... ... ... ... ... ... ... .. 10 o o
Spent upon the Commissioners of the Chimney money at Peacock, Mr.
Lee being there... ... ... ... ... '... ... 040
Pd. for horsehire to London to swear Ld. Peterbrow Recorder 170
Expenses for our horses and ourselve ... ... ... ... ... 3100
Pd. Serjt. Buckby for drawing the Adresse to the King I i 6
Pd, att severall tymes to poore people and travellers 122
Amongst the corporation books is a folio volume of mayors' and
chamberlains' accounts. The mayors' accounts come first, and
extend, with a few gaps, over the period from 1690-1 to 1744-5.
Another folio volume, confined solely to the mayors' accounts, carries
these returns on from 1745-6 to 1835.
48 NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
The receipts in the mayors' accounts are mainly from admissions
to the freedom of the borough, from the fee farm, and from certain
lands originally specially assigned for the mayor's benefit. The
expenditure usually includes a variety of drinking treats and vails to
servants, as well as payments for messengers, letters, petitions, acts
of parliament, legal books, etc.
Two entries that occur for many years are ten shillings each for
dinners to the jury of the Vernall's inquest, and to the jury of the
clerk of the market. Subsequent reference will be made to
Vernall's inquest. In 1736 one of the beadles got £i for sweep-
ing the mayor's doorstep, and henceforward that became an
annual payment. The position of the mayor as clerk of the market
and as escheator is briefly considered in the next section.
It is curious to notice in many cases how expenses grew as time
went on. For many years the dinner at sessions is entered at the
modest sum of 2s. ; but about 1712 it is increased to 2os., and then
to 303. ; in 1730 it reached the sum of £3 ; in 1739, £3 75. ; in 1740,
^"3 193. 6d. ; and in 1742, £$ 6s. 6d
In 1745-6, the opening year of the last book of mayors' accounts,
the receipts (chiefly from freedoms) were £105 2s. 7d., and the
expenditure ^107 45. 3d.
With regard to the mayor's allowance, to which so many votes of
the assembly previously quoted have referred, this last book of
accounts shows the following curious fluctuations : — 1745, £30 ; 1765,
£5°; i783* £8°; 1799> £6°; l8oi> £I05; l8°3> £I26; 1806, £130;
1814, £220 ; 1816,^*130; 1818, £220; 1819, £130; 1824, £200 ; 1829,
^350 ; 1830, £200,
The " choice dinner " for 1800 cost £171 8s. 8d
On dark nights it was the custom for the mayor to be preceded
by a lantern bearer carrying a large ornamental lantern on a pole,
on those occasions when he might be out on official business. In
1671 a shilling was paid for repairing "the mayor's greate
lanthorne " ; a new pole was provided and painted at a charge of
is. 9d. in 1703. In 1748 123. was paid for aa new Corporation
Lanthorn." In 1772 " painting the Mayor's Lanthorn" cost is. 6d. ;
a like charge was incurred in 1777.
COURT OF THE MAYOR AND ALDERMEN.
The mayor and aldermen, or past mayors of Northampton, besides
forming an integral part of the assembly or common council, also sat
apart for sessions of their own, which were usually called the court
CIVIC GOVERNMENT AND STATE. 49
of the mayor and his brethren, or the court of the mayor and
aldermen.
Their chief administrative powers, apart from the rest of the
council, were the exercise of patronage in the case of corporation
officials, the appointment to vacancies in the forty-eight, the removal
and fining of all members of the council for misbehaviour or incom-
petence, the administration of a variety of charities, and the
important privilege of fixing the day and hour for the meeting of
the assembly. Latterly the voting of pensions to themselves or to
the widows of late aldermen was one of the duties that this court
assumed.
As to patronage, this was now and again a source of dispute
between the aldermen and assembly, and the latter occasionally
asserted itself in a remarkable manner. It also changed somewhat
under different charters. It will be best, therefore, to give lists
of the annual appointments made at Michaelmas solely by the
mayor and aldermen in a certain number of years, during the period
with which we are mainly concerned in this volume. In 1584 they
appointed chamberlain, two justices, four coroners, four auditors,
five constables, ten thirdboroughs, and the warden of St. Thomas'
hospital ; in 1600, four coroners, five auditors, two key-keepers, and
the constables and thirdboroughs for each ward ; in 1628, four
coroners, six auditors, two chamberlains, a warden and two masters
of St. Thomas, the constables and thirdboroughs, two conduit-
masters, and four searchers for unwholesome flesh and fowl ; in
1745, the coroner, warden and master of St. Thomas, the constables,
two sealers of leather, two tasters of flesh and fowl, and the auditors ;
and in 1819, two coroners, chamberlain, warden of St. Thomas, two
flesh and fowl tasters, two searchers and sealers of leather, the
constables, the receiver of rents of tolls and butcher stalls, the
general treasurer, the receiver of town rents, and other receivers of
special rents.
In addition to these annual appointments, the mayor and
aldermen also elected (for life or good behaviour) the town clerk and
town attorney, the steward, the macebearer, four sergeants, hall
keeper, town crier, sexton of All Saints, and two beadles.
On May iyth, 1630, it was ordered " that the Maior and
Aldermen shall meete everie Thursday fortnight at Hall immediatlie
after the lecture from the Church to the Hall for halfe an houre
and further as occasion shall serve to consult about public affaires
E
50 NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
upon paine of forfyture of xijd a piece to the chamber to be levied
by distres at Mr. Maiors discretion from tyme to tyme ."
The regular brief minute books of the aldermen's court begin in
1694, and the first volume ends in 1771. The subjects on which
resolutions were passed were the voting of money (in sums varying
from twenty shillings to five pounds) to parents for apprentices ; the
appointments and removals of sergeants ; the filling up of vacancies
in the forty-eight who were sworn before them ; the appointments
and duties of town crier and sexton ; the repairs of Wood hill and
Corn hill out of the tolls which they administered ; instructions to
the chamberlain as to the paving of channels ; market dues and
regulations ; the removal of those of the corporation who had left
the town, or become infirm ; the fixing of dates for the assembly ;
the filling up of vacancies in the several almshouses and the lazer-
house ; and appointing to temporary vacancies among the constables.
The regular meetings of last century were usually held about
twice a year, but oftener as occasion required. The aldermen often
met at the town hall or guildhall, but not infrequently at inns.
This meeting of the aldermen at licensed houses doubtless accounts
for their considerable expenditure on wine, on which we have com-
mented elsewhere. Between 1694 and 1771 they met often at the
Rose and Crown, and occasionally at the Red Lion, Peacock, and
the Golden Lion. On one occasion the assembly of the aldermen
was held at Mr. Brian Aliston's house, who was at that time
macebearer ; but a more singular meeting place was at " Mr.
Chadwicks' at the Gaole." Coffee-houses had by this time become
well established in Northampton, and we find that the aldermen
met officially at "the Bayliffs' coffee-house," and at the coffee-
houses which belonged respectively to Saunders, William Higgsj
and John Baylis. Yet one more place of meeting may be named,
and that is " Mr. Mayor's House."
In 1719-20 there was a curious dispute as to the pension
assigned to Alderman Green from the corn tolls.
On October 3oth, 1719, the corporation ordered that Alderman
James Green should cease to receive the corn tolls of the town ;
that these tolls should be taken and received by Robert Watts,
sexton of All Saints ; that Robert Watts should pay Alderman
Green every Saturday night 45. out of these tolls ; and that if
Alderman Green accept this pension that he cease, by reason
thereof, to be a member of the corporation. On March 2oth,
CIVIC GOVERNMENT AND STATE. 51
1719-20, it was " ordered that Alderman James Green (whose
weekly allowance out of the profits arising from the Toles of the
Corn has for some time past beene stopt for his abuses towards
Mr. Mayor and others) doe receive and be paid four shillings
weekly from this date until the contrary be ordered, and that the
said Mr. James Green notwithstanding his receiving such weekly
allowance as pension doe act as an Alderman and Member of
this Coporation in all points and respects as heretofore he hath
done, any former order to the contrary notwithstanding."
Mr. Green's case came up again before the mayor and aldermen
on September 3oth, 1720, when they ordered that their pensioned
colleague was constantly to give his attendance at all assemblies and
public meetings about corporation or town business, and was always
for the future " to vote as the Mayor for the tyme being shall vote
on all Ellection and other Occasions whatsoever ! " To secure his
vote it was further ordered that the very first time he voted against
the mayor, his pension would cease ! !
The second book of minutes extends from 1771 to 1797. Several
resolutions are entered as to fixing the hour and day of the
assemblies. It is interesting to note that it was frequently
arranged that the assembly should be held directly after morning
prayer on Wednesday or Friday. Other resolutions cover almost
precisely the same ground as those contained in the first book. The
meetings were held for the most part at the guildhall ; but the
aldermen met nine times at the George, and seven times at the
Angel.
BAILIFFS.
The original charter of Northampton of 1189 contains no mention
of the bailiffs, but eleven years later John's charter provided for the
annual election of a reeve or mayor at Michaelmas, and at the same
time empowered the common council of the town or the assembly
to choose two of the more lawful and discreet burgesses to well
and faithfully keep the reeveship. These two special burgesses or
bailiffs were to be permanent appointments during good conduct,
and then only removable by the common council. The bailiffs
then, according to the original charter intention: were intended
to act, by their permanency, as a check on the annually-elected
reeve, in fact as a kind of second chamber. The bailiffs had,
on appointment, to proceed to London to take their oaths before
the king's chief justice.
E 2
52 NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
The appointing of two bailiffs as a permanency continued to be
the rule at Northampton for just about a century. A change came
with Edward I. charter of 1299. By this charter the two bailiffs
were to be elected annually by the assembly at Michaelmas, at the
same time as the mayor, and the visit to London to take the
oath was henceforth only expected of the mayor.
By the charter of 1618 the bailiffs were to be chosen exclusively
from the company of the forty-eight ; this had probably been the
custom since 1489, but had not till then been expressly laid down.
Many an old corporate town of England was under the local
rule of two bailiffs, without any mayor, up to the time of Elizabeth,
but there were very few that were considered of sufficient im-
portance to share with Northampton the exceptional privilege of
having at the same time three such important officials as a mayor
and two bailiffs. It is but one of the many signs of the exceptional
importance of the town of Northampton.
In 1555 it is recorded, in the minutes of the assembly, that it
" pleasyd god to take into his mercy Willm Elyot one of the
balluys of the towne who dwellyd at the signe of the George and
sold wyne, upon whose sole god have mercy, amen." The assembly
was summoned on April 2nd to elect Elyot's successor, when John
Brightwen, chandler and ironmonger, was eventually chosen, duly
elected, and sworn into office as bailiff. The choice of the assembly,
however, first fell upon John Gratwood, dwelling at the sign of the
Helmet, innholder, but, for his "folyshe obstinacye and refusing of
the balwywick and also for troblyng of the same assemble so godly
accompanyed together/' was fined £10.
At the same assembly John Estrigg, "hiliiar11 (tiler), was dis-
charged of the office of bailiff by reason of his old age and impotency,
he paying a fine of £6.
It was ordered in 1566 that the bailiffs were yearly at their
own cost to procure a sufficient quietus est for the payment of the
fee-farm, and to exhibit this quittance before the mayor and his
brethren at the first court day held in the guildhall at the end of
Easter term next following the discharge of their office, under a
penalty of £5.
The assembly, in 1569, ordered that the bailiffs for the time
being were every year to deliver up to the mayor their register
book " for the sale and tale of horsys and mares accordinge to the
statute," within fourteen days after Michaelmas, upon pain of 2os.
CIVIC GOVERNMENT AND STATE. 53
An ordinance of 1599 provided that four of those who had been
bailiffs were to sit with the mayor as assistants every court day in
the guildhall (together with two aldermen), and to remain until
the court was closed. Due summons to the court was to be served
by the mayor's serjeant, and any bailiff making default was to pay
a fine of I2d.
During the Commonwealth, the bailiffs had important duties
assigned to them in connection with the share of keeping watch
and ward and superintending the repairs of the walls. For the
walls and other town fortifications, the bailiffs were always held
responsible. The bailiffs were also responsible for the due payment
of the fee-farm rent. Various other particulars with regard to
these and other duties of the bailiffs will be found under other
headings.
At the assembly in August, 1713, three duly nominated bailiffs
refused to serve, and were each fined £10.
In 1724 the assembly interfered to stop, under pain of prose-
cution, the custom, used by the two bailiffs for the time being, of
licensing strangers and foreigners to hawk the town with goods
and merchandise to their own advantage, and also of " contracting
and agreeing with Empyricks Quack Doctors and Mountebanks to
erect and set up Stages in this town which by experience has been
found to be prejudicial to the Markets."
The arrangements of the fairs and markets were usually in the
hands of the bailiffs.
One of the more important functions of the town bailiffs was
their acting either personally, or through properly appointed servants
or beadles, to execute the precepts and warrants of the local justices,
to arrest for debt, and to act in all cases in which sheriff's bailiffs
were the proper officials outside their jurisdiction. The records
bear witness to various attempts on the part of the county to
ignore the privileges of the borough.
In the beginning of the reign of James I. the sheriffs of the
county frequently encroached upon the charter liberties of the
townsmen of Northampton. About the year 1610 the corporation
appealed to the county justices in quarter sessions to check these
vexatious actions. The justices were readily convinced that the
county officials, whether sheriff, magistrates, or bailiffs, had no
jurisdiction within the borough, and instructed Mr. Gage, the clerk
of the peace, to enroll the Northampton charter at large for their
54 NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
future guidance, for which enrolment the corporation paid the clerk
of the peace's fee of £i 135. 4d.
Within, however, a brief space of time sheriff's warrants were
again served upon several freemen resident within the liberties of
Northampton, and their goods and chattels seized by the county
bailiffs for non-payment of certain fines enforced by quarter sessions.
This naturally roused the wrath of the corporation, and at an
assembly held on April 2oth, 1612, it was ordered that Gage should
be forthwith presented for this damage at the charge of the
chamber in the way these counsel shall advise, as "the saide Gage
is the onelie means whereby the corporation is molested."
In the following year a still greater indignity was done, for
Christopher Young, one of the Serjeants to the mace of the bailiffs,
was arrested by Richard Lambe, a sheriff's officer, "by vertue
of an ordinarie Capias ad sat is faciendum" For this intrusion the
assembly ordered that Lambe should be forthwith sued, according
to the advice of counsel.
Great complaint was -made in 1636 of the intrusion of the sheriff
and his bailiffs into the liberties of the town, by using processes
and excuting diverse other offices contrary to charter. The assembly
ordered the legal prosecution of the sheriff for the next offence
In 1650 the assembly ordered the immediate prosecution of the
sheriff by the town attorney tor an offence of this character. In
1677 the sheriff's bailiffs were sued for an unlawful arrest within
the liberties ; and this action was repeated in 1692.
The following order was made by the assembly on May loth,
1722 I—-
That the next time the Sheriff of the County or any of his Bailiffs or Officers
shall presume to arrest any person or persons within the Libertys of this
Corporation upon any Writ or Process issuing out of the County above (unless it
it be upon a Non Dimittas] without first asking and obtaining Leave for that
purpose from the Bailiffs of the Corporation for the time being That upon the
Discovery thereof an Action be forthwith brought against the person or persons
offending herein at the Corporation Charge in such manner as Mr. D'Anvers the
Deputy Recorder shall advise."
On the 24th August, 1728, one of the officers of the high sheriff
of the county, without the consent or privity of the bailiffs of the
corporation, made a distress on the goods of Richard Bradshaw, a
freeman and inhabitant of Northampton, at his dwelling-house
there, for not appearing in the sheriff's court upon a summons to
CIVIC GOVERNMENT AND STATE. 55
answer to a small debt. It was further alleged that the officer
was intolerably insolent and abusive when he took distress, and
uttered very disrespectful words of the corporation. The assembly
took the opinion of their deputy recorder, Mr. Cuthbert, whether
this conduct of the sheriff's officer was not a direct violation of the
charter of Charles II., and sufficient to ground an action upon ;
they further inquired if an action will lie, whether the same must
be brought against the sheriff or his officer, and whether the same
be begun in the name of the mayor, bailiffs and burgesses, or in
the name of the two bailiffs who were in office when the distress
was made ?
Mr. Cuthbert's opinion was as follows : —
I apprehend that ye taking of a Distress by ye Sheriff's Officer in manner as
above is an Infringment upon ye Libertys of ye Corporation. I think an action on
ye case will lye for infringing upon and disturbing of ye Mayor Bailiffs and
Burgesses in ye enjoyment of their franchise, and that the action must be brought
in ye name of ye Mayor Bailiffs and Burgesses of the towne of Northampton and
against ye officer that executed ye same, and if ye Sheriff will own that he gave
him order to execute it, he may and ought to be a party.
In 1785 the court of aldermen fined the bailiffs 55. each for
appearing in assembly without their bailiffs' gowns, and another
55. each for refusing to go in procession from the guildhall to the
church with the mayor. Hall's MS. explains that what he terms
their spirited conduct came about through their being chosen against
their consent.
The year after the granting of the new charter (1797), the
assembly experienced considerable difficulty in finding a second
bailiff. On the mayor-elect proposing Messrs. Cattern and Hall as
his bailiffs, the former was duly elected, but the latter proposed
Mr. Hillyard. The show of hands was in favour of Mr. Hall, who
refused, and placed £10 in the hands of the mayor to be excused.
Thereupon the mayor proposed Mr- Levi, and Mr. Levi nominated
Mr. Dunkley, but the majority of the hands were in favour of Mr.
Levi, who refusing the office paid £10 to the mayor. After Messrs.
Sutton, Freeman, and Cooch had all been respectively nominated
and elected, and excused on the several payment of £10, Mr. John
Gibson accepted the office. These proceedings lasted for two
hours. In 1803 four nominated and elected bailiffs paid the j£io
rather than serve.
56 NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
The bailiffs were allowed, in 1799, £5 each towards the expenses
of their office, exclusive of the produce of the rent of a meadow called
" Bailiffs' Hook." The bailiffs' allowance was increased in 1801 to
-£,21 each, such sum to include any rents they received. Bailiffs'
Hook was a large river meadow, on the Cotton side of the south
bridge, to the south-east of the town.
THE CHAMBERLAINS AND THEIR ACCOUNTS.
The chief function of the chamberlain was the keeping of the
general accounts of the town — an office that eventually became
absorbed in that of the treasurer.
In association with the name of this official, it is of interest to
notice that at Northampton the orders of the assembly usually refer
to the common purse of the town by the name of "the chamber/'
Camera was a term frequently used in low Latin to signify a chest
or box, as well as a small private apartment or chamber.
The common chest or town treasury had two keys, one of which
was kept by the mayor, and the other by the chamberlain for the
time being.
On one of the earlier pages of the irregularly-kept first volume
of the orders of assembly, are entered the accounts of the town
chamberlain for the year 1554, of which the following is a verbatim
transcript :—
The aconptts of Willm harpoll, chamberlayn in the first yere of quene Marye
Ad 1554-
The Seyde Willm bringithe in acompte of all the Receyptes comen to hys
handes as by hys booke yt may apeare of iiij1'1 xs iijd (£80 los. 3d.) whereof he
dothe aske allowaunce whiche he hathe payd, as dothe apeare by his acompte
Ixx11 ijs xd ob.
So Remaynithe in hys handes, as dothe apeare xviiju vij" iiijd ob.
Item he dothe aske allowance of certen docketes to the some of xis iiijd.
So Rest declare (sic) in hys handes xviju xvjs ob thereof payd as folowethe.
In primis to Mr. Neale at the making of this acompte wl the town owthe hym
in partie payment of xn, vju xiij9 iiijd and the seyd Mr. Neale dyd owe the towne
v markes, which made upe x11. And the seyd Mr. Neale must have xu at Mychel-
mas A° Dni 1555, and so quyte.
Item Willm harpoll dyd pay Willm taylor maiour xj11 ijs viiijd ob in full
payment of his owte xviju xij8 ob afforeseyd, and so quyt.
Also John Adams dyd bring in his acompte for the town vesselles for one holl
yere and for the hyer of the same vesselles xvj8 iiijd ob Delyv'd to the chamberlayn
John Brightmen, et sic quietus.
The acompte of John-harpole for his charge at London A0 1554.
CIVIC GOVERNMENT AND STATE. 57
John Harpole dyd bring in to the Chamber treasor all his charges allowyd,
xjs whereof was allowed vjd wh. he gave to Mr. Chaunt in wine So rest x8 vjd
wh was pd to Mr. taylor maior xs vjd.
Item Willm Taylor maior dyd pay to John Brightwen chamberlayn as treasor
to the town the charter being payd and discharged wch cost xvju, the some of
vii jjd ob^ et sjc quietus.
The reason of chamberlain Harpole's journey to London was
doubtless in connection with the obtaining of the confirmation
charter from Philip and Mary. It was granted, as has been seen
in the previous volume, on October I5th, 1554.
It was decided in 1555 that the chamberlain for the time being
should not be chosen into any other office, such as bailiff or
constable, until he hath made his account to the chamber, and a
new one chosen in his place.
The Liber Custumarum shows that the office of chamberlain was
duplicated in the fifteenth century ; but it afterwards seems to
have drifted into single hands.
On May 2oth, 1592, the assembly ordered that on and after
the next feast of St. Michael " there shalbe two standing chamber-
laynes elected " ; it was provided that they were to be ready at all
times to make their accounts to the mayor, and to make payment
of all such moneys and arrears to him as shall be due.
From this time onwards, for about a century, there were two
chamberlains, who each held office for two years. One was elected
every October assembly, and the one then elected was termed the
younger chamberlain ; in the following October he became the
elder chamberlain, whilst his newly-appointed colleague acted as
younger chamberlain. The elder chamberlain was held responsible
for the production before the assembly of a balance-sheet of the
moneys received and expended.
The chamberlains' accounts are of much greater general interest
and value than those of the mayor. It is particularly unfortunate
that so very few of the earlier ones have come down to our times.
There are only thirteen of these separate accounts, as originally
presented to the mayor, now extant, viz., those for the years 1676,
1680, 1688, 1692, 1693, 1698, 1703, 1704, 1707, 1708, 1741 1752,
and 1760.
Among the annual payments that are repeated in each of these
accounts are the following : — £16 133. 4d. for the horse race plate ;
2s. per week for the lazerman, with a load of wood and apparel ;
a coat for the pinner, about 145. ; the salaries of the recorder
58 NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
45.), the town council (£2 2s.), and the town clerk (£&) ; part
wage of the upper sexton of All Saints (£i 6s. 8d.), the hall keeper
(£2), the herdsman (£2), the master of the bridewell (£2), and the
conduit man (£3).
The gifts that occur regularly in these accounts are : — Mr.
Burton's gift to the aldermen, £i ; Mrs. Elkington's gift to
the town clerk, los. ; Mr. Mercer's gift to the master of the free
school, £2 los. ; Mr. Alderman Freeman's gift to the poor of £1$
in clothes and £2 125. in bread ; Mr. Alderman Langham's gift to
the poor of £35 (St. Thomas' Hospital) ; Mr. Acham's gift in
bread, £8 ; Alderman Wade's gift for a sermon, £2 ; Mr. Neal's
gift of 2d. a week to 26 widows, £5 I2s. 8d. ; and the corporation
gift of a minimum of £29 (but usually ^34) to the poor on St.
Thomas' day.
We have selected the accounts of 1693, as a good representative
year of the full details supplied by the chamberlain, for an extended
transcript : —
THE RENTALL OF ALL THE LANDS AND RENTS belonging to the Corporation oj
Northampton in the charge of Mr. John Whithome Chamberlain of the same Towne
for one year from Michl's 1693.
Mr. Samuel Clifford Maior.
(Checker Ward)
Of Samuel Walker out of his house, Mr. Neales gift
Of Mr. Lee Towne Clerke for one shop under the Towne hall . .
Of John Caporne for the other shop...
The Annuity out of the Swan Inn, Mr. Neales gift to the widows weekly
Of Thomas Marryett for his house upon the Bakers hill
Of John Beckett for the next house adjoining to the great Conduit ...
East Warde.
Of Samuel Scriven for Wooll Hall, now Mr. Hall
Of Thomas Boddington for the Tenements and ground at St. Gyles
Church Yard, Mr. Hopkins gift ... 2 10 O
Of Edward Boddington for the Tenements and Grounds in St. Gyles
streete Alderman Freemans gift in bread
South Ward. £. s. d.
Of William Tates Esqr for St. Leonards farm and Salisburys yard
Land and a Close and Composition for Carriages ... ... 21 5 o
Of Tho. Packwood for ye tenements in Bridge streetes and the Garden
in Barbers End I 6 8
CIVIC GOVERNMENT AND STATE. 59
£• s. d.
Of Guy Warwicke out of Barlowes house ... ... .. ... ... o 13 4
Of Guy Warwicke for a garden plott empaled to his house and the
ground whereon the Gatehouse stood ... ... ... ... 008
£23 5 8
West Warde. £. s. d.
Out of the house and Orchard or Close next the West Gate, Mr. Else,
Mr. Priors gift ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... I IO O
Of Thomas Lacey for a Tenement in Colledge Lane and Close at West
Bridge lying by the side of the Great River ... ... ... 200
North Warde.
Out of Mrs. Ectons house in the Beast Markett ... ... ... ... o I o
The Towne balke out of ye North Gate
Of Richard Dawes junr. for a peice of ground neere the River at the Castle
Mills 050
Lands and Rents in the Country. £,. s. d.
Of the heires and Assignes of Mr. Grant or of the Occupiers of Lands in
Grimolby and other places in the County of Lincolne the yearly
Rent of Eight Pounds given by Mrs. Chepsey for charitable uses in
Northton And is to be payd by the Deede of Annuity in the Parish
Church of All Saints on the font stone there att the feasts of All
Saints and Pentecost or within 20 dayes after the sd dayes of
Payment between the howres of 9 and n of the Clock in the
forenoone ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 8 o O
Of Alexander Maning for Lands in Milton Parish ... ... ... 800
Of ,, „ for meadow ground in Cotton Marsh ... ... 5 10 o
Of the heires of Mr. Acham his yearly gift to be distributed in bread to
the poore of Northampton ... ... ... ... ... .. 800
Of Edward Kent Tho. Wilby Wm Massey and Edwd Smyth the yearly
Annuity of Mrs. Chipsey out of lands in Pisford ... ... ... o 12 9
Of the Bayliffs of Northampton for the Commission of Gaole Delivery I o o
£31 2 9
Lands and Rents belonging to the Mannor of Gobions. £. s. d.
Of Thomas Fisher for the Moyety of Six Yard Lands in the fields of
Northton ... ... ... ... ... ... ... .., 36 o o
Of William Jeoffrey for the other moyety of the Six Yard Lands ... 36 o o
Of Mr. Robert Adys for the farme homstead and Grounds belonging to it 400
Of Xpofer Thompson for four Lands whereon is the Brick Kiln and
Wall Bank 200
Of the Assignes of Richard Lee for the house and backside adjoyning to
the farme yard ... ... ... ... ...... i 6 8
60 NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
£• s. d.
Of Mr. Richard Ebrall for the Bailiffs hooke i 15 o
Of Mr. Watson's heire for pte of the Butchers Shambles .. ... i o o
Of Jonas Watts for the New Pastures and Houses ... ... ... 20 o o
Of John Knight for the 2 litle Closes adjoyning to St. Gyles Churchyard 200
£104 i 8
Other Receipts by this Accompt. £. s. d.
Recd of John Smith and Thomas Judkins for the Bull ... ... ... 290
Recd of Mr. Ives as a fyne refusing to serve Mayor being Elected ... 10 o o
Of Mr. Wallis for the like 10 o o
Of Mr. Else for the like 10 o o
Of Mr. Styles the like 10 o o
Of Mr. Whiston setling 8H for a Debt 200
Of Mr. Richard Saunders ... ... ... ... ... ... 10 o o
Of Mr. Richard Clifford 10 o o
Of Mr. Edwd. Ivory 10 o o
Recd of the Commons
for 201 horses at 6s. per horse ... ... ... ... ... 60 6 o
for ii horses at 55. per horse ... ... ... ... ... ... 2 15 o
for 3 horses at 45. 6d. „ ... ... ... .. ... o 13 6
for ii horses at 45. „ ... ... ... ... ... .. 240
for 4 horses at 33. 6d. „ ... ... ... ... ... o 14 o
for 2 horses at 35. ,, ... ... ... ... ... ... 060
for 3 horses at 2s. 6d. „ ... ... ... ... ... 076
for 4 horses at 2s. „ 080
for 2 horses at is. ,, ... ... ... ... ... 020
for 130 cows at 5s- Per cow ... ... ... ... ... ... 32 10 o
for 4 cows at 45. „ ... ... ... ... ... 0160
for 2 cows at 35. „ ... ... ... ... ... ... 060
for 4 cows at 2s. „ ... ... ... ... ... 080
for 2 cows at is. 6d. „ 030
for i cow at is. „ ... ... ... ... ... o i o
Certaine Paymts by this Accompt. £. s. d.
To the Lazerman 2s. per weeke ... ... ... ... ... ... 540
One Load of Wood us. and a Great Coate ... ... ... ... i 7 10
The Pynners Coate about 143.... ... ... ... ... ... ... o 17 4
Old Bates is. per weeke 2 12 o
Old Mr. Judkins 35. per weeke ... ... ... ... ... ... 7 16 o
The heard's wages ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 200
To John Pendleton the hall keeper 200
The Sextons wages i 6 8
The Recorders Salary 4 Guineys ... ... ... ... ... ... 400
The Towne Counsell 2 Guineys ... ... ... ... ... ... 240
The Rentall and perfecting this booke ... ... ... ... ... o 13 4
The Plate for the horse race ... 16 13 4
CIVIC GOVERNMENT AND STATE. 6l
£. s. d.
To Mr. Tate for Balmesholme ..................... 10 o o
To the Poore att St. Thomas day 29H ............... 34 o o
Mr. Barton's gift to the Aldermen ... ... ... ... ... ... 100
The Master of Bridewells wages ... ... ... ... ... ... 2 O O
The Interest of c11 to Mrs. Goldsmyth ... ... ... ... ... 500
Clasons Interest of 40*' to the children ... ... ... ... ... 200
Alderman Wade's gift for a Sermon ... ... ... ... ... ... 200
Mr. Ball's gift Interest of 50" Clothing and widd8 ......... 2 10 6
Mr. Acham's gift in bread 8n ........... '. .........
Mr. King the Ministers house Rent ... ... ... ... ... 300
Mr. Elkingtons gift to the Towne Clerke ... ... ... ... ... o 10 o
Mr. Mercers gift to the Freeschoole Mr. ... ... ... ... ... 2 10 o
To Richd. Bland looking to and repairing ye Conduits ... ... ... 300
The Towne Clerks Salary ..................... 8 O O
To Robert Moore mending ye River bracks... ... ... ... ... 2 10 o
Alderman Freemans gift in Clothes I5U ...
Mr. Neall'e gift out of the Swan Inn to the 26 widows 2s. a piece by
the weeke ... ... .. ... ... ... ... ... ... 5 12 8
Alderman Freemans gift in bread weekly ... ... ... ... 2I2O
Alderman Langhams gift to ye poore... ... ... ... ... ... 35 o o
Nov. i Payd Peedle for removing the stocks ... ... ... ... 020
Given the Ringers at the Kings returne ... ... ... ... 060
And to the Bellmen making the fire ... ... ... ... 040
Payd Peedle looking after the horses 6 weeks ... ... ... i 10 o
Payd Knott for mending the hospitall windowes ... ... 086
9 Dec. Pd Wm. Clark a Tax to Hardingstone for Balmesholme ...... o 13 6
And to Mr. John Clarke a chiefe Rent ... ... ... ... o 5 10
Pd Wm Oldam and John Twigden a Tax for Commons ... ... i 2 6
16 Dec. Pd Alex. Manning a Tax for Milton Lands ... ... ... o 12 o
Pd Wm Jeoffrey and Tho. Fisher 2d and 3d quarterly tax... ... 5 o o
And for a Levy to highways ... ... ... ... ... o 16 8
21 Dec. Pd John Saunders a Tax in the East Ward ......... 0120
Pd for carrying Wood into the Hall ... ... ... ... 004
23 Dec. Pd Thos Sheppard a Tax for Commons in West Ward ... ... o 12 o
Pd Oakley for emptying the Soyle Tub in ye Gaole ... ... i o o
Pd for Wintring the Bull .................. I 6 8
Pd for Ale at the Towne Hall ............... o i 6
Given to Sr Tho. Samwells man bringing ye corne ... ... o 2 6
Pd Mrs. Eliz. Rands Interest of 6ou ... ... ... ... 300
Pd Mrs. Warner Interest of yo11 per anum ... ... ... ... 3 10 o
26 Jan. Pd Mr. Breton a Fee per Order ... ... ... ... ... c 10 o
Pd Peedle for driving the Commons... ... ... ... ... o i o
62 NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
£. s. d.
13 March Pd Wm Clark of Hardingston a Tax for Balmes Holme ... o 13 6
Pd George Bott for cleaning ye Highway ... .. ... ... o I O
Pd for Ale at Towne Hall o i O
Pd Mr. Bayley for Ale at the Kings returne ... ... ... o 16 4
Pd Mr. Moore and Bartle Higgons Tax for Commons ... 120
Pd Mr. Waforne for a Bull 310
Pd Cox & Twigden a Tax in the East Ward 146
Pd Wm Wallis a Tax in the West Ward o 10 o
Pd Thomas Ringrose for Timber and Carpenters work about the
Bridge att Nun Mill Balmesholme the Hospitall Cow Meadow
Gate and other work as by Bill ... ... ... ... 5 17 O
Payd at St Thomas Alderman Freeman's gift
Pd the 6 widdows 2s. 6d a piece ... ... .. ... ... o 15 o
Pd Mr. King for the Sermon ... ... ... ... ... o 15 o
Pd for shoes for the 6 poore ... ... ... ... ... ... o 15 o
Pd for 6 shifts ... ... ... .. ... ... ... 100
Pd for 1 8 yards of black cloth ys. per yd and for Triming ... 8 o o
Pd Mr. Archer the Schoolmaster... ... ... ... ... i 10 o
Pd for making two gownes ... ... ... ... ... ... o 15 O
Pd for 6 paire of stocking ... ... ... ... ... 090
Feb. Pd Mr. Lee for 2 Orders for Writings ... ... ... ... 200
June Pd Mr. Reading by Order ... ... ... ... ... ... 200
Pd Mr. John Fowler per Order upon the account of Mr. Wards
Close to the Hospitall . ... ... ... ... ... 600
Sept. Pd Mr. Selby part of Clasons childrens money by order ... 10 o o
Pd Tho. West by Order for Bucketts i 14 O
Pd Mr. Clendon by Order part of Evans money ... ... 300
Oct. Pd Mr. Plowman by Order his Bill in Evans cause... ... ... 17 12 o
Pd Mr. Lee by Order for Business att the Assizes about the Riott
and the Table of the Benefactors by the Fire ... ... 360
Pd Mr. Clark by Order due at the foot of his Account by
discounting the Swan rent ... ... ... ... ... 16 7 5
9 April Pd Mr. Vinter a Tax for the church of Hardingston ... ... 028
Pd Mr. Hancock a Constable's Levy o 3 n
Pd Mr. Clark a Levy for the Poore 040
Pd Mr. Boddington for Morter and Sand to mend the Bridge
Wall at Balmes Holme dore 030
Pd Peedle for watching horses at West Bridge... ... ... o i o
Pd for carrying a load of Wood at Hospitall ... ... ... 006
Given the Miller of Nuns Mill for drawing the water to mend the
Bridges ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 006
Given the Cryer for crying the Commons and attending the
Branding ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 020
Given Peedle and Woodward helping ... ... ... ... 020
Given Tho. Ringrose and Sam Welford helping 020
Given Mr. Lee for Writing ... ... ... ... ... 026
CIVIC GOVERNMENT AND STATE. 63
£. s. d.
Given to Robt Moore helping 020
Payd Mr. Barnes for new Lead Weights to weigh the Bread... 030
& for mending and cleaning the Mace ... ... ... ... 030
Pd Mr. King his dues for the Commons ... ... ... ... O 15 o
Pd a Messenger to Tiffield Woods 009
Pd for Glasing the house at Dearne Gate ... ... ... ... i o 6
Pd for a Haspe and Ironworke for Midsomer Meadow ... o I 2
Pd the Mold Catcher O 10 O
Pd Heny Cawcott for hedging in Midsomer Meadow 106 pole at
i^d. per pole ... ... ... ... ... ... ... o 13 3
And for half e a dayes worke in the Cow Meadow 008
Allowed the workmen drincke ... ... ... .. ... 020
Pd for worke done in Midsomer Meadow and the rest of the
meadows hedging and dyking by Rich. Mason 8 dayes and
halfe 0911
To John Stone 8 dayes and half e , o 9 n
To John Whaley 7 dayes and halfe 089
To Francis Eggleston 5 dayes ... ... ... ... ... o 5 10
To Wm Garner 5 dayes and halfe ... ... ... ... ... 065
To Wm Warwicke 8 dayes and halfe o 9 n
To Edward Whurlidge i daye and halfe 019
Pd Joseph Tims 21 dayes 151
Pd Wm Maddock 16 dayes and halfe o 19 3
To Wm Arkwright 7 dayes and halfe ... ... . ... 089
Pd for the use of 3 Wheelebarrows ... ... ... ... ... 026
Pd for carriage of the rayles at West bridge ... ... ... 006
Pd a man from Milton 2 dayes dyking ... ... ... ... 026
Pd John Knott for the branding dynner... ... ... ... I 10 o
Pd for beere for the Labs 050
Pd Wm Arkwright 2 dayes digging stone ... ... ... 020
And 4 weeks looking after the cattell ... ... ... ... o 10 o
Pd Wm Wickens for 7 Load of Wood to fence Midsomer Meadow 500
Pd to John Stone for 230 setts for stakes ... ... ... o n o
Pd Wm Kingston for a load of blackthornes ... ... ... o 13 o
& for poles for Westbridge Arch... ... ... ... ... 046
Given at Sr Just Ishams to ye Groome ... ... ... ... 060
Pd Mr. Moore at Fleete for Ale for Labs 076
Pd 4 of Houghton Lab8 mending Rushmill way when the teames
came.. ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 034
Pd Wm Garner for weeding the Quick and soy ling the trees
with dung ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 040
And filling stone cart one day ... ... ... ... ... O i O
Pd Spencer one day filling stone cart ... ... ... ... o I O
Pd Madock 3 dayes and halfe digging stone ... ... ... 036
Pd Tyms 10 dayes digging gravel and dyking ... ... ... o 10 o
Pd John Stone 9 days at the same 090
64 NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
£. s. d.
Pd Wm Farey i day stone cart ... ... ... ... ... o i o
Pd Fr Eagle the same ... ... ... ... ... ... ... o i o
Pd Wm Warwick 6 dayes digging and dyking... ... ... o 6 O
Pd Nich. Mason 4 dayes and halfe at same ... ... ... ... 046
Pd Richd Chambers for stone to mend the Bridge wall and
repayre the highways ... ... ... ... ... 060
Given to the 13 Teames from Houghton to mend the highways by
order .. ... ... ... ... ... ... ... .. 066
Pd to Warwick Tyms mending the way at West bridge ... 020
2 June Pd Wm Clarke Tax for Balmes holme ... ... ... ... 0136
& for Chipseys Meadow ... ... ... ... ... o i o
20 June Pd the Tax for the Towne Farme 2 quarters ... ... ... 500
And for Trofee money ... ... ... ... ... ... 080
Pd for making Peedles coate to Aub. Charles ... ... ... 026
21 June Pd Mr. Moore and Higgons the 2d quarterly payment ... 126
Pd Jos. Proctor for Iron worke as by Bill .. ... ... ... o 19 o
29 June Pd Cox and Twigden Tax in the East Ward ... ... ... 146
Pd Wm Wallis Tax in the West Ward o 10 o
Pd Cawcott one day repay ring Midsomer hedge ... ... o I O
Pd. Thomas Dunckley for wood for the hall ... ... ... 012 o
Pd. Allx. Manning a Tax for his land ... ... ... ... 0120
6 Aug. Pd at George for Wyne by Bill 456
6 Sept. Pd Wm Clarke a Tax the last payment o 13 6
Given at Mr. Montagues to the Servants ... .. ... ... 080
Given at the Earl of Northtons ... .. ... ... ... 3 10 o
Pd Mr. Else a Tax for Westbridge Close ... ... ... ... 060
Pd Jonas Watts for Taxes and Repayres by Bill ... ... 6 14 4
13 Sept. Pd the Composition money at Storbridge faire for 2 years and
spent is. ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... i i o
26 Sept. For Moore and Higgons the Tax in the South Ward ... ... 120
Pd Wm Wallis and Brownswood Tax in the West ... ... o 10 o
Pd John Law for plastering the dore at the Leads of the Hall... 063
27 Sept. Pd Cox and Twigden for the Tax of the meadows and new
pastures in East Ward ... ... ... ... ... ... 146
Pd at George with Mr. Mayor meeting a gentleman ... ... 026
Pd Taxes for the Brick Kilne to Thompson 056
Pd John Battman for mending the hall windows and mending the
Leads ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... o 13 6
Pd for tymber to mend Nun Mill bridge 3 peices each 15 foot long o 15 o
Spent at severall tymes upon the Town Ten1* at receipt of their
Rents and given ye Serjeants for Summons o 15 o
Payd John Bradshaw 60 fagotts for the Bonefire ... ... 076
Pd James Weston for i days work at St. Thomas Hospitall and
pins ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... i 10 o
Pd for Slatt and lyme to repayer the Hospitall 036
Pd Jo. Tyms for conveying gravel into Balmes holme to mend the
way in the Holme... ... ... ... ... ... ... 006
CIVIC GOVERNMENT AND STATE. 65
£. s. d.
Pd James Lummas for worke at Hospital and at Bridges and for
pibles ... ... ... ... ... ... .. ... o 19 8
Pd Tho. Hoboy for worke at John Becketts house o 2 n
Pd Mr. John Lucas as by his Bill .. 130
Pd for a Haspe and staple for the Hall dore ... ... ... O I O
Pd for Gownes for Sr John Langhams poore, addition to this
present yeare ... ... .., ... ... ... ... 400
Pd Richard Bland for Lead and mending the litle Conduit as by
Bill ... I 10 10
Pd for paving near the Towne hall ... ... ... ... 016
Pd Henry Cooper for 2 distresses and 2 Sumons ... ... ... 05 4
Pd for Pipes and Candles for the Hall o 15 3
Pd the accustomed Fee gathering the Rentall ... ... ... O 6 8
Pd Mr. Priors gift to the Chamberlaine ... ... ... ... o I o
Pd Mr. Neales gift to the Chamberlaine 050
Pd Mr. Moore his Interest of c11 a year... ... ... ... 300
Pd Edward Hodgkins his Bill for worke done at the Cow Meadow
Wall and backside Westons O 19 8
Received short the 72" fines by a pistole for a Guiney and a
french 2s. 6d 046
The Rects of this accompt are Three Hundred Seventy and Three Pounds
Thirteene Shillings and One Penny 373 13 I
The Paymts are Three Hundred Forty Two Pounds Nineteene Shillings
and Four Pence And the Docketts are Eighteene Pounds and
Four Shillings and spent on the Auditors Two Shillings and
Sixpence ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 342 19 4
The Rects being the greater sum there remaynes due to the Towne
The Northampton riot of 1693 referred to in these accounts is
named in Hall's MS. It is thus entered :— " A Riot, Wheat being
73. a Bushell, to stop T ranting one Buckby's Waggon of Meal
was seiz'd, some of the Rioters were whip'd but very gently at
the Sessions, but Buckby the Trantor hanged himself Augst. 2d."
Trantor was a later term for a " forestaller," so strongly con-
demned by the old customary of Northampton, in the first volume of
this work, as " an oppressor of the poor and a public enemy of
the whole country," particularly if he dealt in corn and tried
unnaturally to raise its price.
Amongst the corporation's books are two volumes of chamber-
lain's accounts. The first of these contains the chamberlain's
receipts and expenditure from 1690-1 to 1749-50, with two or three
omissions. Then there is a gap of some fifteen years, when the
accounts are resumed in another volume, which begins in 1764-5,
and closes with 1825-6.
F
66 NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
Various interesting details taken from these accounts appear
throughout this volume under their respective heads. Among the
general receipts of a special character not admitting of classification
the following seem noteworthy : —
£. s. d.
1690-1 Recd of Mr. George Hayes for 2 old Bells from ye Castle ... 3 4 10
1704 Recd of Mrs. Leforre for her booth at ye new wells ... 230
1785-6 For old materials as valued at the Farm House in Cotton End
after the Fire there .. ... ... ... ... ... ... 8 10 o
No small amount of the town's money went in wine. The
chamberlain's accounts for 1690-1 show that £13 55. id. was spent
over wine during that year at the entertainment of judges and for
rejoicings at thanksgivings. For several years the wine for the
judges at the two assizes averaged about £5.
In 1712, when there were no public rejoicings, the wine bill came
to £10 i6s. od. That same year 305. was spent in a dozen of wine
for the Bishop of Chester when he visited the town.
In 1780 expenses begin to be entered about wine for "the mayor
and aldermen's club." In 1786 this club spent £i 6s. 3d., in 1786
£i us. 6d., and in 1791 £i 195. 5d.
Subsequently the feasting expenses became much more serious.
In 1812 the chamberlain's accounts include £5 55. for the court of
aldermen when they met at the Rose and Crown in February, £5 55.
at the Peacock in May, £5 55. at the Rose and Crown in August, as
well as £5 135. 8d. for dinners in October " for the Committee of
Survey." In the same year ^18 2s. lod. was spent at the dinner in
passing the chamberlain's accounts, and £j 8s. gd. for supper for the
aldermen after attending the judges.
In 1818 the chamberlain's accounts are credited with £21 195. 8d.
for dinners on passing the accounts, £15 i8s. 3d. being two-thirds of
the feasting on branding day, £20 is. 2d. for dinners and wine on
St. Thomas' day, and £6 53. od. for suppers for the aldermen when
attending the judges at the Lent and summer assizes.
The following interesting entry occurs in the minutes of the
court of aldermen, October 7th, 1783 : —
"The said Mr. Lacy the present Chamberlain having voluntary proposed to
attend as often as he conveniently can in his Uniform the Mayor to church and
upon other public occasions, Ordered that a respectable silver Key in the Gothic
Taste double Gilt be forthwith provided by the present Mayor at the Corporation's
expense to be worn by the Chamberlain for the time being with a blew Silk
Ribbon at all times attending the Mayor."
At the same court it was ordered that, in order to provide
CIVIC GOVERNMENT AND STATE. 67
proper accommodation for the chamberlain in All Saints' church,
arms be put up near the bailiff's seat, in the upper bailiff's pew,
for the use of the chamberlain for the time being.
This handsome silver-gilt key, with broad blue silk band attached,
passed into private hands on the passing of the Corporation Reform
Act. Towards the close of 1895 it was restored to the corporation
through the town clerk. On Feb. 6th, 1896, this key, with other
older corporation insignia, was exhibited at the Society of Antiquaries
by the Rev. Dr. Cox, F.S.A., where it attracted some attention, as
no other corporate town has such an emblem in use.
On one side of the key is the inscription " John Lacy, Chamber-
lain of the Corpn of Northampton," and on the other "J. Sutton,
Esqr., Mayor, 1783."
A list of chamberlains from 1690 downwards is given in the
appendix.
THE TOWN CLERK.
The town clerk or common clerk was, from the earliest days, an
invariable adjunct of municipal life. Sometimes, as at one period
at Northampton, this official was considered and termed the mayor's
clerk ; but this was, after all, a distinction without a difference, for
such an official would only be clerk to the mayor in his municipal
capacity and in the business that he transacted for the good of the
town.
The town clerk was usually, though not of necessity, a lawyer,
but it was absolutely essential that he should be a good and ready
scrivener. In the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries almost every
town of any importance required the writing out afresh and the
bringing up to date of its customary, or record of local laws and
customs. The transcribing of the oft-changing bye-laws of the
trading fraternities and the drawing up of recognizances, especially
those for the alehouses, would give him constant employment.
Considerable occupation of a like character would also be provided
in the enrolling of deeds, leases, and agreements, not only in con-
nection with the common property of the town, but as clerk of the
hustings or local court of record, a post almost invariably filled by
the town clerk.
As the chief local adviser of a constant succession of mayors,
the town clerk, whose appointment was practically for life, held a
position of considerable importance, and was the embodiment of a
F 2
68 NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
continuous stream of tradition amid the eddies of an ever-changing'
throng of annual officials.
The town clerk had but seldom any fixed salary, or, if there was
one, it was almost of nominal value ; his emoluments were derived
from legal fees in connection with various courts, from customary
fees for recognizances, and from customary fees in connection with
the enrolling of freemen and apprentices. At Northampton, the
latter fees were considerable, amounting for the last century and
a-half of the old corporation to an average per head of iys.
At Northampton, the election of the town clerk varied at different
periods, but mainly rested with the mayor and aldermen. It became
practically a life appointment right through, although latterly the
aldermen were supposed to elect every year.
One of the witnesses to a charter in the British Museum of the
year 1321, is William de Burgo, town clerk of Northampton.
From private deeds among the town muniments, we find that
John Towcester was town clerk in 1460 ; he is again mentioned
in 1469. John Launden occupied the same position in 1471.
The name of John Prentes also appears as town clerk as a
witness to a deed of 1512. The first town clerk, however, whose
name occurs in the records of the assembly is John Saxby, who
held that position throughout the reign of Edward VI. and Philip
and Mary, and in the earlier part of the long reign of Elizabeth.
He always signs, or is referred to, as " common clerk," that is
clerk to the community. His signature, too, like that of modern
peers, always lacks the Christian name, being simply Saxby.
We have never seen this custom named anywhere, but have noticed
this use of the surname only as characterising the signatures of
the clerk of the peace of seven different counties in Elizabethan
and early Stuart times, and in the case of the town clerks of
four different boroughs, so we suppose it was, at that time a
universal habit. The earlier records of the quarter sessions of the
County of Northampton were not signed by the clerk of the peace.
But from 1738 to the present time the records have invariably
been signed by the clerk of the peace with his surname only.
The first entry that we have found pertaining to this office,
otherwise than the mention of the name is under the order of
assembly of October I4th, 1578, when it was agreed, " That
Thomas Sanbrooke nowe Mr. Maior's Clerke shall from hense-
fourthe duringe his Naturall lyffe have possesse and enjoy the
CIVIC GOVERNMENT AND STATE. 69
saide office of Clerkeshippe he doinge and useinge hymselfe
decentlie and orderlye therin towards Mr. Maior for the Tyme
being and his Cobretherne."
It was ordered by the assembly, in 1590, that the mayor's
clerk for the time being shall not henceforth make any copy of
any order set down in any of the town books for any person
whatsoever, without the special license of the mayor under pain of 403.
On October 6th, 1592, George Coldwell was elected and chosen
" the Maiors Clarke or towne Clarke."
The office of town clerk was not specifically mentioned in
any of the earlier charters, but in the extended charter of 1599
George Coldwell is named as the present common clerk of the
town, commonly called the town clerk, and is authorised to receive
and write recognizances of statute merchants. He was to retain
office, subject to good conduct, till the ensuing Michaelmas, when
the mayor, bailiffs, and burgesses were, according to custom,
yearly to elect a fit person to be common clerk or prothonotary,
to write such recognizances. This customary annual election of
the recognizance clerk was clearly a formal matter, as it was
invariably regarded as an appendage of the town clerk's office.
Up to 1603, the mayor was in the habit of providing the town
clerk with " gowne clothes and wages." In that year the assembly
undertook to pay the town clerk £3. 6s. 8d. in lieu of the wages ;
but, as has been remarked, his stipend was chiefly drawn from fees.
The charter of 1618 makes mention of " our beloved Tobias
Coldwell" as town clerk, and makes the same provision with
regard to him as recognizance clerk as did the charter of 1599.
In this charter, however, the custom of the town is declared to
be the nominating of a town clerk by the mayor and aldermen,
and no reference is made to the bailiffs or other burgesses. The
orders of assembly are in his handwriting till 1654.
It was enjoined, in 1640, that all orders made at any assembly
were to be entered against the next assembly, and then to be
openly read by the town clerk upon pain of 55. for every omission.
In 1652, the assembly directed that the town clerk shall never
at any time have any vote or voice in any matter, cause, or
thing whatsoever propounded or discussed in any assembly.
On the death of Toby Coldwell, in 1654, the mayor and
JO NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
aldermen appointed Mr. Tempest Cooke to the office. Mr. Cooke
died on August i8th, 1658, and at the court of aldermen held on
August 28th, of the same year, it was agreed that Hatton Farmer,
gentleman, be town clerk so long as he behave himself well in
the said office, and providing that he never absent himself from
the duties of his office without the license or consent of the mayor
and aldermen.
On July 26th, 1660, Hatton Farmer voluntarily resigned the
office of town clerk, and John Fowler, gentleman, was appointed
to succeed him. His appointment was made subject to similar
conditions to those of his predecessor, and he had also to pay
£20 for the office to the court, which seems to be an obvious
abuse.
In 1662, Henry Lee, then serjeant of the mace, was appointed
town clerk, and this appointment was ratified by the charter of
1663. His salary as town clerk was settled in 1668 at £8, to be
paid yearly by the chamberlain.
On January iyth, 1688-9, Henry Lee, gentleman, was, "by the
unanimous consent of the wholl house," removed from his office
of town clerk, and Anthony Plant, gentleman, was elected in his
place. On August 5th, 1689, the assembly formally continued
Anthony Plant in his office.
Henry Lee, who had been appointed one of the bailiffs by the
king on September 4th, 1688, suffered much for his compliance with
the wishes of James II. He was for a time ignored in every way
by the town, and at last reduced to poverty. He petitioned the
assembly for relief, and on November 4th, 1690, it was ordered
in consequence of his great straits, " that the chamberlain pay to
Mr. Henry Lee, towards the support of himself and family, 2s. a
week until further order, provided that he deliver up with the
present Maior all writeings and papers that he hath in his hands
touchinge or concerneing the said Corporation." This allowance,
however, soon came to an end, for at a meeting of the court of
aldermen, on December 9th, 1690, Henry Lee was re-elected town
clerk, on the death of Anthony Plant.
On August 4th, 1705, it was reported to the assembly that Mr.
Lee was willing to surrender the town clerk's place by reason of
his great age (86), and the infirmities attending it. Mr. George
Rowell was elected in his place, but on condition of giving a
bond of £400 to Mr. Lee, pledging him to pay £25 per annum
CIVIC GOVERNMENT AND STATE. 71
for life to Mr. Lee, and further that the corporation pay yearly
to Mr. Lee an additional sum of £10 per annum, and if it should
happen that Frances, the wife of the said Henry Lee should
survive him, that then the £10 be continued for her life.
At the assembly held on August 8th, 1765, it was stated that
Mr. George Rowell was too aged and infirm to continue in the
office of town clerk, and that the mayor and aldermen had duly
elected John Jeyes, attorney-at-law, in his place. Mr. Rowell was
clerk for exactly half-a-century.
The charter of 1796 provided for the annual election of the
town clerk by the mayor and aldermen, and also for royal sanction
to the appointment.
Mr. John Jeyes was yearly continued in the office of town
clerk by vote of the court of aldermen, beginning in August,
1772, until his death in 1797. He was succeeded by his son,
Theophilus Jeyes, who was still clerk when the corporation was
reformed in 1835.
TOWN ATTORNEY.
Before the duties of a town clerk became well defined, it was
usual for English corporations to have a definitely-appointed official
for their ordinary legal work, termed the town attorney. Sometimes
this official was appointed for life, subject to good behaviour, and
sometimes he was chosen or nominated year by year. The former
was the case at Northampton.
The earliest entry we have found about a town attorney of
Northampton is among the orders of assembly for 1567, when it was
agreed that " the atturnay of the towne of North'ton in the Escheker
called Mr. Tybalde shall have iiij11 a yere to be payde by the baylys
off Northampton, and that the towne chamber shall pay the baylyves
xxs towardes the same iiiju yerely." This entry implies that £3 of
the salary was to be found by the bailiffs out of their own special
funds, for at this time the bailiffs held certain lands in their own
right, and also received the various tolls.
The mayor and his co-brethren, or aldermen, on the death or
resignation of Mr. Tybalde, claimed to have the appointment of town
attorney in their hands. Here and there, throughout the first volume
of the orders of assembly, are interspersed certain acts of the court of
aldermen. In 1569, on February 25th, the mayor and eight of his
brethren " by good deliberation and advicement did elect and chuze
to be ther Attornay in all courtes within the quene's mats hall at
72 NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
Westmister or ellswear within the Realme of Engelonde, one Thomas
Manninge gentilman to supplie the office aboveseide." In the just-
quoted assembly order of 1567, the name of Mr. Tybalde is erased,
and Thomas Manninge substituted.
In 1578 the assembly ordered " that ther shalbe chosen one
Attorney generall to answere for the Towne affaires at London, and
the same Attorney to have yerely paide hym for his fee 2os." This,
we suppose, refers to the 2os. which was the assembly's share of
the attorney's annual fee of £4.
At an assembly held on January iQth, 1587-8,
It is condiscended and agreed that Mr. Edmund Craddocke shalbe Attorney
generall for the towne affaires, and that he shall have his ordynarie and accustomed
fee paide him everie terme for every matter he shall deale and take paynes in for the
towne and shall have besides yearlie half an acre of grasse in the Abbottes Meadowe
and commons for one horse and two beastes as freemen of the towne have, payeing
for the same grasse and commons as freemen of this towne usuallie doe.
A new appointment had to be made in 1602, for reasons set
forth in the following order :—
That whereas Mr. Francis Tate whoe was councell within the towne, and in
regard thereof had yearlie a standing fee of fourtie shillings, forasmuche as the saide
Francis Tate nowe ys removed or shortlie ys to remove into Wales, a place so farre
distant from this towne that the corporation upon anie opportunie cane not have use
of him as heretofore ; That in consideration hereof Mr. Frauncis Harvey gent, shall
be of counsell within this towne in the affaires thereof (yf yt soe shall please him),
and have yearlie paide him the saide standing fee of fourtie shillings.
In August, 1660, Hatton Farmer, who had just resigned the town
clerkship, was appointed town attorney by the court of aldermen,
for which he was to receive the usual fee of 6s. 8d. every term.
By letters patent of February 25, 1687-8, Francis Reading was
removed from the office of town attorney, and Richard Harris was
appointed in his place.
On January iyth, 1688-9, Edmund Bateman, gentleman, was
elected town attorney.
On April 3oth, 1700, William Lee was appointed town attorney
for the corporation, " to receive the fees and perquisites as others
have done before him."
Lee was followed in the attorneyship by one Marriott, whose
name appears in the accounts of 1717 as receiving a salary or
retaining fee of ^i 6s. 8d.
Soon after this the mention of a town attorney ceased, and his
duties became merged in those of the town clerk.
CIVIC GOVERNMENT AND STATE. 73
THE SERJEANTS-AT-MACE.
There is no mention of the serjeant of the mace or of other
Serjeants in the various charters granted to the town, as is the
case with boroughs of less importance. Indeed, when charters of
the fourteenth century made special mention of these officials, it
is generally by way of confirming an ancient privilege. We know
that Serjeants existed in London, Exeter, Norwich, Winchester,
and Southampton in the last half of the thirteenth century.
In all probability they formed a component part of the town
officials of Northampton in the time of Henry III., but the first
mention of them that we have been able to trace, is in the time
of Edward II.
The number of Serjeants appointed by a municipality varied
to some extent according to the status and size of the town.
Several towns had only one, and by far the larger number were
limited to two. London had 24, Norwich n, Cambridge 9,
Newcastle-on-Tyne and Bristol 8, whilst Canterbury, Chester,
Gloucester, Winchester, Oxford, and twelve others, had four.
At the beginning of the fourteenth century we know that North-
ampton had five Serjeants, and this was probably the original
number. The only town in England that had a like number was
the neighbouring borough of Leicester.
All the five Serjeants were termed serjeants-at-mace, but the
head serjeant, who was probably appointed at the time when it
became customary to carry a great mace before the mayor, was a
more important functionary than his fellows, was clad in a superior
livery, and was generally known as the mayor's serjeant, or serjeant
to the great mace.
Of this functionary we specially treat in the succeeding sub-
division, but it may be here remarked that after the town was
divided into five wards — north, south, east, west, and chequer—
the mayor's serjeant took special charge of the chequer, or market
ward (which was by far the smallest and most central), and therein
served summonses and discharged other official duties, in the same
manner as his brethren did in their wards.
Looked at from another point of view, the idea with regard to
these five Serjeants was that the senior serjeant was specially
attached to the mayor, whilst the other four served the two bailiffs,
as they are not infrequently described as Serjeants, or Serjeants of
the bailiffs.
74 NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
In an order of the assembly of 1412, given in the Liber
Custumarum, they are spoken of as Serjeants of the bailiffs. The
special ordinance of 1391, from the same source, prohibiting
exactions on the part of the Serjeants, calls them the mace-bearers
of the bailiffs. This title is also assigned to them in the oath of
late Elizabethan date, in the Bateman copy of the Northampton
customary : —
Sacramentum Sarjientium balliorum.
You shall make true attachments and true answeres give to the Courte, you
shall trulye serve yor Clients, as you be informed of them, and serve yor Mrs (masters)
in truthe, and doe noe wronge to the people, and you shall take noe pledge of anie
persons, butt have them to the Maior or Bayliffes or anie of them or anie of ther
deputies or to the gaole, in default of pledges, and locke and kepe the prisoners
in the gaole from tyme to tyme safelie to the uttermost of your power, and ye
shall doe all things belonging to your office to your cunnyng or knowledge, Soe
helpe you God in Christ Jesus.
The carrying of maces is a highly interesting subject, and has
been admirably worked out by Mr. St. John Hope in his recent work
on Corporation Plate and Insignia of Office. Suffice it here
to say that civic maces may be divided into two classes — (i)
Serjeants', or small maces carried by serjeants-at-mace as emblems
of authority ; and (2) great, or mayors' maces, borne before a mayor
as a mark of dignity and of delegated royal authority.
Northampton is happy in the possession of four of the small
Serjeants' maces, an honour which she shares with only seven other
towns. Although they are none of them of great age, they were
undoubtedly made, at their respective dates, to succeed ones of
older use. During the time that the mayor's serjeant acted as the
officer for the chequer ward there would certainly be a fifth small
mace, but this has now disappeared. These small maces were
carried by the Serjeants when serving a summons or undertaking
any other official duty. To resist anyone presenting this emblem of
authority, bearing the royal arms, would be a most serious affair ;
this same idea survives in painting a crown or V.R. on a constable's
staff. The livery coats of the Serjeants were usually supplied on the
breast with a small pocket and loop, for the safe carrying of the
mace.
The smallest of these (Plate I.) is only Sin. long, with a head 6f in. in
circumference. It is of brass, somewhat thickly gilt. The globular
head is divided by a foliated ornament into four panels, containing
respectively, in high relief, the letter I, a rose, the letter R, and a
CIVIC GOVERNMENT AND STATE. 75
crown. The shaft is divided by an encircling band, and terminates
with four elaborate projecting flanges. On the flat button at the end
is a St. George's cross in a shield, with the numeral " i" cut at a
later date. This mace, which is one of the smallest in the kingdom,
is of the date of James I., though popularly assigned to king John :
on the summit are the royal arms, with supporters, as borne by the
Stuarts. Possibly it may be of the year 1608, when King James
and Queen Anne made their first royal entry into Northampton, from
Holdenby, and were met in solemn estate by the corporation at the
north gate.
The other three maces (Plate I.), which are respectively 14!, 13%,
and 12 J inches in length, are also all brass-gilt, and not silver-gilt, as
stated in Messrs. Jewitt and Hope's work. The head of each is en-
circled by a low coronet of crosses and fleur-de-lis, and bears a rose,
a thistle, and a harp, all crowned, and a castle, supported by two
lions, for the borough arms. On the top of the head of the longest
mace are the royal arms, as borne by the Stuarts, temp. Charles II.,
and on the other two the royal arms, as borne by George I.
(Plate II.) On the button at the bases of these maces are the
town arms, and the numerals 2, 3, and 4 respectively.
In 1733 Brian Alliston, the mace-bearer, caused to be drawn up,
in grandiloquent language and in best court hand, a long formal
document, executed by town clerk Howell in the book of orders,
whereby he professes, out of the respect and esteem for the corpo-
ration of which he had been an official for forty years, to voluntarily
give to the mayor and aldermen " as a free gift four brass maces of
different sizes doubly gilt with gold," to be kept at the house of the
mayor and to be carried by the four Serjeants along with the great
mace before the mayor when he goes to church, and on all other
occasions when the great mace is carried, etc., etc. The document
is not worth the paper it is written on, for the small maces were no
more the property of Brian Alliston than of the town scavenger or of
one of the old alms women of St. Thomas's. Possibly the whole
affair was a cumbersome joke of Alliston, who became so frolicsome
in his old age .
The following extracts and quotations from the town records will
give some further insight into the varying and varied duties of the
four Serjeants, their dress, and their salaries. Monday was the
regular day for the meeting of the mayor's court, or petty sessions
as we should now call it, and the first order of assembly that we
76 NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
are able to give with reference to the Serjeants, of the year 1559,
refers to their preparation for the weekly court.
It is ordained that every Friday the iiij serjantes callid attornars immediatelie
after they have waighted and brought Mr. Mayor to the Churche that they and
every of them shall repair to the Awarde booke And then and there shall apoint
and agree upon all soche matters as shall precede in the law upon the Monday
next ensuinge upon paine of every one that makithe defaulte at the time apointed
to pay the first time xijd the second time xxd and the third time ijs to the poor
mans boxe.
Each of the four Serjeants, as has been already stated, was
assigned to one of the four outer wards of the town — north, south,
east, and west — whilst the mayor's serjeant had special duties in the
chequer or market ward. In 1586 it was ordered that the serjeant of
each quarter, together with the constable, was to be at the command
of the alderman of the quarter for all reasonable service. At the
same time the Serjeants were ordered to call on their respective
aldermen three times every week to know their pleasure.
On April igth, 1594, it was agreed
That the Serjeantes to the Bayliffe for the tyme being shall from henceforthe
yearlie become bounde with sufficient sureties severallie by good and sufficient
obligations to the saide bailiffes for the tyme being for the keeping of the prisons
safe and sure within the gaole without escape of them or anie of them.
The assembly agreed in 1636
That there shall be letters of Attorney made to the foure Serjeantes to levie
all monyes due to the Corporation by several schedules out of the Exchequer from
tyme to tyme as well nowe as hereafter upon anie occasion.
The court of aldermen claimed the right to appoint the ser-
jeants. In 1655 John Silsby, one of the four Serjeants, was put
in prison upon an execution at the suit of alderman Gifford. The
alderman considered that he thereby forfeited his office, and they
chose John Crick in his place.
In April, 1695, the minutes of the aldermen's court record
That Henry Dover one of the Serjeants att the Mace being verry ancient and
infirme be placed in the almeshouse in the roome of Widdow lately
dead, And that he doe_resigne up his place as a serjeant. And att the same tyme
Valentine Stevenson was Elected Serjeant att the Mace to make up the number of
the 4 Serjeants, And then ordered that the Serjeants be allowed cloth to make them
Gowns, their Gownes being very old torne and rusty ; And that the Gowne of
every Serjeant that dyes or resigns up his place or otherwise shall leave his place,
shall be given to the serjeant that shall succeed him in his place.
In July, 1695, William Wallis and Brian Alliston were sworne
CIVIC GOVERNMENT AND STATE. 77
before the mayor and aldermen as serjeants-at-mace in the room
of John Caporne and John Stamford then displaced.
The court of aldermen decided in 1702, in order the better to
maintain the cleanliness of the streets, that the four Serjeants should
present unto the mayor any nuisance of logs, stones, rubbish, dirt
or dung laid in the streets, with the name of the offender, and that
for every such presentment the Serjeants should receive 4d.
New gowns were provided for the Serjeants in 1705.
As an instance of their perquisites, it may be mentioned that on
St. Thomas' day, 1707, each of the Serjeants, in addition to ale,
received is. 6d.
The mace-bearer and the four serjeants-at-mace were new
clothed in 1728 at the expense of the corporation, but had to give a
written undertaking to the mayor to return the clothes if they should
resign or be turned out of office within three years.
In 1735 one of the Serjeants was dismissed " for his ill-manners in
speaking and uttering contemptibles disrespectfull words of his
Masters the Mayor and Aldermen," and in the following year another
Serjeant was dismissed for absenting himself from the town for
two months.
In 1759 we first read of the Serjeants superintending the weighing
of butter at the market, for which they received a special fee. Like
entries in subsequent years are frequent.
The chamberlain's accounts for 1768 show that each of the four
Serjeants received a salary of 303.
The court of aldermen in 1771 ordered new coats and hats for
the four Serjeants, and directed that they should wear no others
when employed upon comporation business.
In 1772 a. guinea was paid for four hats for the four Serjeants,
and at the same time los. 6d. was paid for " Dying 5 Serjts
Gowns " In 1777 ^ve nats were provided for the four Serjeants and
crier, "the latter being laced with Gold," at a charge of £2 2s.
Four hats were again purchased for the four Serjeants for a
guinea in 1784. " Cloth and materials" the same year for the
same four officials was charged £j 155. 6d. When the new charter
arrived, in 1796, the Serjeants' hats must have been of a better
quality, for they then cost £2 8s., whilst the rest of their livery,
coats and trimming, cost £j 133. 3d. They do not seem to have
had new gowns at that date. New gowns for the four sergeants,
the mace-bearer, and the two beadles cost, in 1800, £29 103. 8d.
7§ NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
In 1806 the four sergeants received six guineas for attending the
mayor to church, etc., " in lieu of Beer."
The four hats in 1808 cost £3 125., whilst " cloth and material
for clothing the Serjeants at Mace " amounted to £iS gs. yd.
The hats soon again rose much in value, and we suppose in
stateliness. A single hat for a new Serjeant in 1809 was 195. 6d.,
whilst four new ones in 1811 cost £6 8d.
In 1816 the Serjeants were paid £j 175. in lieu of the small
tolls ; and in 1833 we find that they were each paid a salary of
six guineas.
THE MAYOR'S SERJEANT AND THE GREAT MACE.
The chief sergeant of the town, usually termed the mayor's
serjeant, and sometimes the serjeant of the mace, or serjeant to
the great mace, was appointed for life, during his good behaviour,
by the court of aldermen. Occasionally, however, in earlier days,
the assembly made this appointment, though perhaps this may
have only been a confirming of the previous act of the aldermen.
The mayor and aldermen, in April, 1567, chose James Thacke-
ray to be mayor's serjeant. He was promoted to this office from
one of the ordinary serjeantships which he had obtained in 1565.
The following form of oath, in a late Elizabethan hand, is taken
from the Bateman copy of the Northampton customary : —
THE MAIORS SERJEANTS OATHE.
Thou shall true Sumons and true Attachments make, as thou art bydde by the
Maior, Thou shalt truly assyze measures and waightes, and truly ensele them,
Thou shall truly make the leveyes of the estreates that shall be assigned to thee and
thy Mrs (masters), and comon profitt doe, And thou shalt doe no man wronge to
thy power, So helpe thee God.
In 1585, it was resolved that the mayor's serjeant should
summon the two aldermen, the two bailiffs, and the two of the
forty-eight, who had to accompany the mayor to the corn market
from time to time.
At an assembly held on September 26th, 1589, John Glover,
yeoman, was appointed to the office of mayor's serjeant during
his good behaviour.
In the following October, it was agreed that the four Serjeants
should always pay to the mayor's serjeant, at the making of the
panel, all such fees as were due to him for the summoning of
jurors between party and party, namely, every townsman 2d., and
every foreigner 4d.
CIVIC GOVERNMENT AND STATE. 79
From a complaint made by the mayor in 1603, it appears
that up to that date the chief magistrate was held responsible for
providing the mayor's serjeant with gown, clothes, and wages.
The assembly then ordered the mayor should be relieved of this
liability, and that the chamber should also pay four pounds
annually to the mayor's serjeant.
An order of the assembly of February ist, 1608, is of par-
ticular interest with regard to the history of the great mace. It
was then resolved that : —
Wheareas Edward Smith, now serjeant to the mace of the mayor did against
his Matie late coming to the Corporation travaile to London aboute the Repaire of
his mace in regard it was somewhat ruinous, which saide mace could not be well
amended, soe as it was broken in pieces and the same being broken in pieces did
in the whole amount in value to the sume of iiij11 iij8 ixd And thereupon a new
mace was made at the towne charge and whereas at this assemblie the said Edward
Smith hath bene a petitioner to have allowance for the old mace broken as afore-
said he sayeing that the old mace cost him Tenn poundes which upon the sale
thereof did not amount above the value of iiij11 iij8 ixd aforesaid And further for
his charges in travailing about the repaire of the said mace. It is ordered that the
said Edward Smith shall have paid him out of the towne Chamber Sixe poundes
thirtene shillinges and foure pence by the Chamberlain of the said towne in his
full satisfaction for the old mace and his charges in travailing about the repaire
of the said mace.
In 1647 we find incidental mention of Simon Einsworthe as
mace-bearer, but his appointment may have been at an earlier
date than this. He was succeeded in 1652 by John Cole.
It was agreed in 1652 that the mayor's serjeant should not have
any vote or voice in any matter, cause, or thing whatsoever pro-
pounded or discussed in any assembly.
On August 28, 1658, the court of aldermen appointed
Henry Lee gentleman mayor's sarjeant to the greate Mace or Macebearer so long
as he shall behave himselfe well in the same office and soe as the saide Mr. Lee doe
utterly forsake the selling of Beare or Ale at all times from the i6th day of
September next ensuinge.
Mr. Henry Lee, whose experiences as town clerk have already
been recorded, gave up his serjeantship in 1668, having for six
years fulfilled the double duties of town clerk and mace-bearer.
He was succeeded by his son, Henry Lee, jun.
Matthew Barnes was appointed to the office by the aldermen
in September, 1689. The following entry in reference to his
salary appears in the minutes of the court of aldermen for 1694 : —
8o NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
That Mr. Mathew Barnes the Macebearer to the Mayor of the Towne shall
yearly receive of the Chamberlains of the Corporation the sum of Three Pounds
to be payd him att Lady Day and Michaelmas for his wayting and attending upon
the Mayor and Aldermen.
In connection with this salary it should be remembered that
there were various perquisites and occasional fees attached to the
office of mayor's serjeant ; it was valued at the time of Barnes'
appointment at about twelve guineas. Matthew Barnes got too
infirm for the due fulfilment of his duties within a year or so of
his appointment, but was allowed to do the work by deputy, one
Judkins being nominated for the purpose at a salary of 35. a week.
On February 5th, 1702, the aldermen appointed Mr. Nicholas
King to be mayor's serjeant, or mace bearer, in the place of Mr.
Matthew Barnes, lately deceased. At the same it was ordered
that Mrs. Barnes should have the next vacant place in the
hospital. In 1706, a new gown was ordered to be provided for
Mr. King, the mace bearer.
There was "a full and friendly debate" between the mayor
and aldermen, in 1712, in relation to the choice of a successor to
Mr. King, who had recently died. Eventually, William Barcole,
barber, was elected in Mr. King's place, upon condition that
Nicholas Stratford, cordwainer (over and besides his share of the
tolls on Wood hill) shall receive £4 per annum from the town
chamberlain as mace bearer's salary, and that William Barcole
further pay to Nicholas Stratford £3 per annum out of the fees
and perquisites of his office. The records do not state why the
new mace bearer was to be thus heavily fined in favour of
Nicholas.
In 1717 four pounds was paid for " new clouthing" for the
mace-bearer.
The curious agreement as to the £j payable from the mace-
bearers due to Nicholas Stratford underwent a change in 1718,
for in that year the mayor and aldermen decided that the salary
of it should go direct to their mace-bearer, William Barcole, and
that the whole of the £j should be paid to Nicholas by the town
chamberlain for the time being.
Gowns for the mace-bearer and one of the Serjeants cost, in 1722,
£l 2s. 6d.
In 1729 the mace-bearer, in common with the four serjeants-at-
mace, were new clothed at the expense of the corporation, each of
CIVIC GOVERNMENT AND STATE. 8l
them being required to give notes to the mayor to return the same
if they should resign or be turned out of office within the space of
three years. The cloth and trimmings for the five gowns cost
£14 153. od.
The court of aldermen, on April 2ist, 1721, elected Nicholas
Stratford as mayor's Serjeant or mace-bearer, in the room of William
Barcole, deceased. It was ordered that he receive the whole of
the salary, profits, and perquisites of the mace-bearer's office without
any deduction, and that his pension of £j and his share of the tolls
of Wood hill should cease.
In 1772, on June i3th, John Moore, the elder, was elected mace-
bearer, in place of Nicholas Stratford, deceased ; and at the same time
John Moore was displaced and removed from the number of the
eight and forty burgesses.
On March 3oth, 1725, Brian Alliston, one of the ordinary
serjeants-at-mace, was promoted by the aldermen to the office of
mace-bearer, in the room of John Moore, deceased, and the oath of
office duly administered.
Brian Alliston, who had for some time been unable, " by reason
of his lameness and other infirmities attending old age," to attend
to the duties of his office, resigned on August 7th, 1735. He was
succeeded by Walter Cockerell, the oldest of the four serjeants-at-
mace, upon condition of Walter allowing Brian Alliston a pension
of £8 out of the salary, profits, and perquisites of the office for the
term of his natural life, "in consideration of his long and faithful
services to the corporation." At the next meeting of the aldermen's
court a new mace-bearer's gown was ordered for Mr. Cockerell,
and the chamberlain's accounts show that it cost £3.
Brian Alliston, on his resignation of the office of mayor's serjeant
or mace-bearer, was elected by the aldermen as one of the forty-
eight. His newly-found leisure seems to have been too much for
the old man. The court of aldermen, on October 7th, 1736, ordered
that
Brian Alliston for his many and frequent Misbehaviours and disorderly Practices
time after time, and particularly for his Drunkenness and Misbehaviour at the
Mayor's Feast at Michaelmas day last and on the day following in revelling about
the Streets of this Town when he was drunk, with one of the Bailiffs Gowns upon
his Back, and deriding and ridiculing the Corporation as well as Exposing
himself, be removed and displaced from his office of an Eight and forty man or
Burgess of this Corporation, and he is hereby removed and displaced accordingly.
G
82 NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
At the court held on June 29th, 1742, Thomas Stuart, the senior
serjeant-at-mace, was promoted to the office of mace-bearer, in the
room of Walter Cockerell, deceased, but with the proviso that he
gave a pension of £4 to Samuel Scriven, a superannuated serjeant-
at-mace. The regular salary of the mace-bearer was at this time
raised to six guineas.
The next appointment was that of Joseph Satchwell, who was
elected in 1766.
In June, 1776, the court of aldermen appointed Keeling
Williamson mayor's serjeant or mace-bearer, in the room of
Joseph Satchwell, the late mace-bearer, deceased.
In February, 1791, the same court elected Samuel Wainwright,
clock and watchmaker, in the room of Keeling Williamson, deceased.
On his resignation, in 1799, Wainwright was allowed by the
assembly a pension of £5, in addition to the allowance made him
by his successor, for his more comfortable support.
John Wright in 1799, Charles Balaam in 1801, and John Alliston
in 1820, were the next three holders of this dignified office.
In 1813 it was agreed to pay the mace-bearer an additional salary
of ten guineas for relieving the vagrants, such salary to commence
from Michaelmas, 1809, when he first began to relieve the vagrants
by direction of the mayor.
The mace-bearer, in 1833, received a salary of £27, in addition
to the " small tolls." The nature of these tolls is explained in
a subsequent section.
The GREAT MACE (Plate I), still carried before the mayor by the
mayor's serjeant, is of silver-gilt. It is of the usual Charles II. form,
and, though somewhat shorter than the average of great maces, is
remarkably well proportioned, there being an absence of the undue
top-heaviness or of the excessive elongation which are the respective
faults of not a few examples. The workmanship, whether of one or
two periods, is excellent throughout, and most exceptionally well
preserved.
It measures 45 J- inches in length, the circumference of the head is
16 inches, of the foot-knop 10 inches, and of the staff 3! inches.
The weight is lolb. I4oz. The head is surmounted by an open-
arched crown of four curved ribs, supporting the usual orb and
cross. Round the head are four compartments, divided by half-length
human figures or caryatides, are the royal badges of a fleur-de-lis
(France), rose (England), thistle (Scotland), and harp (Ireland),
PLATE I,
Fig. i.
The Great Mace.
Fig. 4.
THE MACES OF THE TOWN OF NORTHAMPTON.
CIVIC GOVERNMENT AND STATE. 83
each surmounted by a crown between the initials C.R. Round the
head is an upstanding rim of alternate crosses and fleur-de-lis. On
the top of the head, beneath the open crown, are the quartered
arms of France, England, Scotland, and Ireland, within the garter,
and supported by the lion and unicorn, as borne by the Stuart
sovereigns. The shaft is divided into three parts by two massive
knops, and a tapering foot-knop. The encircling knops are orna-
mented with acanthus leaves. The foot-knop is chased with roses
and thistles, and also bears in a medallion the arms of North-
ampton. Below the head are four elegant brackets, terminating in
human faces. The shaft is most beautifully chased with a running
pattern of roses and thistles. After a careful comparison of the
great mace of Northampton with those of the House of Commons,
Leicester, Chesterfield, and others that have been closely examined,
and after looking through the descriptions of a score or two of maces
of this period in the work of Messrs. Jewitt and Hope, it seems
reasonable to suppose that the shaft and knops of this mace, and
possibly part of the head, are of the Commonwealth date, and the
workmanship of Thomas Maundy, the celebrated goldsmith, of
London, to whom was entrusted the making of the House of
Commons mace, and who secured by resolution of the house, dated
June 6th, 1649: " That all other great maces to be used in this
Commonwealth be made according to the same forme and paterne,
and that the said Thomas Maundy have the making thereof and
none other." Soon after the restoration of the monarchy, this mace
(like that of Leicester and several others still extant) would be
altered in its head, or have a new head substituted, in order to
conform with the revival of the kingly power. The workmanship
of most, if not all, of the head of the Northampton mace is obviously
different, and somewhat inferior to that of the shaft, slight brackets,
and knops.
With regard to the history of Northampton's great mace, it has
already been noted that the one in the possession of the mace-bearer
in 1608 was sold for old silver, and a new one purchased, in order
to grace the state entry of James I. All that we have been able to
ascertain with regard to this mace, then considered "so ruinous," is
that it was given to the town in 1460 at the time when a new charter
was granted by Henry VI.
The new one of 1608 would probably, judging from extant
examples of that period, be a simple affair, having an enlarged
G 2
84 NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
circular head, surrounded by a cresting. The royal arms would be
engraved on the flattened top.
In a town that took so decided a stand against the monarchy
at the very beginning of the great civil war, it may be safely
assumed that this special emblem of deputed royal authority would
soon give offence, and be disused, if not melted down. The
resolution of the House of Commons in 1649 with regard to maces
would be certain to take effect in such a borough as Northampton,
and doubtless one of the best of Maundy's workmanship would
speedily be in use.
In 1653 it is recorded that Mr. Laurence Wolaston, immediately
after he had taken his oath as mayor on Michaelmas day, took the
great mace away from Mr. Einsworth, the mayor's serjeant, and
gave it to Mr. Coldwell, the town clerk, to carry home before him.
Further accounts of that day's stormy proceedings show that there
was a great division among the aldermen as to the appointment of
mayor's serjeant, and this was probably the cause of Mr. Wolaston' s
action with regard to the mace.
On the restoration of the monarchy, the alternate cross of St.
George for England, and a harp for Ireland, with the inscription
" The Freedom of England by God's blessing restored," which were
the embellishments of a Commonwealth mace, would excite dis-
pleasure ; accordingly we find that, in 1661, £80 was spent on a new
mace, or rather, as we believe, on a new head and foot-knop to the
Commonwealth mace. Judging from the cost of other maces of this
date, £So would not have sufficed for a complete one such as that of
Northampton.
In 1666 the mace underwent a variety of vicissitudes. The
disturbance about the election of mayor, to which reference has
already been made, turned, to a considerable extent, on the
possession of the mace, as the chief emblem of office. The ex-
mayor, Mr. Francis Pickner, refused to deliver it up to his successor.
Lord Manchester, the recorder, appealed to the king and parlia-
ment. The serjeant-at-arms of the parliament was despatched to
Northampton, and arrested Mr. Pickner. At last, after being nineteen
days in custody, the mace was surrendered.
In the following year, Richard Rands was elected to the
mayoralty, and when sworne in " he made no feast nor so much as
made the aldermen drink, a thing not usual, but went home a back
way, and the Mace bearer carried the Mace under his coat."
CIVIC GOVERNMENT AND STATE. 85
In 1692 Mr. Barnes, the mayor's serjeant, who was by trade a
jeweller, was paid 55. "for cleansing the Mace, and mending the
same." In 1678, some years before his appointment to the office,
Mr. Barnes had received 2s. 6d. for " mending the Crowne of the
Mace/' A like sum was also paid to him in 1699 for another
cleaning of the mace.
From the mayor's accounts of 1712-13, we find that £12 i6s. 6d.
was spent in re-gilding the mace, and one William Cooke received
2s. 6d. for bringing the mace back from London. The mace was
again re-gilt in 1790 at a charge of 15 guineas. In 1804 the great
mace was cleaned by Charles Balaam, the mayor's serjeant, for
53., and a like sum was paid him for a similar duty in 1806. In 1826
the mace was repaired at a cost of 35., and finally, it may be
mentioned, it was again re-gilt, during the mayoralty of Mr. Tomes,
in 1895.
In 1830 the first instance occurs in the corporation accounts of
the great mace being put in mourning : " Mr. John Phipps for silk
for the Mace and crape for the other maces, and Beadles Staves on
the death of Alderman Phipps 135. 8d."
THE TOWN CRIER OR BELLMAN, THE HALL-KEEPER, AND
BEADLES.
In addition to the serjeant or Serjeants, every corporation had
its varying array of minor livery officials, such as beadles, criers,
bellman, constables, and porters.
One of these officials is to be found in every such list, namely,
the town crier or bellman. The Northampton use varied some-
what in the three centuries of which we have full records ; but for the
most part these liveried officials (wearing the dark blue, red-
trimmed livery of the town) were the town crier, two beadles
or bellmen, and the hall-keeper. The waits and the upper sexton
of All Saints also wore the town livery, and were subsidized from
the common fund, but they are treated of in other sections.
All these officials were appointed by the court of aldermen.
At the assembly held on October 3rd, 1572, Simon Hodgekyn was
admitted bellman by Mr. Mayor.
In 1586 it was agreed that Hodgekin, the bellman, should ring
the market bell every market day at 1 1 o'clock for the opening of
market ; that he should also ring the same bell at 2 o'clock, that the
maltsters may then go to buy barley. For neglecting ringing either
of these hours, the bellman was to forfeit to the chamber 33. 4d.
86 NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
From directions given to Thomas Coles, the bellman, in 1606,
for the repairing of the pavement of the Woodhill and for sweeping
it clean every week, we find that the Woodhill tolls levied on all
carts bringing fuel there were then assigned to the holder of the
bellman's office. Thomas Coles, in common with the sexton of All
Saints and the town waits, received (according to an order of 1624)
135. 4d. every two years towards furnishing him with a blue coat,
Coles was also ordered, at the same time, to always wear the
town recognizances on his sleeve, according to old custom.
George Marshall was elected and sworn town crier in August,
1658. The chamberlains were forthwith ordered to provide him
with a coat, and to deliver to him the bell, two staves, and the
cognisance, and to pay the late crier's wife, Widow Appletree,
45. 6d.
The crier wras at that time required—
"(i) to attend Mr. Maior upon all occasions.
(2) to weare his Coate Constantly and his Brazed Staffe.
(3) to attend the woman's market, and keepe a place theare for
the Roade.
(4) to take Care that the Streates are kept Cleane.
(5) to Cleanse the Bridges and gates and his part of the m^ket
place."
In 1675 the town crier received 2s. for " crying the commons
and assisting at branding." Similar entries occur for a number
of years.
The mayor and alderman appointed John Boone in October,
1696, to be "Towne Bedle and Cryer " in the room of Thomas
Peedle.
In 1701 the same court ordered that the crier, sexton, and hall-
keeper have livery coats the same as formerly.
At the aldermen's court, January 3oth, 1706-7, the mayor
nominated Daniel Sanders to be crier in Brian Rushworth's room,
then deceased. The aldermen consented, " provided he behave
himself civilly and orderly, and if not to be turned out." He
also took office on condition of paying Brian Rushworth's widow
a shilling per week.
In 1718, on July i8th, Daniel Sanders was ejected from his
office, " for many loose and disorderly Practices and particularly
for his disrespectfull and abusive behaviour towards his Superiors.'
The sexton of All Saints was instructed to take an account of
CIVIC GOVERNMENT AND STATE. 87
the profits of the corn belonging to the crier, and bring them
to the mayor every Saturday night, until Sanders' successor was
appointed.
On September 3oth the aldermen elected Thomas Hanson
common crier upon two conditions — (i) that the profits from
the toll of corn be sequestered and paid into the mayor's
hands weekly, until the pavement or pebbling of the Market Hill
be put in good repair, and (2) that when Hanson receives the
full profits, that then he shall pay every Friday eighteen pence
to his sister towards her support and maintenance.
To Thomas Hanson succeeded Benjamin Farrin, and on the
removal of Farrin for misbehaviour in 1745, the aldermen elected
Robert Moore to be town crier in his place.
On June nth, 1750, Robert Cox, one of the serjeants-at-mace,
was elected by the aldermen town crier in the room of Samuel
Foulkes, deceased.
The court of aldermen in April, 1777, appointed John Smith
(who had been one of the four Serjeants) to the office of town
crier in the room of Robert Cox, deceased.
In 1785 the same court duly elected John Roberts (who had
been flag carrier; town crier in the place of John Smith, deceased.
With regard to the dress of the town crier, there fortunately
exists in the town museum, an oil painting, on panel, of Thomas
Coles in 1618, when that white-bearded official was 79 years of
age. He is represented in dark blue gown lined with red,
bearing the town arms embroidered in colours on the left sleeve.
The sleeve badge of silver was worn on the coat, and is con-
cealed in the picture. In the right hand is a tall staff tipped
with the town arms, and in the left a belt, with leather handle-flap
at the top. Thomas Coles, who was appointed, as we have seen,
in 1590, continued to act till 1626, when he was 87 years old.
We now revert to the references that are made in the records
to the livery and insignia of the town crier. In 1584 the assembly
ordered that silver cognizances should be prepared for the crier,
the hall-keeper, and the waits ; the two former were to wear
the cognizance or badge on their livery coat. They were to give
sureties on appointment to office for the due return of the badge
on their resignation or removal.
These silver badges are still worn by the crier and hall-keeper,
though much worn with frequent use and polishing. The best of
88 NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
the two is the hall-keeper's, which is figured on Plate II.
It is of an oval shape, 4^ inches by 3^ inches, bearing the town
arms in the centre, and surrounded by a well executed floral
border. Specimens of town badges in use or in museums remain
in twenty-four English boroughs, but only two, besides Northamp-
ton, have badges of sixteenth century date, namely, Hereford,
1583, and Eye, 1592.
The town crier's staff is of black painted wood, with brass
ferrule, and tipped with a knop of brass, the whole surmounted
with a gilded representation of the town arms carved in wood.
Round the knop is engraved, in letters much worn through
frequent polishing, " Ad usum Municipii Northton ex dono B.B.
Lodon, 1683." Some two centuries later, a town crier desired to
hand down his name to his successors and others, for on the
lower part of this upper garnishing of brass is inscribed: "J. T.
Ward, Town Crier, 1841." The staff now measures 6ft. 3in.,
but has recently been deprived of some six inches of its original
stature.
The mayor's accounts for 1692 record the purchase of a "blew
coate for the Cryer" at £i i6s. id. In 1712 the crier's coat
cost £2 35. iod., and two years later £2 145. od.
In 1724 the badge was "new gilded" at a charge of js. 6d.
The head of the crier's staff was mended and gilded at a cost of
seven shillings in 1728. A new bell for the crier was provided
in 1741, at a cost of ten shillings; and in the same year the
town arms at the top of his staff were re-gilt at the charge of
four shillings. The highest price named for the crier's or bell-
man's coat was in 1751, when it cost £2 i8s. His gown or
cloak required renewing much less requently, and was probably
only worn on special state occasions. In 1704 three cloaks and
lining were provided for the bellman and two beadles, each one
of them costing £i igs. 8d.
There are two or three references made to the crier's cap in
the 1 7th century, but we cannot state the price, as it is associated
with other livery. In 1770 " a guinea was paid for the Cryer's
Hatte," and in 1777 a gold-laced hat was provided, at a like
cost. In 1825 hats for the crier and hall-keeper cost £3 i6s., and
their liveries £12 los. 7d.
Several occasional duties of the town crier are incidentally
PLATE
CIVIC GOVERNMENT AND STATE. 89
mentioned throughout the records, and will be found in their
proper place in subsequent sections.
The salary of the town crier was mainly dependent on certain
market dues and small tolls, and varied much from time to time.
THE HALL-KEEPER, as we have seen, is mentioned as an im-
portant sub-official, entitled to wear a silver badge as early as
1584. There are a variety of entries as to new coats that were
provided for him from time to time, and latterly hats. His apparel
seems usually to have been of the same style, and at all events
of the same price as that of the town crier.
Two BEADLES are named amongst the minor officials of the
town on several occasions in the reign of Elizabeth, and during the
1 7th century, though it is not until the i8th century that we find
definite record of their appointment by the aldermen.
In 1713 the court of aldermen ordered " that John Boone and
William Farey be the Bellmen as formerly, and to have new Coats
and Capps."
In 1723 William Farey, one of the two bellmen, was superannuated,
and was removed to St. Thomas' hospital.
In 1728 Richard Boon was elected " one of the Beadles or
Bellmen" in room of Joseph Palmer, who is reported as lame,
and taking to another means of livelihood. It was at the same
time ordered by the aldermen that the two beadles or bellmen be
new clothed at the corporation's expense.
Ten years later a " new Beadle's Coat and Cap " was provided
for Richard Boon, and at the same time a coat only for the sexton.
In 1747 Benjamin Dawes, one of the two beadles, was also
appointed keeper of the house of correction.
The following are some of the other entries for their livery
from the mayor's accounts : —
In 1712 the coats for the two beadles or bellmen cost £i 175. 4d.
each, being 6s. 6d. less than the coat for the town crier. In 1714
the beadles had new coats and caps, the joint cost of which was
j£4 2s. 3d. The like amount, plus 3d., was paid for clothes for the
same men in 1716.
Gowns and caps for the two beadles in 1729 cost £5 135.
A blue cap for one of the beadles cost 95. in 1731 ; and in 1736
a coat and cap for John Ager, one of the beadles, amounted to
£2 us. 6d.
Occasionally, as in 1695 and 1698, we find entries for " Coats
90 NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
for the 3 Bellmen." These must refer to the crier and two beadles.
We do not quite understand why a town the size of Northampton
should have required three bellmen, but we can only suppose that
the two beadles were used occasionally in this capacity, perhaps
in connection with the numerous fairs and markets The beadles,
in conjunction with the crier, were usually appointed to keep order
round the frequent market square bonfires, on occasions of national
thanksgiving.
Tall staves, usually tipped with silver or metal knobs, were the
ordinary emblems of the authority of municipal beadles. Such
staves are still possessed by Faversham, Norwich, Bridgenorth,
Hull, Reading, and a few other boroughs. These staves are, as Mr.
Hope points out, " the descendents and modern representatives of
the oldest municipal insignia, the virgoe, wands, or staves carried
by the Serjeants as emblems of authority before the adoption of
maces."
Northampton possesses two such beadle staves, exactly similar.
They each measure 6ft. Qin. in height, and consist of thick black
painted wooden staves, surmounted by rounded knobs of white
metal, and encased with similar metal for gin. from the top, the
lower edge of which is vandyked. They are of exceptional
appearance, and are at least as old as the town crier's staff. Until
recently one of these was carried by the present town beadle ;
now they are borne in civic procession by the two sanitary
inspectors. The two corporation beadles used to head the town's
array with these twin staves of simple construction but imposing
size.
With reference to staves, it is of interest to note that on
December i4th, 1702, at the court of aldermen, " Mr. Mayor
intimating the Thirdboroughs of this towne had noe Staves, and
the Constables verry meane and unpaynted short ones, It is agreed
and Ordered that Mr. Mayor doe according to his Discretion
provide what are wanting, and order them to be paynted by
Robert Welsh a Debtor to the Corporation for his Freedome, and
sett off the charge of the painting them upon the said Welsh his
bond."
THE WAITS.
It was the good old custom of mediaeval England for every well
regulated corporation to officially engage a band of minstrels, called
waits. They were originally the watchmen who were ready to
CIVIC GOVERNMENT AND STATE. 91
sound the alarm on horn or trumpet, or to pipe the hours and different
watches of the night. Hence they developed into a band of
musicians, and their duty as watchmen died out. At the time of the
inquiry into corporation life, made in 1834, prior to the Reform Act,
only six boroughs retained the services of waits, viz., Bristol,
Chester, Leeds, Lincoln, Nottingham, and York, but wherever old
records and minutes exist (be the town big or small) entries are
found relative to the town musicians.
They always wore a specially-devised variety of the town livery,
and round their neck a silver badge, usually attached to a collar.
No one was suffered to play in public save the licensed waits. They
played in the town at variable times for the gratification of the
inhabitants, and were usually allowed to seek a dole, but on all
special civic occasions they were expected to play, and received an
acknowledgment from the town purse.
The first mention of the town waits or minstrels of Northampton
that we have noticed is under the year 1584, when the assembly made
the following order :—
" That the waytes of the towne shall have each of them a liverey
yearely and the conysaunce of the Towne in silver putting in
suertyes to redeliver the cognisaunce at their departure."
In 1590 order was made that " Thomas Bentley one of the
waightes of the seyde towne " should have a livery.
The order for annual livery, made in 1584, was repealed in 1592,
when it was agreed " that the towne waytes shall have their liveries
this yeare and everie seconde yeare after and not other wayes."
In the first year of king James the question of the livery of the
minstrels again came before the assembly, when it was agreed
"That the wayte players commonlie called the towne waytes in
regard of their humble suite shall at this instant have fourtie and
eight shillings towards furnishing of them with coate clothes ; And
that from hencefourth everie seconde yeare the saide waytes shall
have their coate clothes allowed them by the towne chamber in
suche sorte and in everie respectt as ys sett downe in order
heretofore made in that behalf e and not otherwise."
This order was again varied in 1624, when it was enacted that
" the towne wayte or musicians " should have 135. 4d. apiece allowed
them every two years towards furnishing them with " blew coates,"
which were to be finished and made up at their own charges, and to
put upon their coats the town cognizance.
92 NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
In 1655 the assembly ordered " that the waytes shall have
yverie cloakes but once every foure yeares according to the old
wages formerly paid unto them which was six shillings eight
pence a piece yearly to every one of them."
During the unsettled times immediately preceding, and just after
the Restoration, the payment of the town minstrels got in arrear.
On November loth, 1662, the assembly passed the following reso-
lution :— " That the Towne Wayte Players be allowed for their
yearely Wages markes apeece towards theire Liveries, And that
they be payd their Wages in Arreare being Nobles apeece for
four yeares last past."
The Leicester corporation dismissed their band of waits in
1671 because of disorderly character, and we find from their
minutes that they engaged the Northampton waits to take their place
on Easter Monday and at the May Day fair.
The chamberlain's accounts for 1680 state that £4 was paid
to " Mr. Mayor for ye Wateplayers blew cloth."
In 1692 the town supplied four new silver badges for the
waits at a cost of £2 175., and at the same time paid 2s. 8d.
for four yards of red ribbon to suspend the badges round their
necks.
In 1698 " i new Cloake for a Wayteplayer and mending the
3 other Cloakes" cost £2 8s. nd.
The mayor's accounts for 1702-3 records :— £. s. d.
Pd Mr. Clarke for 3 Cloakes for ye wait players 5 19 o
Pd Mr. Tho8 Dawes for making ye Cloakes 125, for lace
for ye Capes 6s 0180
On Thanksgiving night, in 1693, the town musicians were
paid 55. for their services. Like entries are frequent. Many
will be found in the section on National Events, which we do
not here repeat. Drummers are first mentioned at the peace
rejoicings in September, 1697, and subsequently special trumpet
players.
The mayor's accounts from 1780 to 1790 have a regular charge
for music of two guineas.
After many years' silence with regard to town music in any
shape, so far as the chamberlain's accounts are concerned, we find
in 1799 that there was a payment of a guinea to "musicians at
the Anniversary Meeting of the General Infirmary and Mayor's
Feast."
CIVIC GOVERNMENT AND STATE. 93
FLAGS AND FLAG CARRIERS.
It does not seem to have been the custom at any time in our
history for English boroughs to be in possession of, or to use
flags or banners. But to every general custom or rule there are
exceptions. Preston has a town flag consisting of the borough
arms, mounted on blue silk, which is carried in civic processions.
The ancient town of Colchester possesses a banner, which is
carried before the corporation at the proclamation of the fair,
and at the excursion down the Colne at the holding of a court
of conservancy. These two flags are considered to be survivals of
respective early uses. The interesting Shropshire town of Bridg-
north, has also a banner, but this one, consisting of the borough
arms, was only purchased for the corporation in 1863, on the
occasion of the marriage of the Prince of Wales. Richmond
(Yorkshire) also has a banner of the town arms, and York used
to possess a city ensign so long ago as the days of Elizabeth.
Notwithstanding these exceptions (and we believe every
exception has been named), the old English custom was evidently
to assign flags and banners to military use, or ecclesiastical
display, and not to connect them with civic pageantry or town
processions. It is therefore all the more remarkable, and quite
exceptional, to find Northampton in possession of two flags and
one banner, all of which are carried in procession. One of the flags
is of blue silk, with a full achievement of the royal arms, and the other
is of the same colour, but bears the arms of the town. The lofty
staves of these large flags are respectively surmounted by a crown
and a mitre. These flags were the gift of Mr. Thomas Osborn,
and were first used in 1882, when the mayor and corporation
attended in state at the opening services of the church of St.
Michael. The Bishop of Peterborough on that occasion hallowed
the flags. These flags were the successors of two of similar
dimensions, borne on staves thirteen feet high, which were at that
date discarded. They are preserved at the town hall, but are in
a considerably tattered condition. These flags are also of blue
silk, surrounding large achievements, and bear the date of 1822.
Below both the arms of England and of the town are the words
" Corporation of Northampton."
On searching the records, the earliest entry that we can find
is under the year 1692, when the town paid £6 145. " for new
making the 2 towne flagges." They are described in 1097 as
94 NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
"the twoe flaggs, one of the towne, and thother the royall
standarde." In 1712, three shillings was paid for " gilding againe
the toppes of the flag staves." An entry in 1740-1, " Pd Richd
Maning for painting the Corporation streamers, us. od.," may
refer to the flags From 1741 downwards, with but few exceptions?
entries are made year by year, for the payment of the flag
carriers on certain state days, such as May 2gih, Michaelmas
day, November 5th, Christmas day, and the hospital anniversary.
The usual scale of payment was a shilling per flag on each occasion.
Last century the aldermen considered the honour and pay of being a
flag-bearer to the corporation of sufficient importance to justify a
special appointment The court of aldermen, for instance, elected,
in 1785, Christopher Couchwell " flag carrier in the place of John
Roberts promoted to be town crier." In 1787 William Robinson
was duly elected one of the two flag-carriers, in the room of John
Sherwood, promoted to be beadle.
New flags were procured in 1781, when the mayor paid "Mr.
William Balaam for Flaggs a Bill of £32 los." The mayor's
accounts of 1802-3 show that the flags were renewed that year
at a cost of £30 2s. In 1822 the sum of £18 js. was paid to
alderman Armfield for silk for newr flags, the remnants of which
still remain.
The remarkable fact that Northampton, of all the corporate
towns of England and Wales, is the only one that carries the royal
standard is of special interest. We have traced the custom back to
1692, and even then the two flags were successors to their worn-out
predecessors.
The carrying of the royal arms of England on a flag in a civic
procession would be altogether an unwarrantable assumption, unless
such a privilege had been granted by express charter, or by the
verbal leave and sanction of one of our monarchs. There is no town
in the kingdom (save London) that has been oftener visited by royalty
from the time of the Conquest downwards than the once strongly
fortified and centrally-situated borough of Northampton. It seems,
then, reasonable to assume that these civic flags of Northampton (at
all events the royal standard) have their origin in the favour of some
royal visitor or resident of the remote past. It has been suggested
that William III. may have conferred this extraordinary privilege
during his brief visits to the town. But this cannot have been the
case, or the flag would not have required renewing so early as 1692.
CIVIC GOVERNMENT AND STATE. 95
Most assuredly Charles II., who ordered the walls and gates to be
demolished, would never have granted this unique favour, so that its
origin must be sought in days before the great Civil War. The
silence of the earlier records as to flags and flag-carriers is not of the
least value as disproving their use, for no documents exist which
would be the least likely to name them earlier than the fire of 1676.
It seems to us not unlikely that Queen Elizabeth, who made
at least one royal progress through the town, as well as two other
visits, and who was so fond of pageantry, may have been the
monarch who -granted to the mayor and burgesses of Northampton
the unique privilege of carrying in procession the royal standard
of England.
In front of the mayor, on state occasions, there is sometimes carried
a banner of crimson silk, emblazoned with the town arms, supported
by a highly-ornamented staff. "The Mayor's Bannaret," as it is usually
termed, was the gift of Mr. Phipps in 1863, on the occasion of the
marriage of the Prince of Wales. There are two other large crimson
banners bearing the town arms on each side, but these were
constructed for denoting the Northampton display at the Paris
exhibition, and have nothing to do with civic state. They are never
carried, and have no staves, but are occasionally suspended in the
town hall for decorative purposes.
DRESS OF THE ASSEMBLY
The wearing of official robes by the various members of civic
assemblies was an old and generally prevalent custom, particularly
so far as mayors and ex-mayors were concerned. Mr. St. John Hope,
in his admirable work on " Corporation Insignia," has pointed out
that in petitions to restrain the wearing of excessive apparel made to
parliament in 1402 and 1406, exceptions were made in favour not
only of mayors, but of mayors' wives. In divers acts of parliament
during the reigns of Edward IV. and Henry VIII., on the same
subject, special exemptions were also allowed to representatives of
corporate bodies such as mayors, aldermen, bailiffs, and recorders.
The various fifteenth century minutes that are extant relative to
corporation dress, up and down the country, prove that the invariable
state and festival use for mayors and aldermen was the wearing of
scarlet gowns. Scarlet was the natural official English colour for
those formally deputed to rule and administer justice. It was the
regal colour, and hence used by the judges when powers of judicature,
originally vested in the king, were transferred to them as the king's
96 NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
representatives. For the like reason scarlet was the colour for the
official robe of the reeve or mayor, who, though elected by the
people, was the royal representative. The same use applied to
the aldermen, who had once been mayors, and were still the mayor's
co-brethren and advisers.
The occasional apparent exceptions to the old rule of scarlet as
the state and official colour, such as black, or purple, or blue
for mayor and aldermen, all disappear on careful examination ; these
other colours, where not modern, being the ordinary or more common
dress.
So far as Northampton is concerned, there is no early evidence
as to the colour of the official dress, but it is quite impossible to
conceive that this one important town formed any exception to the
invariable rule wherever such evidence is forthcoming ; particularly
when it is recollected that Northampton was more favoured as a
place for royal visits and royal sojourns than any other town in
the kingdom, and that it was famed from early days for the purity
of its scarlet dye.
At an assembly held on October 2oth, 1589, it was ordered
" that all the Maiors that nowe are or that hereafter shalbe
of this towne shall yearely att the Feaste of Saynte Michael
th* Archaungell, the Feaste of the Nativitie, or birthe of our
Lord God, the Feaste daye of Easter, and the Feaste Day
of Whyt Sondaye were there Scarlett as uppon these dayes,
uppon payne that every main makeing defaulte for not wearinge
the say d Scarlett uppon the said daies to Forfeyt xijd for every
defaulte." It will presently be noted, under the head of " Royal
Visits," that the mayor and aldermen wore their scarlet when
greeting king James in 1606.
In 1612 it was stated " that there was so much disorder and
unseemliness in and about the company of this Reverend assembly
at all meetings, both at Assemblys, Courts, and Sessions, by
reason of their undecencie in apparell to the disgrace of this
Corporation, Nowe for reformation thereof it is agreed and ordered
that all persons of this Assemblie that nowe is, or that hereafter
shalbe, that is to say all everie and singular Maior, Alderman, and
Baylife and Burgesse of the said Corporation shalbe hereafter at
all meetings sommones and appearances at Assemblys Courtes and
Scessions Attired in a black or some sad couloured apparell
decentlie provided, and in Comelie and decente Ruffe bandes
CIVIC GOVERNMENT AND STATE. 97
uppon paine that every person doeing the Contrary in anye respecte
shall forfeit Tenne shillings. "
Another order, at a later assembly of the same year, provides
that the bailiffs, and all those that have been bailiffs, shall, upon
every Sunday and festival day, come to church in their best gowns
upon pain of 33. 4d. ; and that Mr Mayor and his brethren shall
upon November 5th yearly wear their scarlet gowns under a like
penalty. The forty-eight burgesses were also ordered to attend
church wearing their gowns upon the same day. An order of 1620
provided that the mayor and his brethren (or aldermen) were to
wear scarlet on every Sunday and festival.
Complaint was made in 1653 that the assembly had again become
disorderly and unseemly in its attire, divers coming to the assembly
in cloaks and not in gownes, and in plain bands, contrary to ancient
custom. The assembly thereupon renewed the former order
insisting that every mayor, alderman, bailiff, and burgess should
attend in gowns and ruffed bands. The small penalties then
imposed upon defaulters differed according to the rank of the
offender ; an alderman was fined i6d., a bailiff I2d., and a
burgess 8d.
The assembly of October 5th, 1655, repealed and annulled the
dress orders of 1612 and 1653, excepting the order for the aldermen
to wear their scarlet gowns and the bailiffs and burgesses their
black gowns to church on November 5th. The order of 1620 was
also repealed, but the aldermen were still to wear their scarlet
gowns, and the bailiffs and burgesses their black gowns and sad
apparel at assemblies and session.
In 1659 it was ordered that all those of the forty-eight who had
not gowns and decent apparel were forthwith to provide themselves,
and that henceforth any one elected to the forty-eight was to
procure a gown and decent apparel within three months of his
election, or be fined los.
By an order of October yth, 1670, every member of the house
coming to an assembly without his gown was fined five shillings.
On December i8th, 1670, a more elaborate order was made,
whereby mayors and ex-mayors were to come to church from
Michaelmas to May ist every Sunday with scarlet gowns furred
with "foynes," and from May ist until Michaelmas with the gowns
faced either with satin or damask ; their wives (whether their
husbands be living or dead) were to wear their velvet hats every
H
9 NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
Sunday ; no alderman was to come to church in his cloak any
lecture day ; the penalty for defaulting in any of the above cases
was five shillings. The bailiffs were ordered to come to church in
their gowns every Sunday, and their wives to wear taffeta or
embroidered hats under like penalties. The widows of mayors or
bailiffs were excused wearing their velvet or taffeta hats for a year
after their husband's death, but no longer.
The term " foyne '* implies an English brown fur, spelt after
various fashions. It has been diversely explained as wild cat, as
martin, as squirrel, and as fox. On the whole, we think the last
of these wras probably here intended. Christopher Barnard, alderman
of Northampton, by will dated 1553, left his " scarlett gowne furred
with foxe " to his daughter Margaret " to serve for a coveririge/' a
term then usually applied to a bed quilt.
Other local wills of about this period make mention of black
gowns trimmed with grey or badger : it is possible that this was
the dress of the bailiffs.
There are two other references, of seventeenth century date, to
the ladies' dress, in both of which it specifies that the mayor and
aldermen's wives were to wear scarlet gowns, and velvet hats, on
all the Sundays and festivals when their husbands were arrayed in
scarlet. The custom of the wife of the chief magistrate being
entitled to this special distinction for her life seems only to have
prevailed in the more important towns. It can be shown that this
use prevailed at Kings Lynn, Shrewsbury, Salisbury, and Win-
chester, as well as at Northampton and London. The probable
pattern of the Northampton ladies' velvet and silk hats can be
seen on the brass of the two wives of George Coles, in the church
of the Holy Sepulchre.
In 1678 the penalty for being gownless in the assembly was
raised to ten shillings ; but in the following year the penalty was
lowered, a gownless alderman .being fined five shillings, whilst a
bailiff or a burgess in like predicament were respectively fined
half-a-crown and eighteen pence. The assembly were peculiarly
fickle as to these fines, for in 1684 the five shilling penalty on every
gownless member of the house was re-imposed.
In 1689 the forty-eight were ordered to provide themselves with
gowns, and if any one had not done so within a month of the order
he was to be fined five shillings.
CIVIC GOVERNMENT AND STATE. 99
At an assembly held on November 26th, 1696, the mayor enforced
the penalty of five shillings each on four gownless members, one
being an alderman, one a bailiff, and two burgesses.
On November 4th, 1706, "the Mayor and Alderman agreed to
meete in their Scarlett Gownes att the Towne Hall att 10 of the
clock on the morrow morning And to summon the wholl house to
goe to church together in their Gownes being the 5th of November."
On May day of the following year the whole house attended
church in their gownes, it being the Thanksgiving Day for the
Union.
Incidental mention is made in 1709 of the aldermen wearing their
scarlet every Sunday, wrhether worshipping at All Saints or in their
owrn parish church.
The dark coloured assembly gowns of the bailiffs and burgesses
undoubtedly differed from each other, a forty-eight man on one
occasion being fined for wearing a bailiff's gown, but wherein the
difference consisted wre are unable to state.
It is believed that the use of gowns by the whole assembly
prevailed until the reform of 1835 ; but, whether that is the case
or not, it is certain that up to that date the mayor and aldermen
wore their scarlet gowns trimmed with brown fur on all official
occasions. The use of any other gown but scarlet seems to have
died out with the end of the reign of Queen Anne.
There is a good portrait in the town museum, of Alderman
Holt, who was mayor in 1801. It was painted many years after
his mayoralty, and he is represented in a scarlet gown trimmed
with brown fur.
H 2
SECTION THREE.
Civic JURISDICTION.
RECORDERS — TOWN COUNSEL — CORONERS — TREASURE TROVE — MAGISTRATES —
STEWARDS — COURT OF RECORD OR HUSTINGS — ORPHANS' COURT — STATUTE
MERCHANT RECOGNIZANCES — STAPLE MERCHANTS AND INVENTORIES — MAYOR AS
ARBITRATOR — MAYOR AS ESCHEATOR — VERNALLS INQUESTS — CONVICTIONS FOR
SWEARING — CONSTABLES, THIRDBOROUGHS, AND DOZENERS — THE TOWN SEALS —
JUDGES AND ASSIZES.
CIVIC JURISDICTION. 103
THE RECORDERS.
HP HE Recorder is a municipal official of comparative modern
growth. Owing to the diversity of business and intricate legal
procedure that came before the local town courts, it became usual
in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries to formally associate with
the popularly-chosen and elected mayor and other justices of a free
municipality (usually drawn from the rank of commerce) a legal
assessor in order to secure a better and less fluctuating administration
of justice. The method and period of appointment of recorders,
as well as their powers, differed materially in various boroughs.
The first charter mention of a recorder for Northampton is in
1478, when he is incidentally named as an established official, before
whom (in conjunction with the coroners) the mayor was henceforth
to take the oaths of office. An ordinance of the court of hustings,
of February ist, 1489, quoted in the customary, names Richard
Empson as recorder. This first-named recorder of Northampton
was an historic character ; the various important positions that he
filled and his tragic fate are named on p. 312 of the previous
volume.
Henry VI I. 's charter, of 1495, provided that the assembly might
at Michaelmas elect a discreet man learned in the law as recorder,
to sit with the mayor and two other burgesses as justice of the
peace for the administration of a variety of statutes. Three were
to form a quorum, or two if the recorder was one.
A century later, by the Elizabethan charter of 1599, ^ was further
provided that the mayor, burgesses, and bailiffs of Northampton may
have for ever " one honest and discreet man learned in the laws of
this Kingdom of England" as the recorder of the town. This
charter nominated Christopher Yelverton, serjeant-at-law, as
recorder, and provided that after his death or removal the assembly
might nominate another from time to time.
The next charter, of 1618, nominated Sir Henry Yelverton
recorder for his natural life ; provided that the assembly should elect
his successor; and gave to him and his brother justices (namely the
the mayor, ex-mayor, and one other elected burgess) as full power,
104 NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
without commission, as justices of the peace of the county possessed.
Three were to form a quorum, of whom the recorder must be one.
The charter of 1663 nominated Edward, Earl of Manchester,
recorder for life, with powers to the common council to elect a
successor after his decease, and for the recorder to select a
deputy; certain powers as justices being reserved to " the mayor
recorder or deputy recorder/' The second charter of Charles II.,
1683, named Henry, Earl of Peterborough, as recorder for life, his
successor to be elected by the common council ; ordered that the
court of record should be held before the mayor, recorder, deputy
recorder, and two bailiffs ; and gave definite power to the recorder to
appoint a deputy to act during his pleasure.
The 1796 charter re-appointed Spencer, Earl of Northampton, as
recorder, and appointed Spencer Percival as deputy recorder, but
subject to removal at the discretion of the recorder.
The first mention of a recorder in the orders of assembly occurs
in the reign of Philip and Mary, when at an assembly held on July
i6th, 1553, Mr. Francis Morgan was sworn recorder of Northampton.
It is stated that Mr. Morgan at that time dwelt in the abbey of
St. Andrew, within the town's liberties. Mr. Morgan died in the
tenth year of Elizabeth, and the next appointment was made by
the mayor and aldermen in the following terms :—
Md the xixth day of July, 1568, at a councell holden by Mr. John Bryan maior off
Northampton and his cobretheren to wit John Balgey, Edward Manley, John Longe,
Ralfe Menarde, Richard Wharloo, and Thomas Pemberton. By good deliberation
and advicement of the said maior and his brotheren did elect and chuse in to the office
off Recordershipe of Northampton one Christofer Yelverton gentilman to supplie the
office abovesaide. In virtues of the premises that the saide maior and his cobrotheren
have to this book of records sette ther hands the day and yere above.
In this instance it seems clear that the mayor and aldermen
had usurped a right which, by the charter of 1495, pertained to
the whole assembly.
Mr. Yelverton retained the office for nearly thirty-three years.
About ten years after his appointment he became possessed by
purchase of the manor of Easton Maudit, in this county, and sat in
two Elizabethan parliaments as a knight of the shire for North-
ampton. Subsequently Mr. Yelverton was appointed speaker of the
House of Commons, and was eventually appointed judge of the
Queen's Bench. On his appointment to the judicial bench, he
prevailed upon the town of Northampton to confer the dignity of the
recordership on his son.
CIVIC JURISDICTION. 105
At an assembly held on March ist, 1601, the following order was
made :—
Yt ys agreed and ordered that Henry Yelverton Esquire sonne and heirre
apparant of the right worshipfull Christofer Yelverton, one of the Justices of her
maties bench, shall (and the rather in regard of the right honorable the Lordes and
others of the Queenes maties councell their letters in his behalfe) be recorder of the
towne of Northampton, and have, enjoy, and exercise that office in the roomth
and place of his saide father.
In 1606 Henry Yelverton was preferred to be " reader in Grayes
Inn/' and the Northampton assembly, rejoicing in the reflected
honour, voted him a gratuity of five pounds out of the town chamber.
Three years later the town was less amiably disposed towards their
recorder, for on May 4th, 1609, it was ordered that t: no more money
be allowed towardes the entertainement of Mr. Recorder at his
coming to the towne upon the feast daie of St. Michael then sixtene
shillings, and that for this tyme Mr. Wilkinson his bill for charges
he claymeth about his entertaynement shalbe allowed receyved and
discharged."
In 1613 Mr. Henry Yelverton was made solicitor-general, and
in 1617 attorney-general. He was one of the members for North-
ampton in the last parliament of Elizabeth and the first of James I.
In 1619 the king issued letters patent confirming Sir Henry
Yelverton in the recordership of Northampton for the term of his
natural life. Soon after he incurred the royal displeasure, and was
made a Star Chamber prisoner in the tower for some months. On
June I9th, 1623, the corporation accepted Sir Henry's resignation
of the recordership on his appointment as a judge of common pleas,
and proceeded to elect, at his strong recommendation, " one
Christofer Shorland, nephew to the said Sir Henry." It was also
agreed that Mr. Shorland should be made a freeman of the town,
without payment, after he had taken his oath for his freedom, and
should at the same time take the accustomed oath for the executing
of the office of the recordership according to the " best benefit and
weale of this Corporation." Sir Henry Yelverton regained royal
favour, and was made judge of common pleas by Charles I., in 1625 ;
he died in 1629.
Christopher Shorland was one of the members of parliament for
Northampton for the last parliament of James I. and the first three
of Charles I. On his death, he was succeeded in the recordership
by Richard Lane. In the troublous times that preceded the
Commonwealth, Richard Lane was removed by the vote of the
106 NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
corporation. At an assembly held on December i4th, 1642, it was
resolved
Whereas Richard Lane Esquier Recorder of the towne of Northampton is
altogether absent in these tymes of danger from this Corporation soe as the Cor-
poration cannot have his Countenance and Counsell in this tyme of need, that as
well for this cause as for other causes knowen to this assemblie, It is ordered that
he shalbe noe longer Recorder of this towne, And therefore by consent of the
wholl assemblie Edward Earl of Manchester is elected and chosen Recorder of this
towne.
The " other causes " mentioned in this resolution were doubtless
that recorder Lane was strenuously supporting the royalist party.
Richard Lane, of yeomanry parentage in the parish of Courteenhall,
was a distinguished lawyer. He was counsel for the Earl of
Stafford at his impeachment in 1640, and was soon after made
attorney to Prince Charles. In 1643 ne retired with the king to
Oxford, where he was knighted, made serjeant-at-law, and lord chief
baron of the exchequer. In 1695 he had the great seal delivered to
him, on the death of Lord Littleton. He died in France in 1651.
The nomination and election of the Earl of Manchester, the great
parliamentary general, to the recordership of Northampton must
have been intended as an emphatic compliment to this rising leader,
and a bold declaration on the part of the town as to the staunch-
ness of their sympathies.
In 1658 Mr. Francis Harvey is incidentally mentioned as
recorder of Northampton. He died in 1660, holding the office of
recorder, and being also member of parliament for the borough
up to the time of his death. Possibly, however, Mr. Harvey
was only deputy recorder.
The charter of 1663 shows that the king appointed, or rather
re-appointed, Edward, Earl of Manchester, to the recordership.
The earl, though a distinguished general of the parliamentary army,
and the victor of Marston Moor, was opposed to the execution of
Charles I., and retired from parliament till 1660. He then voted for
the restoration of Charles II., and was chosen by the peers as their
spokesman to congratulate the king on his return. He retained the
honourable position of recorder to the town till his death in 1671.
A contest then arose concerning the recordership of Northampton,
(which must at that time have been considered a post of peculiar
honour) between the two great earls of the county, who were both
of them celebrated royalists. The much-coveted post was first
conferred by the assembly upon the Earl of Peterborough Harry,
CIVIC JURISDICTION. 107
second Earl of Peterborough, greatly distinguished himself in the
civil wars. He raised a regiment for the king at his own expense,
and suffered frequent imprisonment. He was trusted with a variety
of delicate missions by Charles II., and acted as proxy in the
marriage ceremony of James, Duke of York, at the court of Modena.
James, Earl of Northampton, was also most actively engaged
throughout the civil war, and commanded the horse at the battle
of Newbury. He, too, was much honoured by Charles II., and was
made constable of the tower, and lord lieutenant of the hamlets,
lord lieutenant of the county of Warwick, lieutenant and recorder of
the city of Coventry, and also recorder of the towns of North-
ampton and Tarn worth ; he died at Castle Ashby in 1681.
For some cause that we have not been able to trace, the Earl of
Peterborough gave offence to the burgesses of Northampton. They
resolved to avail themselves of their charter-right ot free election
to the recordership.
Accordingly, at an assembly held on October i4th, 1672, it was
agreed that
This Corporation of Northampton having had long experience of the manifold
kindnesses and favours done by the Right Honble James Earle of Northampton to
this Corporation* have by an unanimous Consent Elected and Chosen the sd Earle
of Northampton their Recorder and doe pray his acceptance thereof.
The Earl of Peterborough naturally resented his deposition from
office, and considered the matter of sufficient importance to bring
it before the king and the privy council. It will be best to give
verbatim the entry in the Northampton order book at an assembly
held on November yth, 1672 : —
Upon Readeing the Petition of the Earle of Peterborough which was Exhibited
to his sacred Majesty and the Counsell Boord and the Order thereupon dated the
Thirtieth day of October last past It is Ordered that John Willoughby Esq. the
present Mayor of this said towne together with what persons he shall thinke con-
venient be Desired to attend his Majesty and the Privy Counsell upon Wednesday
next being the day appoynted for all persons concerned in the Election of a
Recorder for this Towne to appear And that he doe then informe his Majesty that
the Earle of Peterborow did earnestly sollicitt for the Office of Recorder of the
Towne of Northampton by Letters and freindes long before his Election to the
same And alsoe that heretofore during the lifetyme of the Recorder in being the
Mayor, Bayliffs, and other Burgesses have Elected a new Recorder according to
their Charter, which Elections have stood good ; And further that the Right
Honoble the Earle of Northampton was Elected Recorder of the said Corporation
at the last Election of Officers for the said Towne with the unanimous consent of
every person there present at the Assembly And that verry many were dissatisfied
108 NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
at the Earle of Peterborow's Election to the same And they doe also Order that
a Petition be handed by the Burgesses of this Corporation in these words
following : viz.
We the Mayor Bailiffs and Burgesses of the Towne of Northampton in full
Assembly being in the Guild Hall of the said Towne the seventh day of November
1672 Doe humbly request that his sacred Majesty may be supplicated to give his
Royall approbation to the Election of the right honble the Earle of Northampton
to be our Recorder for this present yeare, according to our late Election, as we
are directed and empowered by our Charter.
The result of this appearance of the mayor and deputation before
the privy council appears from an order of the assembly made on
December I2th, 1672. It was then decreed that the Earl of North-
ampton have the oath of a freeman administered to him at the same
time that he taketh the oath of recorder ; that the common seal be
affixed to an instrument asserting that the earl should have and
enjoy the perquisites, profits, and fees accustomed and formerly
paid to any recorder ; and that the Northampton assembly and their
successors shall yearly, at Michaelmas, elect the Earl of North-
ampton to be their recorder, and so yearly continue their election
during the earl's natural life. In accordance with this curious
stipulation, the formality of the yearly election of the Earl of
Northampton is entered continuously in the order book up to the
time of his death.
On the death of the Earl of Northampton, the assembly, on
December 23rd, 1681, elected Edward, Lord Montagu, as recorder,
and humbly recommended him to the king's most excellent majesty
for his gracious approbation. At another assembly, held three days
later, the common seal of the town was affixed to the order of Lord
Montagu's election.
In making this selection, the choice of the burgesses fell on
a remarkable man. Sir Edward Montagu, of Boughton, was
created a baron, as Lord Montagu of Boughton, by James I., in
1622. He soon became a leading man in the county, and was a
special benefactor to the town of Northampton. Sir Philip
Warwick, in his life of Charles I., says that Lord Montagu "bore
such sway there (Northampton), that turned everything at his
Beck, and the Multitude or Vulgars flock'd about him when he
came to Town, as if he had been there topical Deity." He was
lord lieutenant of the county at the beginning of the Commonwealth
troubles, and taking the side of the king was sent as prisoner to
London, where he died in 1644. He was succeeded by his eldest son
CIVIC JURISDICTION. 109
Edward, the second Lord Montagu, who at first took the side of the
parliament, and was one of those who was nominated by the Houses
in 1646 to receive the king from the Scots, and to conduct him to
Holdenby House. He was opposed, however, to the trial of Charles
I., and eventually he and his sons took a very active part in the
restoration of Charles II. Lord Montagu was no courtier, and
disliking the conditions of the restored monarch's court he retired to
the country, where he passed a quiet life. His second son Ralph
(who eventually succeeded his father, and afterwards was created
Earl and then Duke of Montagu by William III. and Queen Anne)
became a favourite at court, and acted on several occasions as special
ambassador to France. Disappointed, however, in expected prefer-
ment, he took up a hostile attitude to Charles II. He was elected
member for Northampton in 1678, for county of Huntingdon in 1679,
and again for Northampton in 1680 and 1681, and was the chief mover
in the bills for shutting out the Duke of York (James II.) from the
succession. It was soon after Ralph had set himself in decided
opposition to the king, in the parliament held at Oxford, that North-
ampton took the opportunity of electing his old father, Edward, Lord
Montagu, to their recordership.
The crown, not unnaturally, declined to ratify the choice of the
burgesses, as is expressed in the following official communication : —
To our trusty and wellbeloved the Mayor Aldermen and Commonalty of Our
Towne of Northampton.
Charles R.
Trusty and wellbeloved we greet you Well. There having been presented unto
Us under your Common Scale a Certificate of your choice of Our Right Trusty
and well beloved Edward Lord Montague to be Recorder of your Corporation
within Our Burrough and Towne of Northampton with a Recommendation of such
your choice to Us for Our gracious approbation according to the purport of your
Charter We have thought fitt not to approve of your said choice And doe hereby
signify unto you our Disallowance thereof, requiring you upon sight hereof to
proceede to a new Election of a Recorder expert in the Lawes of Our Land as
your Charter directs And soe we bid you farewell. Given at Our Court att
Windsor the I4th day of May 1682 in the four and thirtieth yeare of our reigne.
By his Majesty's Commaund
L. Jenkins.
The king now seized the opportunity of conferring the appoint-
ment on his special favourite, the Earl of Peterborough, who had
already been recorder in 1671 for a brief period.
The assembly proved submissive, and on July 7th, 1682, elected
Henry, Earl of Peterborough, recorder, praying for the royal
110 NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
approbation, and further ordering that the common seal be affixed
to an instrument for his enjoyment of the said office for life.
On July 2oth Charles II. formally approved of the appointment,
and the royal approbation is duly entered in full in the order book.
For the next six years the Earl of Peterborough was annually
re-elected recorder each successive Michaelmas. He was held in the
highest esteem by James II., carried the sceptre with the cross at his
coronation, and was admitted Knight of the Garter. But at the
revolution of 1688, the House of Commons resolved on the earl's
impeachment for departing from his allegiance, and being reconciled
to the Church of Rome. The impeachment, however, was dropped,
and he died in retirement in 1697.
His loyalty to James II. naturally involved the abandonment of
the recordership of Northampton, together with all other offices.
At an assembly held on March i3th, 1688-9, George, Earl of North-
ampton, was admitted and took his oath as a freeman, and was
at the same time sworne as a recorder. The earl was not of age
at the time of his father's decease, but was made lord lieutenant of
Warwickshire by Charles II. He was continued in this and other
offices by James II., but declining to approve of the repeal of the
penal laws by royal prerogative he was deprived of his commission.
On the accession of William III., George, Earl of Northampton, was
at once restored to favour, and carried the sceptre with the cross at
the coronation. In 1695 King William visited the earl at Castle
Ashby, at the same time entering Northampton. By Queen Anne,
he was appointed constable of the tower and lord lieutenant of the
hamlets.
The corporation continued to annually re-elect the earl until his
death, which occurred on April I5th, 1727. On April i7th the
assembly met and elected James, Earl of Northampton, as recorder
in the room of his father. He was returned as a young man as
knight of the shire for co. Warwick, and so distinguished himself
that he was called up to the House of Lords in 1711 as Baron
Compton. At the coronation of George I. he carried the ivory rod
and dove.
James, the fifth earl, died without male issue in 1753, and was
succeeded by his brother George, who had been member for
Northampton from 1727 to the time of his succession. He died
without issue in 1758, and was succeeded by his nephew Charles,
the seventh earl. Charles, in 1763, was followed in the earldom by
CIVIC JURISDICTION. Ill
his brother Spencer ; and Spencer, in 1796, was succeeded by his son
Charles, the ninth earl. Each of these earls were respectively
elected recorders of Northampton by the assembly. The voting,
however, was not always unanimous. For instance, on October
3ist, 1763, the assembly came to a vote on the respective
claims of the earl of Northampton and Lord Spencer to the recorder-
ship. It was a full assembly, eighty-one members being present.
The division showed 54 for Lord Northampton, and 27 for Lord
Spencer.
Charles, the ninth earl and the first marquis of Northampton, died
in 1828, and at the assembly held on August 7th of that year the
mayor nominated John Beauclerk, barrister-at-law, to be recorder
in the place of the late Marquis of Northampton, and he was duly
and unanimously elected. Mr. Beauclerk, from 1810, had been the
acting or deputy recorder, and the assembly in 1828 wisely deter-
mined to give the full title, and whatever honour the position
conferred, upon the one who did the work. During the long period
that the earls of Northampton were recorders their chief duty
seems to have been to provide annually a most lavish entertainment
for the numerous members of the corporation. The accounts remind
us of this year by year, for on that occasion several pounds of the
town's money were usually spent on presents to the Earl of
Northampton's servants.
During all this period of honorary recorders there was a con-
tinuous succession of duly appointed deputy recorders, who were
paid out of the chamberlain's funds, and in those accounts are
usually simply styled " recorders."
On May nth, 1663, the court of aldermen appointed William
Buckby, Esq., councillor-at-law, counsel for the corporation at the
same standing fee as heretofore He was appointed on the
recommendation of Sir Richard Raynsford, knt., serjeant-at-law,
who resigned after twenty years' service owing to accepting a
government appointment in Ireland.
On March 8th, 1688, the court of aldermen elected Robert
Breton town counsel at the usual standing fee, to be paid out of
the chamber stock.
In 1691 it is stated that the recorder's (deputy) salary is
£4 6s. od., and that of the "town council," which was an office
usually also held by the deputy, £2 35. od. In 1705 Mr. Danvers
was recorder, and Mr. Breton town counsel.
112 NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
On October 8th, 1713, it was resolved that "whereas Robert
Breton, Esq., the late Towne Counsel, has left this Towne It is
Ordered and agreed by the mayor and aldermen that Knightley
Danvers Esq. be Towne Counsel in his roome, and that he be payd
the Salary and accustomed fee/'
On August 2oth, 1714, the court of aldermen requested Mr.
Recorder Danvers to draw up an address to the king.
In 1722 the corporation augmented the salary of Mr. Danvers,
" deputy recorder and town counsel," from six guineas to ten
guineas. In 1741 Edward Cuthbert succeeded to both offices at a
like fee. The following is a list of the other deputy recorders,
including the celebrated name of the assassinated premier Percival :
—1741, Erule Bertie; 1765, Thomas Caldecott ; 1774, Simon Adams;
1787, Spencer Percival; 1807, William Braunston ; and 1810, John
Beauclerk. On Mr. Beauclerk's appointment, the salary was raised
to £31 los. od.
All the above are also described as " Town Counsel " or " Town
Council," a position which entitled them to certain fees in times of
litigation.
CORONERS.
The Northampton charter of 1200 provided that four of the more
lawful and discreet men of the borough should be chosen by the
common council to keep the pleas of the crown and to see that
the three reeves justly and lawfully treated both poor and rich.
These were the four coroners, thus called from keeping the pleas of
the crown ; their duties were similarly defined in the charter of 1227.
The coroner was an official of considerable importance, and the
popular appointment to such an office, both in counties and towns,
was an important feature of English liberties. In 1276 the wide
powers and duties of the coroner were fully defined by act of
parliament. In addition to the duty and holding of inquests in all
cases of sudden, violent, or suspicious deaths, the coroner was also
to inquire, through a jury, into cases of wounding, housebreaking,
rape, " riotously hauntyng tavernes," treasure trove, wrecks, and
arson. Most of the duties, however, herein assigned to the coroner,
gradually fell into other hands (as local justices became more
generally appointed), or were shared with other conservators of
the peace. When Henry VII., at the beginning of his reign,
bewailed that " murders and sleyinge of his subjects daily increase,"
elaborate measures were taken to ensure the better fulfilment of
CIVIC JURISDICTION. 113
what was obviously then regarded as the chief part of the coroner's
duty. The county coroner, too, was expected to sit with the sheriff
in his county court, and under certain circumstances to act in his
stead ; and it was expressly reserved to the coroner or coroners,
in the old county court, to give judgment and make proclamations
in all cases of outlawry. Town coroners thus acted with or for the
sheriff, when the towns were not exempt from county jurisdiction.
At Northampton, however, the two bailiffs possessed full sheriff
powers within the liberties, and consequently the coroners sat on
such occasions with the bailiffs.
As has been already remarked, no two English towns were
precisely alike in their powers and methods of jurisdiction. A
special feature of Northampton procedure was the somewhat
unusual incident of possessing four coroners. Many old towns of
much larger population only possessed two. King John was
particularly attached to Northampton, and seems to have given it
four popularly-elected coroners, not only as a mark of favour, but
as a token of its growing importance. Ipswich had four coroners
conferred upon it at the same time as Northampton.
At Northampton, the coroners, as we shall presently see, were
in the habit of sitting at the hustings or weekly court of record, a
custom quite unknown in many other boroughs.
Another Northampton singularity was that questions of treasure
trove came before a jury presided over by the mayor as escheator,
and not by the coroner, which was the almost invariable case : —
Md in the time off Mr. John browne beinge maior annis Regnorum phi' et mar'
Regis et Regine iiijto et vto, wch saide John browne, sittinge at Guyhall, as
escheator for or soveraine lord and lady kinge Phillipe and Quene Mary, Charged
a Jury to Enquire of all soche matters as they shold be bordened withall upon ther
othes, soche saide Jury Amonge all other thinges brought in their verdit, sayinge
that one Ralf Menard off North'ton baker digginge for a foundation for a chimney
had found in the same foundation xxiijd in old money and more they can not sey.
In a few towns, such as the Cinque Ports, there were no
coroners, the mayor being definitely authorised to act as coroner
during his year of office. Although Northampton had four coroners,
the almost invariable function of holding an inquest over treasure
trove seems to have been transferred in the sixteenth century, and
subsequently to the mayor. The above is no isolated case, for two
other treasure trove inquiries are recorded — one of the time of
Elizabeth, and another of Charles I.— and in both instances the
mayor presided.
114 NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
The four coroners are first named in the records under the year
1559. The orders of assembly occasionally give full lists of the
annual Michaelmas election of officials. The first instance occurs
in 1581, when four coroners were elected, and they are again
mentioned in 1584, 1585, 1587, 1589, and 1590. From 1592 to 1598
the four coroners are also named, and on numerous subsequent
occasions. They were often re-elected, but now and again the
whole of them were new to the work. In 1600, and for the two
or three following years, the four coroners were chosen (contrary
to charter) by only the mayor and aldermen, and the same was
repeated in 1627, and continued till 1649. In this last year, the
mayor and aldermen only elected two coroners, and this small
number continued till 1655, when four were again chosen. In 1658,
as in the following year, the whole assembly appointed the four
coroners.
In 1660 the assembly chose three coroners, but reverted to four
in the next year. The selection by mayor and aldermen only was
again adopted in 1669, and continued for several years. About
1675 the change to two coroners became established, and they
were appointed by the court of aldermen till 1689. From that year
till 1722 the assembly appointed; but in 1722 the court of alder-
men managed once more to secure the election of the two coroners
for themselves, and exercised their claim up to the year 1825.
For the last ten years of the old corporation, no mention is made
of coroners.
MAGISTRATES.
The reeve or mayor, the two bailiffs, and the four coroners were
practically magistrates of Northampton from the time of their original
appointment ; but it is not until 1459 that such an office is definitely
mentioned. By the charter of that year, the mayor, on his election,
was at once to become a justice or custos to keep the peace.
The charter of 1495, by which a recorder was first definitely
appointed, provided that two other of the more honest and more
learned of the co-burgesses should be yearly elected by the assembly
as justices and keepers of the peace, with the fullest powers.
Elizabeth's charter of 1599 enacted that the ex-mayor was to be a
justice for the year following his year of office, and that the assembly
should also yearly choose a third justice. By the charter of
1796, the mayor, recorder, deputy recorder, ex-mayor, and three
CIVIC JURISDICTION. 115
others chosen annually by the assembly from among the aldermen,
were to be the town justices or magistrates.
These elected justices had just as full power as if they had been
appointed by royal commission. There was no commission of the
peace, as has been seen in the first volume, until 1837. Up to that
date, every Northampton magistrate was more or less popularly
elected.
The orders of assembly, now and again, give the names of the
annually-elected justices. The two appointed by the assembly,
under the charter of 1495, occur under the years 1581, 1584, 1585,
i587> 1589* and 1592-
In 1600, in accordance with the charter of the previous year,
only one justice was elected, the ex-mayor acting as the second
one in addition to the mayor. Sometimes a new justice was
chosen for several years in succession, but at other times the
assembly re-appointed year after year. Thus Francis Fisher was
chosen justice in 1630, and continued by re-election year after year
till 1642. William Knight was also continuously elected from 1644
to 1648.
STEWARDS.
Every English town had at one time its steward. From the
very origin of the word, an official bearing this name acted in
the place or stead of some high or chief personage. The steward
of the ordinary village manor courts presided there instead of, or
in the place of the lord of the manor. The stewards of some
English boroughs had a variety of different official functions to
perform, but where (as was the case at Northampton) it was a
town of royal demesne, the steward invariably presided at the
court leet for the usual manor court proceedings, and for the
imposing of fines on defaulters. In some towrns of royal demesne,
there might be very little of such work to discharge, owing to
the thoroughly town nature of the whole lordship (which was
usually placed under other jurisdiction), but much of the space
within the walls of Northampton was for a considerable time
under cultivation, whilst within the liberties there was a large
amount of common land and fields. Hence the Northampton court
leet gave the steward plenty of occupation, all such matters as
the pounding of cattle, the straying of hogs, the obstructing of
paths or watercourses, and the neglecting of fences, or the
unauthorised use of sand pits or stone quarries coming before him.
I 2
Il6 NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
Some of the charters speak of the mayor presiding at the court
leet, but that was only a technical statement as he represented
the king, the true lord of the manor to whom the court fees
and fines were really due. Just as the mayor was the king's
representative, so in this court the steward was the mayor's
representative. The mayor, of course, could at his pleasure preside
at a leet, just as any other lord of a manor.
At Northampton, the steward has also another duty, which
was by no means always associated with his office in other royal
demesne towns. The steward acted as clerk to the two bailiffs
whenever a bailiffs' court was held ; the bailiffs' court of North-
ampton was equivalent, as has been already remarked, to the
sheriffs' county court in other parts of the shire.
The steward of Northampton was also usually present at the
hustings, or weekly court of record, and throughout Elizabeth's
reign, and subsequently frequently appears as a witness of enrol-
ment. In the later appointments the steward is termed " Bailiff sr
Clerk of the Court of Record." The town clerk was invariably
the true clerk of the hustings, or court of record, over which the
mayor presided, but the bailiffs in this Northampton court also
sat with the mayor, and the steward was present on those occasions
to act as their clerk, and as deputy clerk of the court. It is
quite possible to imagine cases in which his presence would be
valuable, when matters peculiarly affecting the bailiffs' jurisdiction
were under consideration.
The charter of 1683 is the first to definitely name a steward
or seneschal. Henry Harris, one of the bailiffs, wTas appointed
steward by that charter " so long as he will demean himself." It
was provided that his successor was to be appointed by the
common council, an injunction conveniently forgotten by the
aldermen, and overlooked by the assembly.
John Brooke was steward of Northampton as early as 1563 ;
and in 1569 the assembly ordered that he and his successors
should yearly bring in, between Michaelmas and Hallowtide, a
brief note of the records of the court, on parchment, with the
names of the mayor and bailiffs for the same year, under a pain
of £5 to the use of the chamber.
On the death of John Brooke, senior, in 1592, John Brooke,
junior, was elected steward in October, of that year, by the
CIVIC JURISDICTION. 117
mayor and aldermen ; he was to hold the office during his good
behaviour and whilst giving satisfaction.
In 1620 William Brook was steward, but we have not been
able to ascertain the times of either his appointment or
resignation.
At a meeting of the court of aldermen in 1634, Mr. John
Reading, described as "Steward or Clerke to the Bayliffs,"
acknowledged before the mayor and his brethren his defects and
slackness in the exercise of the duties of his office, by reason of
his much employment elsewhere, and made suit for the office on
behalf of Robert Woodforde, his late servant. " Whereupon the
Mayor and Aldermen did goe to voyces for an election and by
the greater pte of the voyces then taken the said Robert Wood-
forde was elected and chosen Steward whollie to succeed his
Master in the said office." Thereupon Woodforde, after he had
taken " his Corporall Oath upon the Holy Evangelists," was
formally admitted steward, with the proviso that he was to pay
William Brooke (late steward before John Reading) a pension
for his life. From another account we learn that Mr. Pilkinton
was the rival candidate on this occasion, and that the voting was
Woodforde, 9 ; Pilkinton, 7.
To Robert Woodford succeeded one William Rushton, but we
know not the precise year.
Henry Rushton was appointed "Steward and Bailiffs' Clerk of
the Records," on the death of his father, William Rushton, in
September, 1665, by the court of aldermen.
Mr. Harris was appointed steward by charter in 1683, but on
January iyth, 1688, Richard Harris, gentleman, was "by the
unanimous Consent of the wholl house," removed from his office
of steward to the corporation, and Francis Readinge, gentleman,
elected in his place.
On January i4th, 1702-3, the mayor and aldermen elected Mr.
John Rose to be "Steward and Bayliffs' Clerke for keeping of
the Towne Courts," The bailiffs were ordered at the same time
to go to Mrs. Reading's, and demand the books belonging to the
steward's office.
Mr. John Rose resigned in 1712, and on September igth, of
that year, the mayor and aldermen met at Thomas Martin's
coffee house, and elected in his room as " Steward and Bayliffs'
Clerk of the Court of Record," Mr. John Stoakes.
Il8 NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
Henry William Markham, attorney-at-law, was elected town
steward or bailiffs' clerk on May 26th, 1768, by the mayor and
aldermen, in the room of John Rowell, deceased. His duties are
defined as " the keeping of the sessions and other Courts of the
corporation and town of Northampton."
In January, 1776, the court of aldermen elected Mr. John
Markham '* Steward and Bailiffs' Clerk for keeping the Court of
Sessions and other Courts of this Corporation," in room of his
father, Mr. Henry William Markham, the late steward.
In 1783 the same court ordered that an armed seat be prepared
for the steward for his use in All Saints' church, next to the
chamberlain, in the upper bailiffs' pew.
A list of the stewards is given in the appendix.
COURT OF RECORD OR HUSTINGS.
The first charter, of 1189, ordered that the hustings or town
court of record should be held once a week. This ancient court was
presided over by the reeve or mayor, and is also specifically
mentioned in the charters of 1200 and 1227. The later charters
of 1618 and 1796 show that this court concerned itself in pleas,
plaints, and actions, as well real as personal and mixed, and all
manner of debts, accounts, trespasses, covenants, contracts, deten-
tions, and contempts.
Although no definite records of this court remain, there are a
number of enrolments of contracts entered into before the mayor
and others in both the great books of orders of assembly. There
are a large number of Elizabethan enrolments, with other examples
down to the time of George I. From the earliest of these entries,
which are in Latin up to 1602, we find that this court was usually
held before the mayor, two bailiffs, and two of the coroners, which
is expressly stated to have been "the custome of the towne of
Northampton." The town clerk invariably made the enrolments and
acted as clerk to the court, but the steward was likewise usually
present. The mayor's sergeant, or serjeant of the mace, was also in
attendance. On two occasions, in the first book, all four coroners
were present, in addition to the mayor and both the bailiffs, and
two instances occur in which only one coroner attended. At a
later period the court was generally composed of only the mayor and
two bailiffs. Two coroners sat in this court throughout the
Commonwealth, four in 1662, and three in 1664.
CIVIC JURISDICTION. 119
These enrolments show that two distinct kind of actions led to
this use of the court of record. Sometimes it was simply desired
that, for greater security, a copy of some binding indenture or
covenant of a local character, should be made and entered on the
town rolls, and this could be effected by any one on payment of
certain fees. Other enrolments, however, were of the nature of
recording definite contracts and agreements entered into before the
court, and sometimes after, previous private examination of the
panics concerned by the mayor. On some occasions it is stated
in the enrolled contract that the mayor and other members of the
court had visited the premises, when real property was involved,
or had actually stood at the street door, to witness peaceable
possession being taken of houses by new owrners.
The ordinary enrolment was usually sealed by the common seal,
or mayor's seal, of the town and by the seals of both parties seeking
enrolment. In the instances, however, of special contracts before
the court, the following was an interesting and very usual formula : —
" And because their hands and seals to many are unknown there-
fore they procured the seal of the office of maioraltie of the saide
towne to this indenture, to be affixed for the greater creditt and
testimonie of the premises."
ORPHANS' COURT.
In almost all large towns, the mayor (usually in association with
the aldermen) presided over an orphans' court, whereby the town
became responsible for the due care of all orphans within their
liberties during their minority. In certain boroughs, notably at
Bristol, highly interesting and early records of the proceedings
of such courts have been preserved, but this is, unfortunately, not
the case with Northampton. The old use at Northampton was for
the mayor in this court to be associated with the two chamberlains,
and not with the aldermen or bailiffs.
The charter of 1618 provides that the mayor and his brethren
were to have the custody and government of the orphans and infants
in the town, and to guard their goods, chattels, and legacies in
the same manner as was done in the city of London. Subsequent
charters, as can be seen in the first volume, make like provision
for the orphans of burgesses. There are a few scattered references
to the affairs of the orphans of Northampton in both the orders of
assembly and in the minutes of the aldermen's court, but there is
only one which is worth transcribing.
120 NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
At an assembly held on March, 22nd, 1581-2, the following
order was made : —
" Firste it is agreed by consent as ys aforesaide, That whereas heretofore to
wytt in Anno Dni 1557, there hath been established diverse good and godlye Orders
for the Orphantes within the towne of Northampton and the liberties of the same,
as in the boke of Recorde for Orphantes at large appeareth, And for that the
saide Orders hath ben by some misliked of and partly by some refused to be kepte,
Nowe therefore considering the greate necessitie of the same Orders to be performed
We doe establishe by these presentes for ever That the said boke of Orders for
Orphantes shalbe accordinge to the trewe meaninge of the same Orders observed
and kepte, And that whosoever being free of the same towne and Refusinge the
observation of the saide Orders at anye tyme hereafter shalbe by the mayor for
the tyme being comytted to prison untill he or they shall and will observe the same.
The following oath of the mayor, as president of the orphans'
court, is taken from the Bateman copy of the Northampton
customary in the British Museum. It is of Elizabethan date, and
is of interest as illustrating the procedure : —
THE OTHE OF THE MAYOR FOR ORPHANTES.
And also you shall truely execute and kepe the orders and constitucon heretofore
made conconinge orphanes goodes in all poyntes that thereto belongithe, And also
that you shall once in yoore time of youre office of marothe Enquyre yf eny of
the sureties of eny Executor or Executors to whom his or there Testators did
put in trust for the sayde orphanes goods be deade or otherwise shall fortune to
be decayed in his or there substaunce, That then you shall thereupon take suche
order for the same as by youre discrecon shall seme to be thought good So that
the saide orphanes may be in assurance off their saide goodes and legacies
according to their parentes will and bequest, And further that you shall call before
you and the chamberlaines off the saide Towne for the time being the Thursdaie
in the first weke off lent in the time of youre saide office maraltie all and every
suche persone or persones as shall then stonde and be bounde as every suretie or
sureties for and concerninge the saide orphanes goodes to thintent that you shall
see the saide sureties and every of them alwaies to be sufficient and able to
discharge their saide bondes according to yor wit and discression.
STATUTE MERCHANT.
The statute of merchants, or the statute of Acton Burnell (as
it is sometimes called, from the Shropshire village where the
parliament met) was passed in 1283. Its object was to encourage
trade by providing a more speedy way for the recovery of debts.
The statute enabled the merchant to register his trade bargain
with his debtor before the mayor and clerk of a limited number
of chief boroughs, acknowledging the debt and stating the day of
payment. The recognizance was to be entered on a roll by the
clerk, and sealed with the debtor's seal, and also with the king's seal
CIVIC JURISDICTION. 121
kept for that purpose by the mayor and clerk. If the debt was
not paid on the appointed day, the mayor was to forthwith
cause the movables of the debtor to be sold as far as the
amount of the debt, " at the preysinge of honest men."
Two years later this statute was further expanded. It was then
ordered that the king's seal for statute merchant purposes was to
be in two parts, the larger part in the custody of the mayor, and
the smaller part in the custody of the clerk. Power of confining
the debtor in the town prison until he had agreed for the debt
was also granted.
"New Ordinances" affecting these statutes were made by
Edward II., on September 2yth, 1311, when it was proposed to
restrict this taking of debtor's recognizances to twelve towns, viz.,
Bristol, Canterbury, Exeter, Lincoln, London, Newcastle, North-
ampton, Norwich, Nottingham, Shrewsbury, Southampton, and York.
From the actual wording of the two statutes, and the explanatory
ordinances, it is not quite certain whether Northampton obtained
the debtor's recognizances privilege in 1283, or not till 1311,
but our own opinion is that Northampton was one of the first
small group of boroughs that obtained and used a statute
merchant's seal so soon as the first act was passed. It will
shortly be noted that Northampton obtained a seal in 1319, but
there seems reason to believe that this was a renewal.
The Northampton charter of 1618 stated that mayors of the
town from time beyond memory had received recognizances
between merchants, and made execution according to the
statutes of Edward I. ; definitely confirmed those privileges ; and
nominated the town clerk to be clerk of these recognizances. Subse-
quent charters, as has been set forth in the first volume, confirmed
these rights. It was usual in every borough for the town clerk
to be clerk of the statute merchant, though the latter appointment
was legally reserved for the crown.
The sealing fees under this statute, though small, were an
appreciable advantage to both mayor and clerk in busy trading
times.
At the assembly held on October 26th, 1536, the chamberlains
were henceforth to collect all manner of sums of money such as
fines, forfeitures, and amercements, within the town, save the
mayor's sealing profits (under statute merchant) ; and if it should
fortune that more than twenty marks be gathered, the overplus
122 NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
was to remain to the chamber, and the twenty marks to be paid
to the mayor; but if it should fortune that there should be less
than twenty marks, that then that sum should be handed to the
mayor for his own proper use and property and no more.
Unfortunately there are no records or rolls of these recogni-
zances until we come to the end of last century ; but the first
orders of assembly contains the following entries of the opening
years of Elizabeth's reign :—
Md qd xvitl die m'tij Anno Regin dne Elizabethe Anglie Frauncie et Hibernie
p'mo, Henricus Clark nuper Weston favell gen'osus venit Coram Johe Longe
maire ville Northton et cognovit se debere Anne Clark matri sue de Potterspurie
Centum libras sterling', Solvend' in festo pasche p'xo futur' per statutum mercatoris.
Md qd p'mo die octobris A° Secundo Regine Elizabethe Willmus Burnam de
Starton in Com' Northton husbondmen venit coram Thoma Hopkyns maiore ville
Northton et cognovit se debere Johe Spencer de Althrope militi ij C li sterling'
solvend' ad festum Sancti Luce p'x' futur' per statutum mercatoris.
Md qd Quinto die m'tij A° tertio Regine Elizebethe Thomas Willoby de War-
dington in Com' Oxon gen'us venit Coram Thoma Hopkins maiore ville Northton
et cognovit se debere Willo Chauncie Armigor' ducentes m'cas ad festum pasche
p'x' futur' per statutum mercatoris.
Md the xviij day off October A° dni 1561 Mr. Burnby cam to Mr. Thorns Coles
maior and Mr. William Taylor Justice off peace and brought in a statute merchant
and v11 of mony w* a defesant, sic quietus.
In 1583 the mayor resolved to accept no sealing fees of
statute merchant from merchants who were freemen of the town ;
but this was not an " order of assembly," and seems to have been
only a personal act of generosity during his term of office.
In the case of an intruding sheriff in 1649, it was stated that
his offence consisted "in serving an extent upon a statute merchant."
The references to Sir Thomas White's loan, about 1650 to
1660, generally state that security was given by statute merchant.
A folio calf-bound book, numbered 101 in Mr. Stuart Moore's
arrangement, contains copies of the recognizances by statute
merchant from 1783 to 1803. The earlier forms are of great
length, and recited that the proceedings were based on "the
Statutes for Recognizances and Assurances of Debts of Merchants
made and provided in the eleventh and thirteenth years of the
Reign of King Edward the first after the Conquest." About
1795 a briefer form was used, of which this is an example:—
"Be it remembered On the 27th day of Sept. in the 37 Year
of George the 3d, 1797, John Cooch of the T. of Northton in the
Co. of Northton Carpr, and Wm Cole of the said Town Victualer
CIVIC JURISDICTION. 123
came before Cha3 Smith Esqr Mayor and John Jeyes Gent Town
Clerk of Northampton and acknowledged themselves jointly and
severally bd by Statute Merchant to Wm Gibson, Rob* Trasler,
Ja8 Miller, and Jeremiah Briggs Merchants in £100 sterling for
Merchandizes bought to be paid on the 25th day of March next."
STAPLE MERCHANTS AND INVENTORIES.
The statute merchants, and statutes relative to them, came
into existence for the purpose of regulating foreign exports,
chiefly of wool and leather. The merchants of the staple secured
a monopoly, and its system was a combination of the principles
of a trading guild and of the crown privileges of establishing fairs
and markets. The towns of the staple were centres for the
collection, trial, and assessment of the goods. The system began
in the reign of Edward I., when he established the foreign wool
trade at Antwerp. In Edward ll.'s time the merchants had their
foreign staples at Antwerp, and afterwards at St Omer, and their
home staples at central towns, such as Newcastle, York, Lincoln,
Winchester, Exeter, Bristol, and London.
The statute of Northampton, in 1328, did away, however, for a
time with the monopolies of the staple, and trade was set free.
After a good deal of fluctuation, the system was re-imposed and
consolidated by the elaborate ordinance of the staples in 1354.
By this statute the number of home staples, both in England and
Ireland was defined, and also the particular ports from whence the
goods from each staple should be exported. It also provided that
the mayor of every staple town should have instant power (more
speedy and summary than even under statute merchant) of
arresting the body of a debtor to a staple merchant, and of imme-
diately selling his goods at appraisement, or delivering them to
the creditor, providing the debtor and his goods was within that
staple, and if not, certificate under seal was to be forwarded to
chancery.
Subsequently Calais became the chief staple for English produce,
and for two centuries was the wholesale mart for the distribution of
English wool and leather over western Europe.
After the loss of Calais, in the time of Queen Mary, the staple
system was thrown into confusion, and for a time Northampton was
considered a staple town, and its mayor exercised staple jurisdiction
under the ordinance of 1354.
On folio 233 of the first great book of the orders of assembly,
124 NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
just after an unhappy gap of no fewer than 66 pages, occurs the
following entry :—
A° Dni 1561.
The Recorde and testimonie of atachement by John Freeman off Northampton
merchant of the staple in the time of Thomas Hopkins then being maiour off the
goodes and monie of one William Algar merchant of the staple as herafter dothe
appear, viz. :
Md the First daie off marche in the third yere off the Reigne of our soveraine
Ladie Quene Elizabethe, John Freeman merchant of the staple cam before Mr.
Thomas Hopkins maiour And Mr. William Taylor justice of peace ther, And
Required the moneye and goodes of one William Algor merchant off the staple to
be atached in the handes off one Henry Summers merchant off the staple, to the
some of iiij*xli sterlinge to the use of one John Freawton Citizen and Habardassher
off Lundon by virtue of A Lettre of attornay made unto the seide John Freman
From London, sealed and subscribed wl the hand of the seide John Neawton,
dated the xxiiijli daie of february A° Regni dne Regine Elizabethe tertio, and was
atached the day and yere above written, by one Edward Jackson serieant at the
mace by wey of process, at Northton, et non alias.
teste Johe Saxby, Clerico ibm.
The following inventories of goods of debtors seized and valued
by the authority of the mayor are given on several pages of the
first order book almost immediately following the last extract. We
believe that all of them represent action taken under the merchant
staple acts ; but it is possible that they may refer to valuations
under the less summary jurisdiction of statute merchant. At all
events they are worth transcribing in full as giving a good idea of
the contents of the shops and houses of Northampton drapers in early
Elizabethan days. They are given in the order in which they are
copied into the great volume : —
Md qd in festo Scti Hugonis a° 1562 Wilmus Pym et Wilmus Chamberlayn
venerunt coram Radulpho Menard maiore ville Northton et petierunt bona Robert
Gawdern apr' et per sacramentum Willi Goodwyn at Richardi Marriot apr' sunt
viz. : —
In primis in the stabill iiij Lode of Wood xs
Item iiij Lode of hey xviijs
Item xiij elles of picklinge ... ... ... ... ... ... iijs
"Pickling," a fine canvas used for sieves and the sides of meat safes.
Item xvij elles of whit Lancashire Clothe xj* iiijd
Item iiij elles of Canvas
Item vj elles of hurden
" Hurden," a strong coarse cloth, made from the refuse of flax or hemp.
Item a dosen of shirt Collers
Item vij neckcollers for children
Item ij biggins ij Coyffes and a handkercheffe ...
Item of hollen Clothe ij elles and a quartern ...
CIVIC JURISDICTION 125
Item a plate coate ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... vs
Item a firkin of Sope ... ... ... ... ... ... ... viijs
Item iij girdles... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... xjd
Item ij bondles of ynckell weyinge a quartern .. ... ... iiijd
" Ynckell," or inkle, a cheap kind of coarse tape or binding.
Item xiij elles of vallans ... ... ... .. ... ... ... ijs iiijd
"Vallans," a light kind of drapery, named from Valencia, in Spain.
Item a dosen halffe of boo stringes ... ... ... .., ... iiijd
Item xij elles of pack clothes ... ... ... ... ... ... xvjd
Item iij litell broken coffers ... ... ... ... ... ... vjd
Item ij chestes and ij coffers in the shoppe ... ... ... ... ... xs
Item viij shelf bordes ... ... ... ... ... ... ... iij8 iiijd
Item a old pack saddell and a wantye ... .. ... ... ... xxd
"Wantye," a leather strap, or sometimes a rope, with which the pack was secured on a
pack horse.
Item iiij barrelles and a strak ... ... ... ... ... ... ijs
" Strak," or strake, a piece of iron, usually the rim of a wheel.
Item the wood in kitchen and the yarde and the strete ... ... ... xs
Item a old Cobord and lynen whole in the kitchin .. ... ... iiij8
Item a boltinge tobe a cowle and a pale in the kitchin ... ... ijs
"Boltinge tobe," or bolting tub, the wooden receptacle into which meal was sifted.
Item iij old barrelles and a broken coffar in the kitchin ... ... xijd
Item a paire of trestelles in bordes wl the polles ... ... ... ... ijs iiijd
Item a selinge bed in the chamber ... .. ... ... ... xs
Item a mattres a blanchet and a coverlet ... ... ... ... ... vj8 viijd
Item ij bolsters and a pillo ... ... ... ... ... ... ij8
Item a cobord in the chamber ... ... ... ... ... ... xiij8 iiijd
Item iij coffers in the chamber ... ... ... ... ... ... iiij8
Item a tabell a form two trestelles and a benche ... ... ... vj8
Item ij cheres in the chamber ... .. ... ... ... ... xijd
Item a table standinge against the bedsted in the chamber ... ... vijd
Item a bras pot and a litell kettill ... ... ... ... ... iiij8
Item iiij pewter disshes and a platter ij sawsers ... ... ... ... iiij8
Item a boo and vi aroos... ... ... ... ... ... ... ij8 vjd
Item a payre of tonges, a payre of pot hokes, a cheyne, a payre off
bellos, a fleshe hoke ... ... ... ... ... .., ij8
Item in the chamber ij bedstedes ... ... ... ... ... Vs
Item xij Ropes of onyons ... ... ... ... ... ... ... xijd
Item ij paire of shetes ij table napkins and a towell ... ... ijs viijd
Item v painted clothes in the hall v8
Item vij potes ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... iiijd
Item a tobe and ij bordes and kandelstick ij9
Item a paire of botes and a old jerkin ... ... ... ... viijd
Item a painting selinge ... .. ... ... ... ... ... xvjd
Item the lease of the house ... ... ... ... ... ... iij11
Item a boke of Davy Salmes ... ... ... ... ... ... vjd
" Davy Salmes," the psalms of David.
Som .,.xiiu vi8 vid
126 NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
A Inventrie of Certen Goodes of Robert Gawderns beinge in Rafe Marshes'
handes, praysed by Richard Garnet and William Barnard the xviija day of
November A° 1562, viz. : —
Imprimis vj dozen of Vitry Canvas at xd ... ... ... ... iij1'1
" Vitry," subsequently spelt Viterls, Vyterys, etc., was a special sort of fine canvas,
originally imported from Vitre in Brittany.
Item xij elles of holland at xijd... ... ... ... ... ... xijs
Item xij elles of holland at xvd ... ... ... ... ... ... xvs
Item xij elles of holland at xvd... ... ... ... ... ... xvs
Item vj elles of holland at xvijd ... ... ... ... ... ... viijs vid
Item vj elles of holland at xijd . .. ... ... ... ... vis
Item xxiiij ells dollas at xijd .... ... ... ... ... xxiiij8
" Dollas," or dowlas, a linen cloth imported from Brittany.
Item a black gowne furred wth badger .. ... ... ... ... xxx8
Item xxiij elles iij quarters myddleclothe ... ... ... ... ... xxs
Som ixu xs 6d
The Inventorie of Certen parcelles of Goodes lately belonginge unto George
Andres, late of Northampton, grocer, praised by John Fletcher and William Barnard
upon ther othes the xvjth day of November A° 1562, viz. : —
First, iiij platters, v pewter dishes, fyve sawsers, ij porringers, a litel salt
seller, poiz xxvj1' at vijd le li ... ... ... ... ... xvs ixd
Item a chaffern, poiz, xij11 at iiijd le ii... ... ... ... ... iiijs ijd
Item a great pan weinge viiju at vd a li ... ... ... ... ... iijs vid ob
Item a litel kettill, weyinge jn and a quarter at vd le li ... ... vid
Item ij brasse potes, poiz xvj11, at iiijd a li ... ... ... ... vs iiijd
Item a little postnet poiz at vd le li ... ... ... ... ... vd
" Postnet," or posnet, a little pot.
Item ij Candelstiches ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... xvjd
Item a dornicke coverlet... ... ... ... ... ... ... iiij8
"Dornicke," or darnex, a coarse sort of damask used generally for curtains, originally
made at Tournay, which was called in Flemish Dornick.
Item a flock bed
Item a whit blancket
Item a whit coverlet ...
Item ij bolsters
Item ij pillos
Item a childe blanket red
Item a frock of black Clothe w* iij course of pinne lace
Item a worsted Frock
Item a worsted kertill over bordered we black damask
Item iiij yardes playne clothe motheeton
Item iiij white playne carson
" Carson," probably silk riband.
Item a white peticot .. ... ... ... ... ... ... xii"5
Item a childe blancket ... ... ... ... ... ... ... viijd
Item xi bookes and a old service booke ... ... ... ... ijs
Item a smock ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... viij*3
CIVIC JURISDICTION. 127
Item ij swathing bandes ... .. ... ... ... ... viijd
Item ij bolsters... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... vjd
Item a quire of whit paper ... ,t. ijd
Item a little boxe ijd
Item ij paire of course shetes ... ... ... ... ... ... iij8 iiijd
Item a paire of Cobbordes, a spit, a gridiron, a paire of pothokes, a
frienge fan, a rack to hang a pot on, weyinge xxix11 at ijd le li iiijs xd
Item ij wollen wheles ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ijs
"Woollen Wheels," spinning or winding wheels.
ij dosen and a halfe olde trenshers ... ... ... ... ... iiijd
A bowkinge tobbe iiid
A ale tobbe iiijd
A kymmell ijd
" Kymnel," or kimnel, a tub for any household purpose.
A Sope fyrkin ijd
A wollen rele ... ... ... ... ... ... .. ... ... iiijd
ij grene cofyrs ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ijd
A grene benche clothe ... ... ... ... ... ... ... iiijd
A cradele viijd
A stock bagge vd
A half quarter sacke ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ijd
Som totle ... ... ... vijH vjs ixd ob
The Invitory of the Goodes of William Brightwen, arested by Anthony Brien,
grosser, and praised the xjd day of Marche in the third and fourth yeres of the
Reignes of Kynge Phillipe and Quene Mary, by Edward Manley, Henry Wenley,
Richard Garnet, Henry Deny as foloweth : —
In the shope.
Imprimis halfe a fardell of vyterys... ... ... ... ... ... v11 xs
"Fardell," or fardel, a bundle or burden.
Item vij yardes iij quarters of floxe at vd ... ... ... ... iijs ijd ob
Item iiij yardes of grene at xiijd ... ... ... ... ... . iiij8 iiijd
Item ij yardes of blewe ... ... .,, ... ... ... ... xvjd
Item ix yardes of Red Russett at xvid a yard ... ... ... ... xijs
Item ij yardes of Black Russett iij8 viijd
Item j yarde of Russett xijd
Item xvj yardes of Jene Fustian xijs
Item xij yardes of holland at xd xs
Item xv elles holland and a d. at xjd xiiij8 ijd ob
Item viij elles holland at ixd ob ... ... ... ... ... ... xis iiijd
Item xvj elles holland at ix xij8 iiijd ob
Item xx elles holland at viijd ob ... ... ... ... ... ... xiijs ijd
Item iij elles holland at xiijd ... ... ... ... ... ... iij8 ixd
Item iiij elles of holland at xd ob ... ... ... ... ... ... iij8 xjd
Item iij elles holland at xd ... ... ... ... ... ... ijs vjd
Item ij elles of holland at ixd ... ... ... ... ... ... xxijd ob
128 NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
Item a pound of hotnoll thread ... ... ... ... ... ... xxijd
" Hotnoll thread," possibly a corruption from Otley, Yorks., where thread was made.
Item vxx xvij ownces viteres at ixd .. ... ... ... iiijh vijs ixd
Item xxiij elles of viterys at vijd ob ... ... ... ... ... xvs iijd ob
Item xl elles wandlas at ixd ob ... ... ... ... ... xxxis viijd
" Wandlas," a cloth imported from the Netherlands.
Item xl elles wandlas at ixd ... ... ., ... ... ... xxxs
Item xix elles wandlas at xd ob ... ... ... ... ... xvis vijd ob
Item xl elles and qr wandlas at ixd xxxs ijd
Item halfe a pece off meddyll Clothe xxxiiij8
Item liiij elles meddill clothe at xiijd ob ... ... ... ... xxxviij8 iijd
Item vxx and x elles medilclothe at xiijd ... ... ... ... iij11 xiijs iiijd
Item xiij elles and qr medylclothe at viid ob... ... ... ... viijs iijd ob
Item ix elles iij qrs dolas at xd ob ... ... ... ... ... ... viij8 vid
Item xlvi elles of dolas at xd xxxviij8 ixd
Item xxx elles iij qrs normandy at ixd ... ... ... ... xxiij8 id
" Normandy," another kind of Normandy wove cloth.
Item xxiij elles normandy at vijd ob xiijs iiijd ob
Item xxxix elles 3 qrs normandy at vijd xxiij8 ijd ob
Item xxv elles qr normandie at vid ob... ... ... ... ... xiij8 vijd
Item liij elles normandie at vjd xxvij8
Item iiij fosers at xxd
" Foser," or forcer, a small chest or coffer.
Item ij chestes at xxvis viijd
Item the shelff borde and the vallaunce vis viijd
Item iiii packe clothes xiij8 iiijd
Item iiij crisomes at ... ... ... ... ... ... ... xxd
" Crisome," or chrisom, the white cloth put about a child at its baptism, and worn for a month.
Item the canvas that hanges the bordes .. ... ... ... ... xxd
Item v paire of women's hose xxd
Item a Canvas shete xijd
Item the end borde and the stall borde ijs iiijd
Som ... ... ... ...xxxix1' ixs ijd ob
In the hall.
Imprimis a Round Cobord at ... ... ... ... ... ... xij8
Item a square Cobord at xxxiij8 iiijd
Item a frame table at viij8
Item a bedsted wt a tester at xvjs
Item a fetherbed A bolster ij Coveringes of Carpet work ij mattres
the cortaynes and a Frame settall ... ... ... ... xliiij8
Item xxxix11 pewter at xxvjs viijd
Item a trondell bed ... iiijs
Item ij carpets and v cossens ... ... ... ... ... ... vijs vjd
" Cossens," cushions.
Item a boffet forme xxd
Item A chere and ij boffet stoles ... ... ... ... . . ••• ijs
Item iiij painted Clothes at iiij5
CIVIC JURISDICTION. 129
Item A sword and a buckler at ... ... ... ... ... ... viij8
Item A pollax at ... iiijs
" Pollax," pole axe.
Item a payre of aundiorns at ... ... ... ... ... ... vjs viijd
Item A paire of tonges, A fyerfork, A barr off lorn, A grediorn wl A
Rak for a pot at ... ... ... ... ... ... iijs iiijd
Som ... ... ... ... ixh xiijd
In the Chamber w'in the hall.
Item A fetherbed A bolster, A mattress, A coveringe the Cortaines
wl the tester at ... ... .,. ... ... ... ... xxxs
Item a bedsted at ... ... ... ... ... ... ... iiij3
Item a Close stole at ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ijs
Item a mans gowne at ... ... ... ... ... ... ... xiijs iiijd
Item ij Coffers at ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... viijs
Item a Cobord at... ... ... ... .. ... ... ... Vs
Item iij painted Clothes ... ... ... ... ... ... ... vj8
Item iij paire of flaxen shetes at ... ... ... ... ... xviij8
Item a paire of houllen sheets ... ... ... ... ... ... iij8 iiij4
Item half a dosen of napkyns at ... ... ... ... ... iij8
Item ij table clothes and a towell ... ... ... ... ... ... vij8
Item a man's gown lined wl shamlet at ... ... ... ... xls
Item a clothe cote at ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... vj8 viijd
Item a coveringe and a blanket... ... ... ... ... ... iiij8
Sm. ... ... ... ... vij11 xvij8
In the chamber over the hall.
Item a trusse bed a coutourpayne cortaine and the hanginges at ... xij8
Item a coffer, a cradle, and a bedsted ... ... ... ... ... vj8 viijd
Som ... ... ... ... xxix8 iiijd
In the parler.
Item a table wl a carpet ... ... ... ... ... ... ... iij8 iiijd
Item a benche at ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... iij8 iiijd
Item the painted clothes at ... ... ... ... ... ij8 viijd
Item a serples at ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... xvjd
Som ... ... ... ... ... xs viij d
In the Cetchyn.
Item ij brassepots ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... xx8
Item ij panes at ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... xij8
Item a kettell and a skyllet at ... , xij8
"Skyllet," a small metal pot with a long handle.
Item a dryppinge pan a frying pan a spyt a pere of pothokes a
skomer „. iiij» iiijd
"Skomer," skimmer ?
Item a pan ......... ... ij8
Item iiij9 Candelstickes at ij8
Som ... ... ... ... xlij8
K
130 NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
In the Taverne.
Item a chest and v hordes and poles and old woods w1 a Rope ... xx8
Item a horse brydell or saddell and brydell ... ... ... ... xxxs
Item wood at the garden at... ... ... ... ... ... ...xlvj8 viijd
Item hey at the stable ... ... ... ... ... ... ... xij8
Sm ... ... ... ... v1' viijs vijd ob
Som Tot. of this Invitorie am*... ... ... Ixv11 viij8 ob
Saxby
THE MAYOR AS ARBITRATOR.
In the case of civil disputes, the mayor of Northampton had
the power, if both parties accepted his intervention, of appointing
arbitrators to make a full investigation into the points of difference,
and their award was to be final and binding. Two sixteenth
century instances of the exercise of this power have found their
way into the first volume of the orders. The first of these occurred
during the mayoralty of Henry Neale in 1553. The mayor
appointed two arbitrators, and their award was entered and
witnessed by the town clerk, its truth and justice having first
been testified by the arbitrators on oath. It is rather curious to
note that in this case the dispute arose concerning land at Moulton,
and the litigants were of Moulton and Moulton Park respectively.
Messrs. Tresham and Haynes were both, however, freemen of
Northampton, hence the mayor's jurisdiction.
The Record and testymonye off Thomas Latham off Moulton parke and Thomas
Ellys of Moulton of and for certayn covenantes and bargaynes between Mr. George
Tresham and William Haynes.
We the said Thomas and Thomas do wytnes that the seyde William Heynes
did covenant and graunt to the seyde Mr. Tressarm a parcell off grounde
belongyng to the manor off Multon callyd Over flynt Landes Reservyng the thornes
growynge upon the same unto the seyde William.
Item at the same time aforesaid did graunt to the seyde Mr. Tressam a closse
belonginge to the seyde manner called kyghtburye, the wiche closse upon further
Comunycation at the same tyme he Released to the seyde William for a other
parcel grounde belongynge to the same mannor callyd Damslade condytionally that
if he the seyde William did let the closse to any man the said Mr. Tressam to
have it beffore any other.
Item That Mr. Tressam shuld have ajl the Conyes beinge and incrasynge within
the closse callyd Conyngrye at all times payinge therffore to the seyde William xxxth
cowples of Conyes yerlye at soche time as the seyde William will Requyre them
gvyinge the keper iij or iiij dayes warnynge for the takynge off them.
Item yff fortuned any Conyes to brede in forsters closse the seyde William to
have them to his own use in wytness of the premysses we the parties aboveseyde
have subscribed our names.
CIVIC JURISDICTION. 131
Also viijth dale off Aprill in the vijth yere off the reign of our soveraign lorde
kynge Edward syxt Thomas Latham and Thomas Ellis withyn namyd cam beffore
me Henry Neale mayor off the towne of Northton and then sworne do testifye
upon ther othes that all the covenauntes within written be just and true.
Saxby.
The second instance is an award made between two townsmen
in 1555 by four arbitrators who were appointed for that purpose
by the mayor, Mr. William Taylor : —
The awarde of John Harpoll, Henry Prior, Thomas Hopkyns, and Marke
Bugby made the xixtb Daie of may in the first and seconde yeares of the Reignes
of king phillipe and quene marie Of and concernyng all manner of matters de-
pending in variaunce between Thomas Morley, Tannar, and John Walker, barber,
as folowthe : —
First the seide arbritors do awarde that the seide Thomas Morley and John
Walker shalbe from hensforthe lovers and Frends.
Also they do awarde that the housse that John Weston, Tannar, doth dwell
in shall Remayne to the use of Thomas Morley and his heires for ever, and that
John Walker shalbe thereby discharged thereof.
Also they do awarde that Thomas Morley the seide John Weston and Annys
his wiffe and the longer lyver of them to inhabit and dwell in his howsse without
southe gate From the day of making of this awarde during their lyves naturall
and the longer lyver of them, yelding and paying therfor yerely to the seide
Thomas Morley and his assignees xiij8 iiijd and the seide Thomas Morley shall
warrant the seide housse to the seide John Weston against all men during the
seide terme and shall kepe all Reperacons of the saide howsse during the terme
afforeseide at his owne proper Costes and Charges.
Also they do awarde that the Rent of xiij8 and iiijd shalbe paide quarterly at
every quarter or within xiiij daies after every of the quarter daies and if the
Rent be unpaide at any of the seide quarter daies, if it be lawffully asked then it
shall be lawffull for the seide Thomas Morley to Reenter and Repossess and enioye
the same housse as he had in his Former estate and if the rent be lawffully asked,
also they do awarde that this arbitraement shalbe enrollyde for the assuraunce of
the seide John Weston, In witnes wherof the seide arbitrors have set their scales,
the daie and yeare above writon.
Saxby.
THE MAYOR AS ESCHEATOR.
The mayor of Northampton, as was usual with towns on the
royal demesne, seems to have been the king's escheator within
the liberties from the first foundation of the office ; but the
escheatorship was not a chartered privilege until 1445. The
subsequent charters of 1452, 1459, 1618, and 1683, a11 definitely
confirm this right.
An escheat — a Norman-French word meaning chance or accident
— signified an obstruction in the course of descent of real property,
K 2 •
132 NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
such as failure of lawful heirs, or lunacy, whereby tenure was
determined through some unforeseen contingency. In such cases the
property reverted to the original granter or lord of the fee. Hence
arose the system of inquisitiones post mortem, or enquiries on
oath by a jury, under the escheator, in all cases of death of landed
proprietors. The escheator also received the various fines paid at
such times on succession to tenure, etc., and all these fines w7ere
payable to the exchequer. Sometimes the king's escheator divided
the fines between the crown and himself ; and in other cases the
office of escheator was farmed out, the official paying to the royal
treasury a fixed sum, and making for himself what he could. This
latter system led to much abuse and exaction.
The following was one of the several oaths that the mayor of
Northampton had to take on the occasion of his annual appointment.
It is transcribed from the Batemen copy of the Northampton
customary : —
SACRAMENTUM ESCAETORIORUM.
You shall sweare that you shall well and truelie serve the King our soveraigne
Lord in the office of the Eschaetor in the towne of Northampton And doe the
King proffit in all that belongeth to you to doe, by way of yor office, after yor
will, and yor power, and his rightes and all that belongeth to his Crowne you shall
truelie kepe, you shall not assent to decrease nor to conceale the Kinges rightes or
of his Crowne, be it in landes rents frenchises or suites that be concealed or with-
drawne, you shall doe yor best paine and dilligence to withstande it, and yf you
may not doe it, you shall say it to the King or to some of his counsell such as
you knowe for certaine will say it to the Kinge, you shall truelie and right wiselie
treate the people of yor Bayliewyke, and doe right to everie man as welle to poore
as to riche, in that which belongeth to you to doe by way of yor office, you shall
doe noe wronge to any man neither for guifte promise nor hatred, nor no mans
right you shall distrouble, you shall take noe thing whereby the right may be
distroubled letted or delayed, You shall trulie and right wiselie retorne and serve
all the kinges writtes, you shall in yor proper person make the extents of landes
after the verie valewe, and Inquestes retorne as often as they be taken before you,
and that within a month after they be taken, you shall take noe Baylife into yor
service but such as you will answere for, and you shall doe yor Baylife to make
such oath as belongeth to them, you shall truelie and right wiselie yelde accompte
at the King's Exchequer of all the yssues of your Bayliewyke, you shall take yor
Inquestes in open places by Indenture after the effecte of the statute thereof made,
soe God you helpe.
The assigning to the mayor the office of escheator was a real
and substantial privilege, and saved the better class of townsmen
from many an unfair exaction. Probably the mayor of Northamp-
ton, in the first instance received a fixed salary from the exchequer,
CIVIC JURISDICTION. 133
for the discharge of his duties as escheator, and he undoubtedly
made full annual returns to the barons of the exchequer at
Westminster ; but eventually these fines were allowed to be retained
by the mayor for his own payment and for the good of the town.
This latter course was most likely permitted after 1478, when the
mayor ceased to be sworn at Westminster. The idea in permitting
the town to retain these and other fines was that the annual fee
farm rent was an equivalent to the crown for all such favours.
The real truth was that the collection and passing on to the crown
of escheats or fines over such a small area as the liberties of a
town like Northampton was not worth the trouble and cost and
chance of peculation that were involved in the transaction. The
most lucrative part of an escheator's position was the holding the
forfeited goods of felons, and this was expressly allowed to the
mayor of Northampton.
References are made in the earlier records to the " Mayor's
Booke of Escheats/' and to the " Roll of the towne escheatore,"
but unfortunately nothing of that kind is now extant among the
Northampton muniments.
THE MAYOR AS CLERK OF THE MARKET.
As all markets were grants from the crown, so it came about
that the clerk of the market was an important official of the royal
household, whose duty it was to take charge of the king's weights
and measures, to keep properly stamped standards of them all,
and to go on circuit, by himself or through deputies, testing the
accuracy of the measures in use. In a few cases, even in country
districts, there were, by special patent, local clerks of the market,
as for instance, throughout most parts of the duchy of Lancaster.
A certain number of towns on the royal demesne also obtained
the much coveted privilege of having their own clerk of the market.
As early as 1385, the mayor of Northampton obtained the
chartered right of control of the weights and measures, and was
confirmed in the position of clerk of the market by the charters
of 1618, 1683, and 1796. Towns that did not possess this privilege
were subject, any day, to the incursion of the king's clerk of the
market, who would ride into the market place, accompanied by a
troop of attendants carrying all the standard weights and measures.
The royal official would insist on testing the town weights and
measures at considerable fees, destroying all the faulty ones, and
claiming for himself and retinue free board and lodging during
134 NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
his sojourn, and a fresh relay of horses to take them to the next
market town.
From all this inconvenience and possible undue exaction North-
ampton was saved. On the day that the new mayor entered on
his office, he received from his predecessor the standard weights
and measures, and almost immediately issued orders through the
Serjeants that all shopkeepers, bakers, brewers, innholders, and
traders should send their weights and measures to the market
cross, guildhall, or some appointed place, there to be com-
pared with the standards. A market jury was sworne, and to
them would the mayor submit each disputed question as to faulty
or fraudulent measures. The fines imposed on offenders went to
the common chest. This Northampton jury, previous to the fire,
met at the market cross. In the mayor's accounts, for many years,
appears the annual charge of ten shillings for the dinner given, at
their first summoning, to the market jury. Questions of prices,
particularly of corn, were sometimes referred to this jury, as well
as the regular assize of bread and beer. Reference will be made
in a subsequent section, when describing the market, to the actual
weights and measures, as well as to the tumbrell and pillory.
The market fines were to be recovered, if necessary, by distress.
The following elaborate order was made by the assembly on
August 25th, 1608 : —
Whereas upon lawfull inquirie made by Edward Henseman maior of the towne
of Northampton and clerke of the market there upon the oath of xij men, present-
ment ys made of diverse persons defective as well in the keeping of the assize of
bread, beere, and ale, and in having of uniust and false weights, as also in
diverse other things contrarie to the lawes and statutes of this Realme, and
thereupon the offenders by afferors* chosen are affered fyned and amerced As in
a booke of Esheates in that behalf made appeareth ; It ys nowe ordered that the
nowe Chamberlaines of the saide towne of Northampton, together with Edward
Smith, nowe Serjeant to the mace of the Maior within the saide towne, shall aske
and demaunde the saide fynes and amerciaments of everie person in the saide
booke of Esheates specified, And for nowe payment thereof that yt shalbe lawfull
for the said Chamberlaines and serjeant jointlie and either of them by himself
severallie to distraine the same person or persons by their goods and chattels, and
the distres soe taken to keepe by the space of twoe dayes at the costs and charges
of the owner thereof, And yf the said owner doe not paye such sume of money as
ys in the saide booke mentioned within the saide twoe dayes, then the same distres
*Afferors, or aiTeerors (derived from the French affier, to affirm) were men sworn to set the
fines justly on offenders, before court leets and other like courts, when statute law did not provide
what the fine should be.
CIVIC JURISDICTION. 135
to be appraised by twoe of the inhabitants of the saide towne, and then to be solde
by the Chamberlaines and serjeant or either of them for the payment of the saide
fyne or fynes amerciament or amerciaments, and the overplus coming of the sale
and keeping thereof (yf any there be) to be ymediatlie restored to the owner of
the same distres, and tht to this intent there shalbe a warrant of attorney made to
the saide Chamberlaines and serjeant from the Corporacon, or to anie other officer
with them, under the towne seall, And yt ys finallie ordayned and enacted that
from hensfourth for ever after every inquirie to be made by anie maior of this
towne for the tyme being, as clerke of the market there, all fynes and amerciaments
upon everie singular offenders head from tyme to tyme thereupon sett and prefixed
shalbe, asked levyed and collected by the Chamberlains of the towne of Northampton
and serjeant to the mace of the maior of the saide towne for the tyme
being or one of them in suche like and in the verie same manner and forme in
everie respecte, as the nowe Chamberlaines and the nowe serjeant to the mace of
the saide nowe maior by force and vertue of this order may aske levie collecte and
distraine for those fynes and amerciaments nowe in the saide booke of Escheates
specified, etc.
VERNALLS INQUEST.
One of the strongest democratic notes of English municipal life
was the free resort to the judgment of sworn jurors in almost all
cases of difficulty or perplexity. Local business of every kind
came under this custom to a far greater extent in the towns than
in the country. In some towns it was the custom to chose jurors
who were themselves to elect the corporation's officials, in others to
assess taxes, and in certain places to settle disputes as to street
paviage or such like public duties. Disputed boundaries, in three
or four boroughs, were also submitted to a jury of the townsmen.
For the settlement of differences with regard to boundary or
party walls, and such like matters, the Northampton custom
was to summons a jury termed Vernalls, or the Vernalls inquest.
A considerable effort has been made to discover the meaning
or the origin of this highly unusual, if not unique, expression, a
" Vernalls Inquest," but though a great variety of sources, both
local and otherwise, have been consulted, no explanation of the
term has as yet been offered, and we must at present be content
to simply accept it as the definite name for a boundary jury
regularly appointed within the liberties of Northampton for the
settling of a frequently occurring dispute.
There are several incidental, but quite brief, references to a
Vernalls inquest in the first great book of the orders of assembly.
The jurors were twelve in number, were summoned by the serjeant
of the great mace, were presided over by the mayor, and had their
136 NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
verdict recorded by the town clerk. There was at one time a
regular Vernalls inquest book, but it is now lost.
At the end of the second volume of the orders of assembly
there are eleven instances of Vernalls inquests entered in detail,
extending from 1664 to 1724. Four examples are given :—
4° Novembris, 1664.
Memd That the Jury for the Vernolls Inquest upon their Corporall Oathes, upon
view of a Wall standing betweene the ground of Thomas Perkins on the Southside
and the ground of Mr. Thomas Turland on the Northside, have given the said wall
unto the sd Thomas Perkins as belonging unto the Tenement wherein he now
liveth in the Bridgestreete neere unto a Tenement called or known by the name of
the Wheat Sheaffe.
12° Aprilis, 1681.
Memd That the Jury for the Vernalls Inquest upon their Corporall Oathes
(finding by the evidence of William Sharpe, Mary Drable, and Edward Hilliar that
there were windows through the wall from widow Drables house into Thomas
Nicholson's yard), Give the said Wall to Mr. John Chapman the new purchaser
of Widow Drables house called formerly the White Beare ; And doe order the
same wall to be built upon the old foundacon as part of it is and that the Eves
dropp as formerly.
I4to Julii, 1684.
Memd that the Jury for the Vernalls Inquest being called according to the
Custome of the towne and sworne Say upon their Oathes That they doe fynde
opon the View of the Walls of the house of Eliz : Smyth widd : in Colledge Lane
that the wall between her howse on the Sowth and the house of Abram Hayes is
Widd : Smythes wall, and the Sowth wall of her howse betweene her said howse
and the howse of Francis Batten belongeth alsoe to the said Widd : Smyth And
alsoe the wall on the North adjoining to William Greene doth alsoe belong to the
said Widd : Smyth, And that all the said Walls doe and formerly did belong to
the howse of the said Widd : Smyth.
i yth June, 1724.
Memd the Jury called the Vernal's Inquest being all Inhabitants of the Town of
Northampton and several of them skillfull and experienced workmen have this day
at the Instance and Request of Francis Allen viewed a Drain or Watercourse in
the Backside belonging to the now dwelling house and estate of Edward Stevenson
(late the dwelling house and estate of Daniel Cockerill) situate in the said Town of
Northampton which is made and lyes over the ground of the said Francis Allen
close to the foundacon of his house, and upon the View thereof doe find the said
Drain or Watercourse to be an Annoyance to the said Francis Allen by a Damage
to his foundacon, And in the judgment of the said Jury the way to prevent any
further Damage being done to the Foundacon of the said Francis Allen's house by
the said Drain or Watercourse is to lay a leaden Spout or Gutter along the
ground between the two Stair Cases of the said Edward Stevenson and Francis
Allen from point to point.
CIVIC JURISDICTION. 137
The name of the twelve jurymen in this last case are written
by the side of the entry.
From the beginning of the mayor's accounts there is invariably
an annual entry of an expenditure of los. for dinner at the Vernalls
inquest. In 1750 this charge is 2os. Dinners and liquors for this
inquest come to £2 93. 6d. in 1752, and the next year to £2 los. od.
In 1754 the dinner cost £i is., and the wine, punch, and ale £2 2s.
In 1768 the Vernalls inquest dinner charge is £3 73. gd., but this
included a guinea said to be allowed to the jury.
There could not have been a dinner or entertainment on each
inquest; probably some years the jury was frequently summoned,
whilst other years went by without any summons. From the
regularity of these dinner entries, we can only conclude that there
was an annual nomination of jurors to serve if need be on a Vernalls
inquest during that year, and that a regular perquisite of the office
was a yearly dinner supplied by the mayor out of his fund.
It seems to have fallen into abeyance before the end of last
century.
CONVICTIONS FOR SWEARING.
The criminal jurisdiction in the hands of the mayor and other
elected justices of Northampton was very extensive, as has been
shown in the previous volume. In fact, there was no other English
borough that had wider powers in this direction than Northampton,
and only some five or six that equalled it. It would be superfluous,
however, to offer any comment on Northampton criminal procedure,
as there are practically no records left that deal with the subject,
with one partial exception.
At the end of the minute book of the court of aldermen (1694-
1771;, there are entries of convictions by the mayor or other
justices for swearing, from 1698 to 1708. The punishment varied;
fines, which differed in amount, but were generally a shilling for
each oath, were the usual penalty, but occasionally the offenders
were placed in the stocks for two hours, usually when they were not
in a position to pay the fine or to be distrained upon for it. The
number of convictions for profane swearing during this period were
96, yielding an average of about ten a year. A few later convictions
scattered over many years also occur, the last of which was in
1751. The fines were given to the poor of the parish to which
the offender belonged, or where the words were uttered.
The following are some specimens of the records of these
138 NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
convictions ; it will be noted that a distinction is made between
cursing and swearing:—
April the 25th, 1698
" Memd that then Samuel Witsey (of St Gyles parish) for swearing By God 4
tymes was Convicted before mee John Clarke mayor of North'ton and sett in the
stockes 2 houres, having noe Distresse to be taken.
3oth June 1698
Memd that Edward Wyman (of All Sts parish) being convicted before me John
Clarke Mayor for swaring 2 Oathes By God and 2 Curses God damm us pd 4s.
3<Dth November 1698
Memd that then John Aspeland was convicted before me John Hoare Mayor of
North'ton for Cursing by these words a Plague damme you and pd 2s, which was
disposed of to the poore of the parish of St Sepulchers according to the Act.
October I9th 1699
Memorand. Then Peeter Barret Laborer was convicted before mee John Clarke
one of his majestie's Justices for ye Peace for ye Town of Northton for profane
swearing 5 severall times, and for profane Cursing 5 severall Times : for which he
forfeeted and paid Ten Shillings to ye use of ye poor of ye Parish of All Saints
which was distributed by ye Churchwardens according to ye Act of Parliament.
November 4th, 1701
Memd that then Mr William Marryot was convicted before me William Pettit
Mayor for profane Cursing by these words God dam you, for which he payd 4*
being for a 2d offence, and pd to the Churchwardens of All Sts.
On November 2jth, of the same year one Samuel Alliston was
convicted of swearing seven oaths, and fined fourteen shillings,
whilst on the following day William White, a tailor, was convicted
of swearing twenty- three oaths, and being very poor was set in
the stocks.
Dec. nth, 1702.
Anne Grace als Graceless a petite Chapwoman of Chinawares was convicted
before me Ben. Bullivant Mayor for swearing 20 oaths in ye parish of All Sts
North'ton, but haveing no goods whereon to Levy the forfeiture was by warrant
publickly sett in the stocks according to the statute.
December ye 3oth, 1702
Memorand. Francis Granborow miller at Cliffords Mill in Little Hoton parish
Comitat. North'ton was convicted before me Benjamin Bullivant Mayor for
sweareing six oaths Sworn at the goate in North'ton on Thursday last, he comes
to the Saracens head Inne every Saturday, could not be found.
January the 29th 1702-3
Memorandum William Rands of ye parish of All Sts Shooemaker was convicted
before me Benjamin Bullivant Mayor by the oath of Capt Thomas Cooke of
sweareing six oaths at the Angell Inne, and in my presence and hearing is convicted
of sweareing 2 Oaths and Cursing once, being formerly convicted for ye like
offences, and bound over to ye Sessions did comitte felony by fireing the prison,
and was removed to the County Gaol in order to his tryall.
CIVIC JURISDICTION. 139
Memd that on the fifth day of July, 1729, Briscoe Mortimer of Hanslop in the
County of Bucks gentleman was convicted before the Worp11 Samuel Plackett
Mayor by oath of Francis Atterbury, of the parish of All Saints dyer, of profanely
swearing six and forty awful Oaths by the sacred Name of God on the third day of
this instant July in the said parish of All Saints for which offences the said Briscoe
Martimer forfeited the sum of four pounds and twelve shillings, for the use of the
poor of the said parish of All Saints where the said offences were committed,
One of the Northampton convictions was for saying " Plague
on 'im " It might nowadays seem rather straining a point to
consider such an expression as a statutable offence ; but when
uttered in the hearing of those wrho had actually known the
terrors of the plague, such an imprecation was sufficiently awful.
CONSTABLES, THIRDBOROUGHS, AND DOZENERS.
It is stated in the orders of assembly for 1581, and again for
1582, that at the Michaelmas meeting the constables and third-
boroughs for all the quarters were elected (by the whole assembly),
and duly recorded in the " booke of processes."
In 1584 we have the names of all these peace officers recorded
in full as selected by the assembly, namely, one constable and
two thirdboroughs for each ward : —
Constable of the xcheker ... ... ... ... ... ... Lawraunce Ball
Constable of the Southe ... ... ... ... ... John Meynarde
Constable of theste... ... ... ... ... ... ... John Wattes
Constable of the Weste ... ... ... ... ... Richard Brytton
Constable of the Northe ... ... ... ... ... ... Robert Dukeson
( Henry Morton
borowes of the xcheker i William Spereman
( Henry Smyth
Thirdborowes of theste <T. ~
(John Case
("Edward Smyth
1 hirdborowes of the weste < „
C George Smyth
(Anthonie Banes
Thirdborowes of the Northe
(.Roger Addams
Thirdborowes for ye Sowth
(Edwarde Lichefeyld
In 1585 the whole names are again entered on the orders; the
constables and thirdboroughs being re-appomted, save in the case
of the constable for the south ward.
The names of the constables are not again mentioned until
1598, when they are given for each ward, together with a note
that the names and appointments of the thirdboroughs are entered
in "the boke of the entries of processes." About this time the
140 NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
thirdboroughs are sometimes called headboroughs which was
evidently considered an equivalent term.
In the year 1600 the mayor and aldermen, without any apparent
justification, took upon themselves the annual appointment of the
constables, who had hitherto been elected by the whole assembly.
There is nothing in the charter of 1599, to warrant this inter-
ference, but having once made the innovation, the habit seems to
have been uninterruptedly continued.
The names of constables are usually given about this period at the
October meeting of the assembly, but in 1618 the thirdboroughs
names were once again included in the orders, as well as officers
for the extensions of the borough south and west : —
Roger Sergeant, Constable of the Checker Waod, William Leach and William
Hutworth Thirdborowes of the saide ward.
John Fisher, Constable of the East ward, . . . Lyon and Christopher Dawes
Thirdborowes of the saide ward.
John Niccolls, Constable of the South ward, Henrie Hill and Robert Sharpe
Thirdborowes.
Richard Fowler, Constable of the North ward, Symon Harrison and John Hulat
Thirdborowes of the sd Ward.
Thomas Collens, Constable of the west ward, George Farthinge and Thomas
Boswell Thirdborowes of the said ward.
William Coldwell Constable of the Cotton End, Stephen Marriatt tanner and
Thomas Mallorie Thirdborowes of the saide ward.
Thomas Crane, Constable of St. James End.
The appointment of constables for Cotton End and St. James'
End only appears once again, namely, in the following year, 1619.
In 1622 some of the wards are said to have thirdboroughs, and
others headboroughs, fully establishing the similarity of the terms.
From this date down to 1663 the two thirdboroughs and the single
constable for each of the old five wards are named at every October
meeting of the assembly, as elected by the mayor and aldermen ;
but in 1664 there is no mention made of the thirdboroughs, and
henceforth they drop out of the orders of assembly. The five
constables continued to be appointed by the mayor and aldermen
down to 1831.
One of the almost invariable uses to which the ward constables
were put was that of collecting any special assessment in their
own quarter. The thirdboroughs were subordinate officials of the
constable, and had to act in certain emergencies, whenever called
upon by the constable.
CIVIC JURISDICTION. 141
Most printed authorities that make any reference to " third-
borough," speak of it as an equivalent term to a constable, and
we are not aware of any proper explanation of the term and its
duties. Lamberd's old work on the Duty of Constables offers this
delightfully simple but absolutely erroneous explanation : — " In some
shires, where every third borrow hath a constable, there the
officers of the other two be called thirdborrows." The use,
however, of this term among the Northampton records, as well
as in various Derbyshire and Staffordshire papers that we have
examined, quite upsets this theory. The word is really a corruption
of an Anglo-Saxon community official, and has no connection with
numerals. It is associated with the old system of mutual pledging
known as frith-borh or frank-pledge. The compound word derived
from frith place, and borh bail or pledge (used to denote the
headman of the little community bound to see that the rest kept
the peace), got gradually corrupted in both of its component parts,
until it was changed into an utterly dissimilar word — thirdborough
The joint use, for so long a period, of officials so absolutely
different in their origin and form of election as the Anglo-Norman
king's officer, the constable, and the Anglo-Saxon community
official, the thirdborough is a matter of peculiar interest in con-
nection with the history of Northampton. It forms one of several
indications of the rise of town or municipal life from the older
life of the village community, and of the gradual blending of
the two.
Notice may also be here briefly taken of another still more
exceptional name of an official, which occurs in the Northampton
customary, and which again takes us back to the earlier community
days. On page 397 of the first volume, is given the fifteenth
century form of the oath of the constable of Northampton, from
which it may be gathered that the more prominent of his then
duties were supervising of the watch ; attention to any unusual
sound, affray, or outcry ; and the examination, and, if necessary,
arrest of any stranger entering his ward by night. But on page
393 is the oath of the deciner, or (as it was more usually vulgarised)
dozener. It will be noticed that the decinarius was required ta
"present" all manner of disturbances against the peace, etc., a
term not used with regard to the constable. This term at once
connects the word with the court-leet, where presentment was
made; in fact the oath speaks of presenting "in tyme of leetis."
142 NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
A law of Edward the Confessor, based on an older enactment
of Canute, ordered the combination of householders in associations
of ten. Each of these associations had a headman, a capital-
pledge, a frith-borh, or thirdborough, and originally over ten of
these associations was a decinarius or dozener. But by degrees
the term got changed, and in many districts quite died out, as other
methods of procedure were adopted. It is interesting, and a further
strong proof of the early pre-Norman community life of North-
ampton, to find the office as well as the name a reality not only
in the fifteenth century, but in Elizabethan days, for the oath of
the dozener is in a late sixteenth century hand (only slightly
altered from the one in the first volume) in the Bateman copy
of the customary. There is no reference whatever to the dozener
in the orders of assembly ; and this is only natural, for such an
official would not be appointed by the assembly, or mayor and
aldermen, but by all those attending the court-leet. The reason,
no doubt, why the dozener's oath found its way into the customary
of the town or assembly procedure, would be because several
of the officials of the one court were officials of the other, and
the mayor himself, if he pleased, could preside at the leet. It
is highly curious to find this conflict of jurisdiction surviving
in this decided way at Northampton at so comparatively late a
date ; the duties of constable, thirdborough, and dozener must have
often overlapped.
The municipal use of the term dozener, as applied to minor
corporation officials such as pinders, prevailed in three adjacent
towns of the north-midlands down to 1835, namely, Derby,
Burton-on-Trent, and Lichfield.
THE TOWN SEALS.
The corporate towns of England, from their earliest days, have
had a prescriptive right to the use of a common seal. This seal
they may break or change at pleasure, provided the corporation
make an order to that effect.
The following are the different official seals pertaining to the
town of Northampton. The actual seals or matrices are lost, save
of those numbered VI., VII., and VIII. ; they are only known from
impressions : —
I. The common seal of the town (Plate III., Fig. i). This is
a circular seal, with well beaded borders, ij inch in diameter, and
bears an embattled tower or gateway of rude and peculiar con-
PLATE III.
Fig i
Fig. 2.
Fig. 3-
Fig. 4.
Fig- 5.
SEALS OF THE TOWN OF NORTHAMPTON.
CIVIC JURISDICTION. 143
struction. The great doors, with their double hinges, are closed.
The battlements and projections are charged with fourteen irregular
quatre-foils. Above the centre of the battlements appears a knight's
head, wearing a flat-topped helmet. On his right is a flag, which
probably in the perfect seal bore the lions of England, and on
the left a cross bow ; these are undoubtedly intended to be in
the hands of the knight, though his arms and hands are not visible.
The legend round the seal, in Lombardic capitals, is
SIGILLUM . COMMUNE : NORHAMPTONE :
This seal is of early thirteenth century date, and was probably
struck at the time of the 1227 charter.
II. The seal of the mayor (Plate III., fig. 2). This is a circular
seal, 1-3- inch in diameter, and bears a triple-towered castle or gate-
way of well-defined masonry, with open portals. On each side
of the castle is a rampant lion gardant. The background of the
upper part of the seal is diapered with net work. Round the
margin, between clearly-marked headings, is the legend, in mixed
Lombardic capitals,
S' MAIORITATIS VILLE NORHAMTONIE.
The date of this seal is later than the first common seal, and
probably pertains to the reign of Edward 1.
It is quite possible that the " towers" or "-castles" on these
two seals were intended for more or less actual representations of
the principal town gate ; the one being before the renewal and
extension of the walls and gateways circa 1300, and the other
immediately subsequent to that date.
The introduction of the lions on the mayor's seal was probably
suggested by the fact of Northampton not only being a chartered
town of the royal demesne, but peculiarly associated with an almost
continuous succession of royal visitors. This seal is of much
interest, as undoubtedly being the origin of the subsequent town
arms. The gateway and lions of the seal were afterwards placed
on a shield, and having tinctures assigned them became by long
use the lawful arms of the borough.
These two seals— the common or community seal, and the seal
of the mayoralty— were both in use until the time of Charles II.
Amongst the town records, an impression of the former is attached
to letters of attorney from the corporation of 1622, whilst several
impressions of the early mayoralty seal are extant appended to
documents temp. Charles I,
144 NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
III. The statute merchant seal (Plate III., fig. 3). This also
is a circular seal, if inch in diameter, and bears the king's bust
between two triple-towered castles, with the lion of England in base.
The following is the legend, which is in Lombardic capitals : —
S' REGIS EDWARDI AD RECOGN' DEBITORUM.
As compared with the few other extant instances of statute
merchant seals, the Northampton example possesses some peculiari-
ties, which are noticed by Mr. St. John Hope in a good paper
on these seals in vol xv. of the second series of the Proceedings of the
Society of Antiquaries. The legend omits the name of the town,
and the arrangement of the words is unusual. The lion in base is
of a type peculiar to itself, with prominent ears, whilst the side
castles are broad and flat, with three slim turrets. At whatever
date Northampton first became entitled to such a seal, there seems
no doubt that this is of the year 1319.
The Close Rolls contain a memorandum dated May 23rd, 1319,
to the effect that the greater piece of the seal for taking recog-
nisances at Northampton according to the statute of merchants-
sent with the smaller piece by the treasurer and chamberlains
under the exchequer seal to the Bishop of Ely, the chancellor — was
delivered on May 2ist by him to Philip de Caysho, mayor of
Northampton, elected by the community of that town to have the
custody of the aforesaid seal, according to the form of the statute.
On the same day, the smaller piece of the seal was delivered to
William de Burgo, clerk of the same town, with a commission on
the Patent Roll. Impressions of these seals were placed in a box
before transmission.
IV. A seal of the statute merchant's clerk, of fifteenth century
date. It is circular, just an inch in diameter, and bears a figure of
St. Andrew, on his cross, with four fleur-de-lis on each side, and
a sprig in base (Plate III., fig. 4). The legend, in small black
letter, is
J£ : cftct : fce : sfaf : mcaf : nor 0f on.
The reason for St. Andrew's appearance on this small counter-
seal is doubtless because of the intimate connection of the Cluniac
priory of St. Andrew with the town, that monastery owning every
church in the town.
V. Amongst the collection of seal casts of the Northampton-
shire Architectural Society is one of another small circular seal,
CIVIC JURISDICTION. 145
an inch in diameter (Plate III., fig. 5.) It bears in the centre a
king's head, and round the wide margin, in large irregular Lorn-
bardic lettering, is the legend :—
S : PANORVM : NORHAMTON :
This is an unusual and most interesting seal. The legend
implies that it is "the seal of the cloths of Northampton." At
the first parliament of Edward I., held in 1275, certain duties on
exports from England and Wales were granted to the king, under
the name of " customs," that is in accordance with ancient custom
or use, on wool, wool felts, and leather, wool paying 6s. 8d. the
sack. In 1302 the king pleaded for additional funds, owing to
his heavy war expenses, and the foreign merchants in England
agreed to certain new or small customs, by which another 33. 4d.
was paid on the sack of wool, 2s. the piece on scarlet and dyed
in grain cloth, is. 6d. on partly died in grain, and is. the piece
on other cloth. This seal would be the stamp for the North-
ampton cloth prepared for exportation, as a token that the custom
or duty had been paid. The head on the seal is obviously that of
Edward I. There are only one or two other known examples of
local cloth subsidy seals.
VI. The common seal of 1667-8. This is an oval seal, ITV inch
long, with a circular triple-towered castle in the centre, flanked
by two rampant lions. The legend is : —
NORTHAMPTON!^ . A° . 19 . CAROLI . 2 . R . ANGLIC .
VII. The common seal of 1796. This is also oval, ij inch
long, and bears on a shield the town arms of a castle and twro
lions. The legend is : —
NORTHAMPTON CHARTER RENEWED XXXVI. GEO. III.
In this year the corporation spent six guineas on two new
seals, and IDS. 6d. on boxes for the same.
VIII. The present common seal, which was made in 1879,
is circular, 2\ inches in diameter, and bears on a shield the
borough arms, with the legend : —
CASTELLO FORTIOR CONCORDIA.
The chamberlain's accounts state that in 1692 Mr. Barnes was
paid "55. for mending the scales"; and in 1714, a further sum of
73. 6d. "for new cutting the Proces Seale."
ARMS OF THE TOWN OF NORTHAMPTON.
" Gules, on a mount vert, a triple-towered castle (or tower)
argent, supported by two lions rampant gardant, or, in the
L
I46 NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
portway of the castle, a portcullis raised." Motto — Castello fortior
concordia — concord is stronger than a castle.
No crest used.
The device of the castle supported by two lions, has been
used by the town from very early times. The mayor's seal
(Plate III., fig. 2) is obviously, as has been remarked, the origin of
the borough arms. The tower or castle probably represents one
of the town gates ; the two lions no doubt, were adopted from
those on the shield of the king, to indicate that Northampton was
a royal borough.
This badge or device was not originally borne on a shield,
and therefore could not be called "Arms," properly speaking;
but in course of time, when it became general for towns to
bear arms, it was placed on a shield, the field of which was
red, the castle silver, and the lions gold.
The mount vert was a later addition, as was also the portcullis
in the portway.
The earliest representations of the town shield are in a sketch
book by William Belcher, of Guilsborough (at the Bodleian
Library, Oxford), who made drawings of the heraldic glass in
the windows of All Saints' church, Northampton. Belcher died
in 1608-9, but the windows were very much earlier than his time.
There are three drawings of the Northampton coat amongst the
All Saints' collection. The first is without the mount, the castle
not being triple-towered. This same coat was also set up in glass
in the church of St. Neots, Hunts., and was sketched on the igth
August, 1613, by Nicholas Charles, Lancaster herald, when he took
the visitation (as deputy to Camden) of that county.
The second shield is similar to the first, excepting that the
castle is surmounted by three small turrets, the two outer ones
leaning outwards, an obviously impossible construction.
In the third shield the castle and lions are placed upon a
mount, the castle is triple-towered pyramidically. This is probably
of later date than the other two. In none of these shields is the
portcullis represented.
In the visitation of 1564, no notice is taken of the coat of
Northampton. In the visitation of 1618-9, " a shield of arms borne
and used by the town of Northampton " is mentioned, but no
blazon given. " A badge of the same arms, used by the Common
CIVIC JURISDICTION. 147
Crier, the Sexton of All Saints, and the Town Wait-players of
the Town only/' is mentioned likewise. (For this badge see
Plate II.)
At the last visitation, 1681, is recorded " the arms borne and
used by the Town of Northampton, within a shield gules, a tower
triple-towered, pyramidally argent, and with portcullis raised,
supported by two lions, gardant or, all on a mount. " No tincture
is given for the mount, but no doubt the fact of its being a
"mount" was sufficient to indicate its colour.
On the illuminated charter from James I. to the town, 1618
are several carefully drawn and coloured shields of Northampton.
The castle is represented as a round tower, without a portcullis,
surmounted by one turret only. It should be noticed that in these
shields the lions are armed and langued azure, as they should
always be.
The early form of the castle, as shown on the seal of the
mayor (Plate III., fig. 2) is the most picturesque and correct of any.
It is not known when the motto was first used.
Attention is drawn to the fact that in Sir Bernard Burke's
General Armory, the castle is erroneously given as "or" which
has caused this mistake in several drawings of the coat.
NORTHAMPTON HERALD.
Northampton wras the title of one of the heralds of the crown
in the reigns of Edward III. and Richard II. In the forty-sixth
year of Edward III. (1372-3), Richard, son of William Macheby,
of Brewood, Northampton herald, had a protection for going in the
king's service into France, with John of Gaunt, king of Castile,
and in a privy seal of the fifth year of Richard II. (1381-2),
the king calls him one of his heralds, and directs that a grant to
him of the priory alien of Wynghale for fifty years should be
made out, as a reward for his good services to the king's grand-
father, Edward III., and to himself.
The same herald is also mentioned in the seventh and tenth
years of Richard II.*
JUDGES OF ASSIZE.
There are a few scattered entries in the town records relative
to the judges of assize which may appropriately be placed in this
section.
*From Edmundson's Complete Body of Heraldry (1780), vol. I., p. 114.
L 2
148 NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
An order of assembly of the year 1596 provided that the inn-
keepers were to have yearly paid to them out of the chamber
403., towards " the good lodging and interteyning of the judges of
assize their men/' namely 2os. at every assize and no more.
It was agreed in 1640 that the chamberlains shall bestow no
more than 403. at any assize in providing the judges a present.
The assizes used alwrays to be held at the castle of North-
ampton. After the restoration, when Charles II. ordered the town
walls of Northampton to be demolished in 1662, the castle came
under a like sentence of destruction, save so much of it as was
necessary for use by the judges when holding the assizes.
In 1669 that part of the castle which had been spared for this
purpose became ruinous, and the corporation, being anxious that
the future county hall or shire house should be in the towrn,
promised to subscribe £100 towards the erection of such a building
on that condition.
On January igih, 1670, it was ordered " that a shead be built
of Bord and Timber at the Chamber Charge for the judges to sitt in
next Assizes, and to be built in some convenient place within the
body of the Towne for that purpose."
The assembly, in April, 1672, ordered a cess of £100 to be levied
on the inhabitants " for the building of an Assize and Sessions
house, and that such Ground be allowed and granted to the
Gentry of the County of Northampton for the building of the
same as the Towne have of their owne."
The shed or temporary timber house mentioned above was put
up in the market square close to the market cross. Owing to delay
in finding the money and a suitable site, the county authorities
were content to use the shed until it was burnt down in the great
fire of 1675.
The town was in the habit of providing wine for the judges.
The following are some of the entries relative to this custom,
taken from the chamberlain's accounts : —
£. s. d.
1679 at George for 12 bottles of Clarrett and whitewyne and the bottles o 15 6
Pd Fitzhugh for 7 bottles of Sack and the bottles for the Judges o 16 4
1680 Pd at George for Wyne for the Judges and ye bottles ' i 19 4
Pd at Swan for Wyne and Bottles for the Judges I 17 3
1692 Pd Mr. Brafield for Wyne for two Assizes ... ... ... ... 3 19 6
1696 Pd for 12 bottles of Clarett and 6 of Sack for the Judges ... I 16 o
1698 Pd Ale at hall the Judges coming 019
CIVIC JURISDICTION. 149
£. s. d.
1703 March 8th Pd for 14 bottles of Clarrett and 7 sack to the Judges at
the Assizes ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... i 16 6
Somer Ass. pd for wyne for the Judges from Mr. Brayfields and
Hynde 243
The following entries seem to show that the town Serjeants
were on duty at the Assizes : —
1708 Pd ye 2d Assizes 2s for Ale George Serjeants and 2s ye baylys.
1709 Pd for Ale for the Serjeants 2d Assize 2s
1740 Pd the Serjeants at the Lent Assize for beer 4s
SECTION FOUR.
TOWN PROPERTY,
BUILDINGS, AND REVENUES.
THE PROPERTY OF THE TOWN IN 1586 — GRADUAL LOSS OF PROPERTY — LONG
LEASES AND FINES — POSSESSIONS OF THE GOBION FAMILY — PURCHASE OF GOBION
MANOR BY THE TOWN IN l622 — INCLOSURE ACT OF 1799 — THE FIRST TOWN HALL —
THE SECOND TOWN HALL, TEMP. EDWARD I. — ENLARGED IN HENRY VII. REIGN —
AGAIN ENLARGED IN 1631 — THE TOWN GAOLS — HOUSES OF CORRECTION OR
BRIDEWELLS— OUT RELIEF FOR THE POOR — BEGGING BADGES— RELIEF OF THE
UNEMPLOYED — SPINNING WHEELS — RELIEF IN WINTER — ST. GEORGE'S HALL —
MARKETS AND FAIRS — MARKET TOLLS — THE MARKET CROSS — WEIGHTS AND
MEASURES — TUMBREL, PILLORY, AND STOCKS — TRAVERSE TOLLS — THE GREAT TOLL
CASE — THE FEE FARM.
TOWN PROPERTY. 153
TOWN PROPERTY, BUILDINGS, AND REVENUES.
r"PHE real property of the town of Northampton was at one time
of considerable extent and value, irrespective of buildings
used for town purposes, of extensive rights in common fields,
and of income derived from tolls and such like sources.
One of the most interesting of the older volumes pertaining to
the corporation is an elaborate Elizabethan terrier or survey of
all the property belonging to the town both within and
without the walls. From it we can gather much as to the
appearance of the town three centuries ago, with its numerous
gardens and abundance of fruit and other trees.
The following is the full title :—
A true Tairour and Surueighe of all the Landes, Tenements, and Hereditaments
whatsoever as doe belonge to the Chamber of the towne of Northampton as well
lyinge within the towne and Feilde of Northampton as in the countrey Surveighed
and taken by Richarde Wattes thelder, John Danbroke, Robert Randes, Lawraunce
Bull, Robert Dukes, and Thomas Sanbrocke, the Tenth day of December Anno
J5S6, in the nyene and Twenteithe year of the reigne of or moste gracious
sovereign ladie Elizabethe by the grace of god of Englande Fraunce and Irelande
Queen defender of the faithe &c.
as particulerly followeth.
Mr. John Bichenoe then beinge maior, John Willson and Robart Storie Baylyffes.
The contents of the volume are divided into ten principal heads,
namely the lands in the five wards of the town— north, west, east,
chequer, and south — lands at Milton, Heyford, Pitsford, and Cotton,
and the free school meadows. Two-thirds of the book is left
blank. The exigencies of space prohibit a complete transcript, but
a full summary is given : —
"Landes in the Northe Quarter " include : —
(i.) A little garden on the south side of " Saynte Pulchre's
churcheyarde," tenant Richard Watts, rental I2d.
(2.) A thatched house of three bays, with a little decayed
house adjoining, with an orchard of one rood containing four apple
trees, a walnut tree, a pear tree, two plum trees, four ash trees,
and two elm trees; tenant Thomas Morden, rent 5s.
154 NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
(3.) A thatched house of two bays, and a garden of one rood
containing three apple trees, one ash tree, and twenty plum trees ;
tenant John Howe, rental 5s.
(4.) A house of two bays, with a garden of one rood containing
three apple trees, six plum trees, six cherry trees, three elms, and
one ash tree ; tenant Elizabeth Shepherd, rental 4s.
(5.) The north gate, with a garden and teyntor adjoining ;
tenant Rowland Pattison, rental 8s.
(6.) A close of 1 1 acres called Gyles Gutter; tenant John
Balguy, rental ios.
(7.) A close of 5 roods having an ash tree in it, called Delffe
Close ; held by Thomas Ludlow in exchange of St. George's leys.
(8.) Dovehouse Close of ^ acre, with a dovehouse in it, and
an elm tree ; tenant Henry Bayly, rental 8s.
(9.) A little orchard containing nine apple trees, a plum tree,
a quince tree, and a walnut tree ; tenant Henry Wharlow, rental 5s.
(10.) A house of four bays in Hogs Market; tenant Roger
Haspytte, rental i2d.
(u.) An orchard near the well in the Hogs Market, 40 yards
by 1 1 yards, containing a great pear tree and two little ash trees ;
tenant Roger Haskytte, rental 6s. 8d.
(12.) A garden and an orchard near the Castle Hills, containing
nine apple trees, six plum trees, two cherry trees, twelve young
trees (quince, warden, and apple), and one old apple tree ; tenant
Mark Robins, rental 2OS.
(13.) A dovehouse and a little parcel of ground; tenant Agnes
Hopkins, rental i2d.
(14.) An old decayed house abutting on the lane called Silver
Street ; tenant Edmund Guye, rental i2d.
(15.) A little orchard, with eight apple trees, three cherry
trees, and three ash trees; tenant Lawrence Manley, rental I2d.
(16.) "A little Spong of ground," 40 yards by 5 yards, con-
taining four appletrees, a medlar tree, and a plum tree " havinge
alsoe a Fylbearde tree cut down in yt, and alsoe xxjtie plantes of
Filbeardes in it " ; tenant Edward Smythe, rental i6d.
(17.) A little garden in Silver Street, having six cherry trees,
a plum tree, and a filbert tree, 21 yards by 12 yards; tenant John
Long, rental 2s.
(18.) An orchard and garden, formerly part of a common lane
called Cappe Lane, having in it seven apple trees, nine plum trees,
TOWN PROPERTY. 155
two nut trees, and a cherry tree ; tenant Thomas Deynteyth
rental 2s. 4d.
(19.) A piece of Cappe Lane, adjoining the above, containing
five apple trees and a plum tree ; tenant William Brown, rental i6d.
"Landes in the Weste Quarter" include: —
(i.) The West Gate and "a piece of grounde sometime called
the Towne Dyke extendinge in Lengthe from the weste gate
throwghe the ground of Henry Walker to the River syde con-
teynethe in Lengthe Fowerscore yardes and at the North end
Syxe yardes And at Sowthe End xvj yards and from the Crosse
wall along the River syde and xl yards in lengthe and Fyfteyne
yards in breadthe."
(2.) A house or tenement of nine bays, with a yard and
garden containing a great apple tree, seven other apple trees, and
a plum tree ; also a piece of the Town Dyke with willows in it,
seventy yards by nine yards ; a back house of five bays ; and a
kiln house, with dove house, and small stable of one bay, with a
garden containing an apple tree, nine young ash trees, and other
young apple trees ; tenant Isabel Bradfield, rental 26s. 8d.
(3.) A little house of two bays next to Bradfield's yard, once
parcel of the Town Dyke fourteen yards by ten ; tenant John
Ainsworth, rental 8d.
(4.) "A piece of the Town Dyche From Mr Aynsworthe's
litle house to Mervells Mylls with dyvers wyllowes in it"; tenant
Henry Clarke, rental 5s. 8d.
(5.) A slated house of three bays in Gold street, called the
Store House, with a garden containing two apple trees, twro plum
trees, and other small trees ; tenant James Goodwyn, rental 5s.
(6.) A little garden lying at the back of St. Katharine's ; tenant
John Hopkyns, rental i6d.
(7.) A slated tenement of six bays, in good repair, with a
small garden, lately occupied by Mistress Skerolles ; tenant Henry
Sharpe, rental 26s. 8d.
(8.) A slated tenement of four bays ; tenant William Reade,
rental ios.
(9.) '' The towne hathe and holdethe one Schoole house called
Saint Gregories howse and Mr. Sawnderson holdeth one garden
at thende of the same schoole howse having in it one peare tree
fower Apletrees fower Nutt Trees and a Cherye tree conteyninge
by estimacion halfe a Roode of grownde Rente by yeare."
156 NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
(10.) " John Aynsworthe holdethe att the handes of the demyse
of Mr. Saunderson one other Garden lyinge on the Northe syde
of the same Schoole howse havinge in it twoe wallnutte trees
Three Plumbe trees conteyninge by estimation a Roode of Grounde
and Adjoyninge to the garden of the said Mr. Sawnderson of the
Sowth syde. Hee holdeth alsoe one other piece of Grounde walled
in on bothe sydes, Buttinge northe on the Schoolesyde And on
the left hande of the Gate entringe in to the Schoole yarde
conteyninge in lengthe Twelve yardes and in breadthe Eighte
yardes and payethe noe Rente for the same to any person. "
(u.) " The same William Sawnderson holdeth one Howse be-
longinge to the Free Schoole lyinge over againste Thomas Craswell
conteyninge by estimation fyve Bayes with a garden thereto
belonginge and conteyninge A Roade of Grownde with twoe
Apletrees and Sixe Plumbetrees in the same Rente by yeare
nihil.1'
(12.) Three roods of ground, called St. Katharine's churchyard,
containinge fifteen apple trees and three nut trees ; tenant George
Dalton, rental 4s.
(13.) A stable of four bays in College Lane, in bad repair,
with a garden having in it a warden tree, a peache tree, a plum
tree, a holly tree, and a bay tree ; tenant Thomas Freare, rental 6s.
(14.) A courtyard at the back of the Swan, " and the Swanne
hathe but the breadthe of a Carte throughe the yard and noe
more " ; tenant Richard Wilkinson, rental i6d.
(15.) A stable of four bays in College Lane, with a little yard
containing two appletrees ; tenant John Bichenoe, rental 9s.
(16.) Lawraunce Botte holdeth by a lease "one Howse or
Tenemente with a Backsyde and certeine wy Howes and Plumbe
trees lyinge in the Colledge Lane betweene the howse of our
sovereigne Ladie the Queene of the Sowthe syde and a litle Lane
leadinge by Mr. Balgayes howse of the northe syde conteyninge
xij Bayes of howsinge whereof Fower of them being Slatted And
hee holdethe alsoe one little Close lyinge alsoe on the northe syde
of the weste bridge conteyninge by Estimation halfe an Acre of
grownde And there are alsoe Three Bayes and a halfe more beinge
Slatted parcell of the xij bayes aforesayde Rent by yeare xxv8."
" Landes lyinge in theaste quarter" include: —
(i.) A tenement of two bays with a little kitchen, and a little
TOWN PROPERTY. 157
garden containing two apple trees and the halfe of a warden tree ;
tenant Margery Woodford, rental 8s.
(2.) A house of two bays with garden containing an apple
tree, half a warden tree, and a bay tree ; tenant Agnes Wright,
rental 6s.
(3.) A house called St. George's Hall, of eighteen bays, whereof
nine bays are slated and nine thatched, with backside and pump
and two little gardens ; tenant Robert Story, rental 53s. 4d.
(4.) A thatched stable of two bays, with a hogyard, and a little
garden containing a plum tree, " lying in Dychers Lane alias
Grope Lane " ; tenant Lawrence Balle, rental 8s.
(5.) " Mr. Thomas Haryson of Stowe hathe Encroached upon
a Lane lyinge nere Saynte Gyles Churche whiche goeth to Grope
lane end."
(6.) A slated house of eight bays with a kitchen in St. Giles
street, with a little thatched stable, and a garden containing three
apple trees, three cherry trees, and divers other young trees, and
with a great holly tree at the door; tenant Elizabeth Hone,
rental i6s.
(7.) A little close near the Dearne Gate, containing a rood of
ground, with three apple trees and four plum trees in it ; tenant
Mark Robyns, rental 2s. 8d.
(8.) A little stable near Cow Lane end, with a little garden
having three apple trees, a nutt tree, a warden tree, and three
ash trees ; tenant Thomas Burgess, rental 2od.
(9.) A little stable in Cow Lane, and a garden with one apple
tree ; tenant Edward James, rental i6d.
(10.) A thatched house of three bays in St. Giles Street, with a
little garden ; tenant Robert Rands, rental 6s. 8d.
(11.) An orchard in Cow Lane, forty-nine yards by twenty
yards ; tenant John Coles, of London ; rental 2s. 8d.
"Rotten Rowe."*
Item one little Spong of grounde lyinge in a Close in Rotten
Rowe from a Stake nere the midle of the sayde close in Breadthe
westwarde Eighte Yardes, in lengthe Threescore and Syxe yardes
betweene the Queenes lande of theastte syde and the lande of
Mr. RavenscrofTte of the Weste syde one kylne howse conteyninge
* Rotten Row, i.e., the row of the Rood or Cross, was the name for the paved causeway
leading from the south bridge to Queen Eleanor's Cross.
158 NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
in Lengthe westward Syxteyne }'ardes and one piece of grounde
buttinge uppon the sayde kylne in Breadth westwarde to the
hedge and xxviij yardes and in Lengthe and threescore and syxe
yardes beinge in the same Tenne Apletrees, one Payre tree and
two Ashes lyinge betweene the lande of Mr. Ravenscroffte Easte
and weste, and from the Syde of the said kylne howse to the
Brooke syde Tenne yardes lyinge Waste as a highewaye Leadinge
towardes Delaprie with dyverse willowes set by the Brooke syde
and soe lykewyse from the two Tenementes to the Brooke syde.
" Landes lyinge in the Checker warde " include: —
(i.) A tenement in the Checker butting upon the Barley Hill ;
tenant Anthony Walker, rental 26s 8d.
(2.) A tenement of three bays, u with a litel kytchyn and back-
syde " tenant Thomas Burgess, rental i6s.
(3.) A shop under the town hall ; tenant John Flower, rental 2os.
(4.) A shop under the town hall ; tenant John Howe, rental ios.
(5.) A shop under the town hall ; tenant George Commendall,
rental 6s. 8d.
(6.) A shop under the town hall ; tenant Nicholas Newman,
rental 6s.
(7.) A little shop near the conduit under the town hall ; tenant
Joan Fell, rental 4s. 4d.
(8.) A little shop at the jail-hall door, near the conduit ; tenant
John Holmes, rental i6d.
(9.) A shop under the town hall, next to the town jail ; tenant
Thomas Harrison, rental 26s. 8d.
(10.) A little shop under the town hall, next to the shop of John
Holleed, woollen draper ; tenant Thomas Sanbroke (" tenant Mr.
Maire's clearke)," rental 8s.
(n.) A piece of ground, called a woodyard ; tenant John
Holleed, rent 2s. 8d.
(12.) A fish-stall " next to the shoppe of William Chaunceye
Esquyer" ; tenant Edward Chatton, rental 4s.
(13.) A piece of ground at the back of Richard Britton's house,
next to Woolmonger street ; tenant Lawrence Manley, rental 8d.
(14.) A tenement of three bays with a lean-to, all slated,
adjoining All Saints' Church ; tenant Elizabeth Wandley, rental
33s- 4d-
TOWN PROPERTY. 159
" Landes lyinge in the Sow the quarter" include:—
(i.) " One litle lane lyinge on the backsyde of Brydewell and
leadinge to Sainte Johanes " ; tenant Robert Shepherd.
(2.) Another piece of ground, parcel of the same lane ; tenant
Edward Chatton, rental i6d.
(3.) Another piece of the same lane ; tenant William Lowacke
rental i6d.
(4.) Tenement in Bridge street of five bays, with a kitchen,
buttery, stable, and divers other houses of office of eight bays, all
thatched ; and with a little garden near Marvell's Mills ; tenant
George Andrew, rental ios. 8d.
(5J A " Sponge of grownde lying from his broade gate from
his Kingswell Lane to a grownde called Rookes Mucke hyll " ;
tenant William Rainsford, rental 4d.
(b.) A little house in Bridge street, containing a bay and a
half, with a little garden at the back; tenant Hugh Moringe,
rental 4s.
(7.) A little house with garden in the same street ; tenant
Cuthbert Metcalf, rental 4s.
(8.) Another tenement with garden in the same street ; tenant
Henry Trott, rental 5s.
(9.) A tenement of four bays in the same street, "slatted on
the Backsyde," with a thatched house of two bays ; tenant Robert
Hilton, rental 2os.
(10.) A tenement called "the Armentage of the Sowthe
Brydge " of three bays, lyinge next the river on the south side ;
tenant Thomas Ashpole, rental 4s.
(n.) A slated tenement in Bridge street of two bays, with a
little close, having five apple trees, and well replenished with
willows and cherry trees ; tenant Valentine Davidson, rental i8s.
(12.) A thatched house of two bays in Cotton End; tenant
Geoffrey Bryce, rental, 5s.
(13.) A garden in Cotton End with six apple trees; tenant
John Wilson, rental 2s.
(14.) A tenement in Cotton End of four bays, two slated and
two thatched, with a little house of a bay " thacked on the backe
syde," together with a garden containing three ash trees, seven
apple trees, two pear trees, a walnut and a filbert; tenant John
Wilson, rental ios.
(15.) An acre of meadow ground at Cotton End, having four
l6o NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
ash trees at the head of the close, and twenty-eight ash trees on
the west side, next to St. Thomas (bridge chapel) two great ash
trees, and at either end two ash trees and certain willows ;
tenant Richard Wilkinson.
(16.) A tenement of three bays in Bridge Street, whereof the
side toward the street is slated and the other side thatched, with
a garden having nine apple trees, one pear tree, and a walnut
tree ; tenant Edward Wilson, rental 6s. 8d.
(17.) A house of two bays in the south quarter, having a
garden with three apple trees ; tenant Lawrence Manley, rental
6s. 8d.
(18.) " One piece of a meadowe beinge the latter Croppe
lying on the Backesyde of the Queenes place dyched Rounde
abowte"; tenant Lawrence Manley, rental 6s. 8d.
(19.) A thatched house of two bays, with a garden containing
two apple trees ; tenant Robert Pinner, rental 4s.
(20.) A little piece of ground, with two apple trees, and one
ash tree; tenant Robert Carvell, rental i6d.
(21.) A " hogge stye" and a garden in Kingswell lane; tenant
Richard Freeman, rental 2s. 6d.
"Landes lying in Mylton" : —
(i.) A piece of meadow with a parcel of land, lying in the
field of Wootton, and seven leys abutting on the same (acreage
not given), with one acre of arable land adjoining, next to the
Lady Bridge on the north side ; and one piece of ley containing
four acres, lying in Bonnam Furlong ; and another piece of ley of
three acres, lying in Woodfurlong, beyond the town of Milton ;
tenant Robert Dukeson, rental £4.
(2.) All those parcels of land and meadow lying in the several
fields called Arkesham, in the parish of Wootton, in the tenure by
lease of William Samwell. The description of the property in the
open fields of Arkesham is given verbatim, as illustrative of the
cultivation and occupation of those days :—
In the Northefeilde of Arxam in a Furlonge lying East and weste Twoe leis
The one a Aadland nexte St Johanes lande on the Sowthe syde in an ether Furlonge
Shootinge Sowthe uppon the Hadland aforesaid and Northe upon the meadow
called Arxams. There ys twoe halfe Acres of Errable land St. Johanes lande
beinge on both sydes in the weste Feilde of Arxam in a Furlonge Shooting Easte
uppon the said leies Ende and Thruppe brooke being on the west syde. Two
halfe Acres of Errable land St. Johannes lande being on bothe sydes in the Sowthe
TOWN PROPERTY. l6l
Feild of Arxam in a Furlonge Shootinge Easte uppon Cotton and Hargingstone
nere west towardes Thruppe Bridge. Twoe halfe Acres of Errable land the uttermoste
towards the leies. A leye of Saynt Johanes in the Northfielde on the northe syde
and Sainte Johanes lande of the Sowthe syde in the same Feilde. Two halfe Acres
of Errable land the two uttermoste Southeward. The hyghe waye on the weste
syde, a Leye of Sainte Johanes lands on bothe sydes, A Short Butteleye uppon
another Shorte furlonge more Westewarde, The one end weste warde unto the
Meadowe The other Ende weste warde uppon the Errable landes, Saint Johanes
landes on bothe sydes, in the meadow of Arxam from Thruppe Bridges Northesyde
This yeare Northampton towne and Mr. Samwell Three Pole from the waye, and
the Mr of Sainte Joanes nyene Pole. Then againe the (towne) and Mr. Samwell
Three Pole, and then Sainte Jones nyene Pole and soe Throughe. And the
Townes parte Amownteithe xvij poles, and xvij halfe Poles. And the nexte yeare
the Mr of St Jones is next the waye and begynneth with his nyene Pole, and then
North'ton towne and Mr. Samwell followe as aforesaid.
No tenants' names or rentals are given with regard to the
remainder of the property calendared in this survey. The probable
reason is that, at this time, the property subsequently mentioned
was immediately cultivated by the town under the chamberlains.
Hey ford.
Two and a half acres of arable land, in half acre strips, in
different parts of the fields of Heyford.
Pitsford.
Certain lands belonging to the free school of Northampton,
in the occupation of Richard Ware.
(i.) Half an acre butting into the Heath, near to Boughton
Meer.
(2 ) Half an acre in Brampton Bridge fields, " on Shorte
Blacke myles."
(3.) One rood at Elderstompe, near Boughton Meer.
(4.) Half an acre on the Longe, butting into Brampton Way.
Pitsford.
(i.) A house or tenement at the south end of Pitsford, next
to the tenement of the late Fraternity of St. Katharine's of
Northampton ; with the following lands belonging to this tene-
ment :— Three butts or ley adjoining a close called Thirdboroughs
Grass ; an acre of ley butting upon Walter Kirkman's wall, and
two roods in the same furlong; and an acre and three roods
lying respectively on or near Broad Lands, Awsons Well,
Molton Way, and Debdale Head.
(2.) Lands lying in the Croft, viz., a rood at Hobbs Hole;
half an acre at Whitwell Path ; a rood at Langwell Hill ; a rood at
M
162 NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
Swinedale, half an acre butting on The Gates ; half an acre on the
Lounge ; a gate at Askewell Syke ; a rood at Meadlane Thorn ;
half an acre at Broteswell ; a rood at Reygate ; a rood at Middle
Hollow ; half an acre at Long Hollow ; half an acre at Cuntwell
Way, butting on Greens Slade ; a rood on Shorte Blacke Myles ;
a rood at Cuntwell, butting on Bucketon ; another rood in the
same furlong; an acre above Cuntwell Way; a road on Follwell
Hill ; a rood on Long Blacke Myles ; a road butting on Brampton
Way ; and another rood on the same furlong.
(3.) The Meadow lying in the Great Meadow.
A rood lying in Cornfords Holme, all butting on the river ; a
rood in the Slottes ; a rood in the Goes ; a rood in the Long
Ponds ; and another rood at Askewell Syke.
(4.) Gatewell Field Meadow.
A rood lying at Watkins Mill, all butting on Brixworth
Brook ; a rood at Westerwell Holme ; a rood at Marescal ; a
rood at Twoe Polle ; a rood at Long Hook ; half a rood at
Bulwell ; a rood in Glatwell against White Hill ; half a rood in
Swathys ; and another rood in Glatwell.
(5.) East Field Meadow.
Half a rood at Gybbes mill, butting on Brixworth Brook ; a
rood at the Tithe Meadow ; and a rood above the Tithe Meadow.
(6.) The South Field.
A rood in the Water Furrowes, in Endale Way; two roods
on the Middle Furlong ; a rood on Esterlonge ; a rood at Maswell
Head ; a rood at Debdale Head ; half an acre below Moulton
Way; half an acre above Moulton Way; half an acre on the
same furlong ; half an acre on the Over Small Doles ; half an acre
on the Nether Small Doles ; a rood on the Long Furlong ; a
rood on the Flaxlands ; a rood at Wodwell Rundles ; half an acre
on the Long Land ; a rood on the Gores ; half an acre leading into
Wayne Way ; a rood on the east of Stevendale ; half an acre on
the west of Stevendale ; half an acre butting on the Heath ; a
rood on Wronge Landes ; a rood on the Brake Furlong ; a rood
at Stevendale Head ; another rood in the way above Stevendale
Head; a rood between Stevendale Way and Hodale ; half an acre
in Hodale upon Crowley Furlong ; half an acre between Stevendale
Way and Hobbs Hole Way ; a rood on the Snathes ; and a
rood at the South Town End, going over the cartways.
(7.) Gattwell Field.
TOWN PROPERTY. 163
Half an acre at Watkin's Mills ; a rood of ley at Waddon ; half an
acre on the same furlong ; half a rood of ley at Symon's Willows,
half an acre above Symons Willows ; half an acre going on the Long
Headland to the Heath ; a rood at Marescale ; half an acre on the Long
Headland ; half an acre at Maredale ; a rood at Twoe Polles ; a rood
of ley in Bulhvell ; an acre on Oughtlands ; a rood on the west side
of Gatwell ; another rood on the same furlong ; a rood over
Gattwell Way ; and half an acre at Gattwell Delves.
(8.) The Hamer House,
A rood at Hamer House ; a rood at Gatwell Hill ; half an
acre butting into Gatwell ; a rood of ley in Gattwell Mead ; a
rood at Bridgehill ; a rood at Gybbes Mill ; a rood by Stoke
Way ; and a rood at East leys.
(9.) Lands lying in the Heath.
A rood at Landens Thorns ; a rood butting on St. Mary's
Headland ; a rood butting on the Crosspiece ; a rood butting
towards Bucketon ; a rood going over Whitwell Path ; another
rood of the same furlong ; and a rood next to the pits towards
Elmer's Dam.
"Err able Lande belonginge to Sainte Leonards lying in the
Feild of Cotton " include —
(i.) Broomhill Field.
Half an acre in New Close ; half an acre of ley in Whyte
Leys ; a rood in Mead Leys ; a rood of ley in the same furlong ;
half an acre in Lancaster Furlong; half an acre on Broomhill;
a rood in the same furlong ; half an acre of ley in Long Leys ;
and a rood of ley in the same furlong.
(2.) Haukney Field.
A rood of ley butting to New Close ; half a rood of ley in
Smyth Furlong ; half an acre in Hillocks Furlong ; half an acre of
ley in Fifteen acres ; half an acre in the upper end of Feedale ;
another half acre in the same furlong ; half an acre of ley at the
top of Little Dipdale ; half an acre in the Fifteen Acres ; half an
acre in Nettlebow Furlong ; half an acre in the furlong above
New Close ; another half acre in the same furlong ; and half an acre
being a headland lying on Long Hawk Way.
(3.) Meer Field.
Half an acre at Lammas Close ; a rood being a headland by
Feedale ; half an acre on the same headland ; half an acre on New
M 2
164 NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
Furlong ; half an acre on the east side of London Way ; half an
acre in the same furlong ; a rood being a headland at the upper
end of the same furlong; and half an acre adjoining Fosbury
Yard.
(4.) Moor Field.
Half an acre in Fulbrook Furlong; half an acre in Bracknyll ;
half an acre on the same hill ; a rood of ley on the same hill ;
half an acre at Porte lane ; half an acre of ley in the Pykes ; half
an acre of ley on Bracknyll ; six lands lying together on Colditch ;
half an acre on the same furlong ; half an acre in James Croft ; and
a headland at the upper end of James Croft.
(5.) Rodwell Field.
A rood of ley at Marvell Gutter; half an acre adjoining London
Way ; a rood lying on Lang Lands ; half an acre in the same furlong ;
half an acre on Rodwell Hill ; being half an acre under Rodwell
Hill ; half an acre on the west side of Oxford Way ; half an acre
shooting into Oxford Way ; another half acre of the same furlong ;
a rood adjoining Cotton Town End; half an acre on Gutter Hill;
and half an acre in the Galles.
' ( Meadowes belonging to Sainte Leonardes as followethe"
include : —
An acre of meadow ground in Noone Meadow ; and another
acre lying in the same meadow.
' ' Meadowe Grownde lying in Cotton Mar she"
Two half roods of meadow in Crooked Roodes ; another little
rood in the same meadow ; a hook of meadow ground in St.
Leonard's Hook ; half a rood in Over Marsh, and one rood in the
same meadow.
" Salesburies Yarde lande demysed to Mr. Roger Haskytte
with St. Leonardes."
(i.) Broomhill Field.
A rood in White Leys furlong; another rood at the head of
the same furlong ; a rood at Mead Leys ; half an acre in the
same furlong; a road in the same furlong; half an acre in Long
Broomhill ; half an acre in Foxalls ; a rood of ley in Foxalls ; and
half an acre in Long Leys.
(2.) Haukney Field.
Half an acre in Thrupp way Furze ; half an acre of ley at Great
Debdale ; half an acre of ley lying under Hillocks ; half an acre
of ley on the top of Hillocks; half an acre in Nettleboro Furlong;
TOWN PROPERTY. 165
a rood in the Fifteen Acres; half an acre in Monshill; half an
acre lying on Hawkway; half an acre in Feedale ; half an acre
adjoining New Close ; half an acre in Short Hawkway ; half an acre
in the same furlong.
(3 ) Meer Field.
Half-an-acre in Feedale ; half an acre shooting into Oxford
Way ; an acre shooting into Oxford Way called Throwe Acre ;
half an acre in Myddloocke Slade ; half an acre by Wootton Mere ;
a half acre butt by London Way ; and another half acre by Wootton
Meer.
(4.) Moor Field.
A rood under Little Bracknell ; a rood of ley in the Moor ;
half an acre in the Flaxland ; half an acre under Bracknell ; half
an acre on Windmill Hill ; half an acre in the same furlong ;
another half acre in the same furlong ; a road in Maunsell
Furlong ; and half acre butting into London Way.
(5.) Rodwell Field.
Half an acre of ley by Meerhole Gutters ; half an acre butting
into London Way ; half an acre in Langlands ; half an acre between
Rodwell Slade and Cauldwell Slade ; half an acre in the Galles ;
and half an acre shooting into Oxford Way.
(6.) Meadow belonging to Salisbury Yard Land.
Three roods of meadow in Noon Meadow; and one rood in
Little Cotton Marsh.
" Certeine Meadoive Grounde belonging to the Free Schoole
given by Mr. Chipseye late in the tenure of George Dalton
deceassed."
(i.) Seven acres in Cotton Marsh.
(2.) Twenty-eight roods in Little Marshes.
(3.) A hook of meadow, containing two acres, in Cotton Marsh,
next to the river.
GRADUAL Loss OF TOWN PROPERTY.
If this Elizabethan terrier of 1586 is compared with the rental
receipts in the time of Charles II., as already given in the full
transcript of one of the chamberlain's annual accounts of that
reign, it will be noticed that there had been a serious loss of
landed and house property during the century. The records contain
several notices of the sale of house property and small plots of
land to pay off specific liabilities of the corporation.
166 NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
In 1621 the mayor, bailiffs, and burgesses conveyed to William
Lewes, of Northampton, hosier, two messuages and tenements in
Abington Street, with a garden, for £40. In the same year the
corporation sold a garden in Cow lane to John Clifford, vintner,
for £14; two tenements in the South Quarter to John Maynard,
tanner, for £40 ; a stable and garden in Derngate to William
Savage, yeoman, for £13 6s. 8d. ; a tenement in the Market
Square to Henry Gillesley, linendraper, and to John Scryven,
shoemaker, for £53. 6s. 8d. ; a messuage and tenement to the
east of All Saints to John Loe, ironmonger, for £75 ; and three
tenements in North street to Raphael Humphrey, linendraper,
for £75-
In the following year the corporation sold further house
property in Northampton to the value of £50. A piece of land
abutting on Silver street was sold by the corporation in 1645, for
£15 55. In 1680 Robert Hesilbridge Esquire purchased from the
town certain grounds on the west side of the castle for £50.
Other portions of landed property were sold during the next
century-and-a-half, though not to so considerable an extent.
The singularly evil but common custom began to prevail in the
latter part of the seventeenth century of letting the corporate property
of the town at a low rent on long leases, and exacting a heavy fine
for present expenses. This custom gradually grew in strength,
and was particularly bad about the middle of the eighteenth
century. For instance, William Cooke, carrier, renewed his lease
of St. Leonard's farm in 1748, for forty-two years, at a rental of
£21 55., but only on condition of the heavy fine of £210.
GOBION'S MANOR.
In the early Norman days, the family of Gobion held of the
crown a considerable tract of land closely adjoining to North-
ampton, and chiefly on the east side ; they had also certain free
tenants within the town.
This property was purchased by the corporation on April 24th,
1622. The sale of so many small plots of ground in 1621-2 was
to help to find the purchase-money for this large estate. The
title deeds of the Gobion property and manor then came into
the hands of the corporation, and are still amongst the town
muniments. These evidences are sufficiently interesting to merit
some description.
TOWN PROPERTY. 167
In the time of King John, William de Vipont, senior,
granted to Richard Gobion a virgate of land, beyond the south
bridge of Northampton, on the west, on the service of rendering
yearly a pound of cummin seed, at the feast of All Saints. Later
on in the same reign, William de Vipont, junior, renews the
same grant to Richard Gobion.
There are several noteworthy deeds of the reign of Henry III.
relative to the Gobion property, from which it appears that Hugh,
son of Richard Gobion, forfeited his lands by taking part against
the king in the civil wars towards the end of his reign. Hugh
Gobion had, in all probability, assisted Simon de Montford and
the barons, in 1264, in holding Northampton against the king's
forces. The king granted the Gobion lands to Hugh de Turber-
ville, son of Lord Robert de Turberville, lord of Crickhowell.
But soon afterwards, namely in 1268, Hugh Gobion recovered
all his lands and tenements in Northampton and Harleston, by
paying a fine of redemption of ninety-five marks to Robert de
Turberville, brother of Hugh, the king's grantee.
About 1270 Hugh Gobion purchased a house near St. Giles'
churchyard. In 1282 Sir Richard Gobion made grant of a house
in Bridge street.
Sir Paynel Gobion, in 1357, granted to John Garden a life lease
of a messuage and garden within the east gate, together with a
meadow called Portmeadow, and eighteen acres of land in the
fields of Northampton. The rent was fixed at 2os. for the first
twenty-two years, and after that term at loos, per annum. The
tenant was to repair the premises.
In 1360, Sir Paynel Gobion leased for their lives, to William
Bacoun and his wife Isabel, sixteen acres of arable land, lying
without the north gate, on either side of the king's highway,
from St. Bartholomew's church to Walbek. The rent was
135. 4d. for the first nineteen years, and after that loos. In the
following year Sir Paynel leased for life, at i6s. per annum, the
five shops in Gold street to Adam le Cardemaker and Ivetta,
his wife.
The same knight, in 1369, leased to John Palmer and Agnes
his wife, for forty years, by rendering yearly 12 pence and two
capons at Michaelmas and Easter, a garden in 'Me Gobyonnes
lane " ; and in 1373 he leased a garden outside the east gate,
168 NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
with several acres of arable and meadow land, to John Myddle-
ton, draper, for sixteen years, at a rental of 285.
In 1558 a conveyance was executed from George Turpeyn,
of Knaptoft, Esquire, to Robert Harrison, of Stowe-Nine-Churches
gentleman, of the manor of Gobion, with appurtenances, in
Northampton, Coton, and St. James' end, then in the occupation
of the right worshipful Francis Morgan, serjeant-at-law. The
purchase-money was £120 at the sealing of the conveyance, £200
on the next feast of Pentecost, " at the fountestone in Saint
Paul's Church in London," and at the feast of Hilary a third
sum of £100 at the like place.
The " final concord " with regard to this transfer of the manor
of Gobion recites that it consists of three messuages, three tofts,
three gardens, three orchards, six hundred acres of land, two
hundred acres of meadow, three hundred acres of pasture, ten
acres of wood and underwood, and two hundred acres of heath,
and briar ; as well as of a rent of £10, twelve geese and ten
capons, in Northampton, Coton, and St. James' end.
In 1565 Robert Harrison, of Stowe-Nine-Churches, released
the manor of Gobion to his widowed mother, Elizabeth Harrison,
for her use and that of her heirs and assigns for ever. Eventually
Gobion's manor or farm passed to Thomas Harrison, the surviving
eldest son of Elizabeth, and formed part of his settlement in
1501 with Francis Bernard, of Abington, when he married
Elizabeth, daughter of Francis Bernard.
Thomas Harrison, in 1616, leased to William Smith, husband-
man, all the arable, meadow, and pasture lands of Gobion's
farm, together with the common rights in Northampton fields,
for three-and-a-half-years, at a rental of £30 per annum for three
years, and a pepper-corn rent for the last half-year.
Meanwhile widow Elizabeth Harrison married Henry Travell,
of Coventry, and the manor divided into three moieties, after
various legal formalities. Eventually, in October, 1617, Thomas
Harrison leased a moiety of Gobion's manor to Henry Travell,
for a thousand years. On the back of this lease a note is
written that on April 24th, 1622, Henry Travell assigned all his
interest in Gobion's manor to Henry Cooper, mayor of North-
ampton, and others, who had purchased the reversion of the
whole manor. Leases of the other moieties are endorsed after
a like fashion.
TOWN PROPERTY. 169
On referring to the orders of assembly, the following entry
occurs under date November I2th, 1621 : —
Whereas Mr. Thomas Cowper Maior for and in the behalf of the Corporacon
hath bargayned with Thomas Harison gent for his Manner or Farme Called
Gubbins Manner with all the Messuages howses buildings arable lands meadows
Commons Royalties and Commodities to the same belonging for the stime of
fifteene Hundred and twentie poundes, and thereof he hath given earnest, Item at
this assemblie the saide bargain is generallie well approved of and liked and
therefore It ys ordered that the saide Thomas Cowper Maior shall have no damage
by reason of the saide bargaine, and that the Corporation shall defend and save
harmles at all tymes the saide Thomas Cowper and his landes goodes and Cattell3
against the saide Thomas Harison for any trouble suite damage or hindrance may
€nsue hereupon, And to thende the saide bargaine may be accomplished and paid
for It ys ordered that theis persons following, viz. Mr. Thomas Cowper Maior,
Henrie Chadwick, Raphael Humfrey, Abraham Ventris, Thomas Bradford, Thomas
Martyn, Edward Collis, Aldermen ; William Knight, Richard Wollaston, Thomas
Gutteridge John Harbert (of the Companie of the Baylifs of the saide towne) ; John
Fisher and Henry Gillesbie, two of the xlviij of the saide towne, shall have everie
one of them full power to view and apprise the Chamber landes, and to sell and
mak moneys of soe much lands as will pay for the said bargaine and this to be
done with all spede.
The larger part of the purchase-money was, however, raised
on mortgage. The actual conveyance deed from Thomas Harrison
to the mayor and corporation, dated April 2oth, 1622, was deposited
as security for mortgage with Mr. Robert Whitworth.
The principal one of the three messuages of Gobion's manor
was that within the walls.
The manor house, with outbuildings, yards, and closes adjoining,
that formed " the town farm," was situated on the north side of
Abington street. It was in this part of the town that there was
the greatest amount of unoccupied lands within the walls. The
buildings were much damaged at the time of the great fire, and
were subsequently pulled down. In 1685 Mr. Robert Adys obtained
a ninety-nine year lease of the homestead of Gobion's farm, at
a yearly rental of £4, on condition of building a good and sub-
tantial house with a frontage to Abington street. At the same
time Mr. Adys obtained a lease of half of the town farm for
twelve years at a rental of £40. The other half was let to Mr.
Tomkins at a like rental. In 1744 the new homestead called
" Gubbins Homestead," was leased for twenty-one years at £20
per annum.
In 1759 the corporation mortgaged to George Tompson, linen-
170 NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
draper, the common fields pertaining to Gobion's manor for £300.
The money was to be repaid within a year with five per cent,
interest.
The enclosure act of 1778 (18 George III.), termed " An Act
for dividing and inclosing the Open and Common Fields, Common
Pastures, Common Meadows, and other Commonable Lands and
Grounds, within the parishes of St. Giles, St. Sepulchre, St.
Lawrence, and St. Andrew, in or near the Town of Northampton,
in the County of Northampton, some or one of them, and which
are commonly called or known by the name of Northampton
Fields/' assigned to the corporation 133 acres of land in lieu of
divers parcels of land pertaining to Gobion's manor, that were
dispersed in the open and common fields of Northampton. These
acres, together with the farmhouse and homestead, brought in an
income of £598 53. in 1834, according to the inquiry instituted by
the commissioners on municipal corporations.
THE GUILDHALL.
The Anglo-Norman town of Northampton possessed a town
hall as the centre of its corporate life. The brief account of its
position, given by Henry Lee in his manuscript history, is
probably correct. He says: — " the old Town Hall was in a little
close adjoining to the last houses on the right hand in ye lane
going from ye Mayorhold to Scarletwell, wch well was much
esteemed in those times, there is a mark of stone work circular
upon ye west end of ye little house y* adjoyned to ye old Hall."
When the town was considerably extended, at the very
beginning of the fourteenth century, it became necessary to have
a larger municipal building, and to place it near the newly
designed market square. Though the somewhat scant early history
of our English towns establishes beyond doubt the fact that
merchants and other trading guilds flourished in all our centres of
industry from the time of Henry I. to Henry III., nevertheless,
there was a remarkable growth and multiplication of these trading
organisations from the time of Edward I. right on through the
fourteenth century. Town life, too, began generally to be more
busy and stirring from about 1300 to 1325, and it was at this
period that many English towns were enlarged, re-walled, and
supplied with new guildhalls and municipal offices.
TOWN PROPERTY. 171
So far as we can judge from old drawings and descriptions,
there seems no doubt that Northampton's second town hall or
guildhall, which was erected at the corner of Wood-hill and Abing-
ton street, was built in the first quarter of the fourteenth century,
and it is equally certain that it was altered and enlarged in the
latter part of the next century, probably immediately after the
legislation of 1489, when an enlarged town council, approximating
one hundred members, took the place of the popular assembly.
Several guide-book and other writers on Northampton, finding
that the old assembly of the town met in the church of St. Giles
in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, have coolly but absurdly
assumed that they met there because there was no town hall.
No student of municipal life, could, however, possibly fall into
such a blunder. No ordinary building could hold a great assembly
of the whole community ; but whether that assembly met in the
open air or in the nave of some large church, it is obvious that
a town hall wrould be a necessity for the deliberations of the mayor
and his privy council, for the holding of civil and criminal courts,
for the stamping of recognizances, for the enrolling of freemen,
and for a great variety of other purposes incidental to municipal
life.
As we shall subsequently see, the town found, as trading com-
panies increased, the guildhall inadequate for such purposes, and
built itself another large hall or guild-room in 1460, over the great
conduit, on the lower side of Market square.
Several references might be given with regard to this town
hall in its earliest days from deeds and evidences, and from official
documents at the Public Record Office, but we must here content
ourselves with the entries that are to be found in the later muni-
cipal documents,
It will be noticed from the drawings that the old town hall
was of three stories, the hall itself and the chief apartments being
in the midst (Plate IV). When originally constructed, the hall,
and its adjacent rooms would be carried on pillars and arches,
and would remain open beneath. This basement would be closed
up when the building was altered and enlarged in the fifteenth
century.
In 1574, the use of the " Lytell house under the Towne hall"
was granted to George Higet and his wife, rent free, for their
lives.
I72 NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
The Elizabethan period of 1586 shows that there were then
actually nine small shops under the town hall.
The assembly appointed a committee on March 3oth, 1586-7,
to view the shops under the town hall, with the intention of turn-
ing them into a town gaol, and to estimate the cost and go
forward if they had sufficient money. They were also empowered
to invite voluntary contributions for the purpose.
Two shops under the town hall were leased for twenty-one
years at a rental of 285. on August 2oth, 1607, and at the same
time it was agreed that the town hall should be forthwith ceiled
and benched round about at the cost of the chamber, " to the in-
tent that the fourtie-eight Burgesses may take and orderlie sett
themselves in assemblies and meetings as other the Companies of
the Common Councell doeth."
The first order of the assembly that met on March 5th, 1678,
asserted that the town hall was very ruinous, and ordered its
prompt repair at the town charge ; save that the wall and gutter
next Mr. George Kirke's house were to be repaired at the joint
expense of Mr. Kirke and the chamber.
These repairs, however, if executed at all, must have been
accomplished in a very perfunctory manner; for little more than
three years later, namely on August nth, 1631, it was again or-
dered by the assembly — " that the Towne hall being very ruinated
and decayed shalbe fourthwith repaired throughout at the charge
of the Chamber of this towne, and that there shalbe a flore and
Roofe erected over the same hall and that the walls of the same
shalbe raised sixe or seaven foote higher, and further as occasion
shall serve."
Although the fire of 1675 spared the old town hall, with the
exception of the outer staircase and certain lean-tos, the com-
paratively large sum of £220, raised by mortgage on corporation
property, was spent in 1677 on its repairs. The greater part of
this would be used for the new staircase and portico shewn in the
illustration, which is reproduced from a drawing made in 1719,
now in the British Museum (Plate IV.)
The chamberlains' accounts, which are not extant until after
the great fire, also contain a variety of entries relative to the
building and its fittings, some of the more interesting of which, of
the seventeenth century, are subjoined : —
PLATE IV,
THE GUILDHALL, NORTHAMPTON.
(From a drawing in fBritish (Museum, circa 1720 )
THE GUILDHALL, NORTHAMPTON.
(Ftom a photograph by C. Law, 1864.)
TOWN PROPERTY. 173
£. s. d.
1676 Matting the hall o 12 o
Whiteing the hall and for Lyme and Mortar 038
3 yds and ith of greene Cloth ... ... ... ... ... 079
Pd the workman for fastening it to the table ... ... ... 006
Pd Oxley for mending the ledges and Seates in towne hall ... o I 2
Pd for cleaning the hall 43 and Beere for workman ... ... O 7 10
1680 Pd. Hodgmen for 10 paving Tyles for the Towne Hall ,.. 013
Pd for the candlesticks att ye hall o I O
Pd for paynting the Hall staires ... ... ... ... ... 100
1692 Pd Tho Hanson for Ironworke about hanging the Bell at Hall o 14 O
1698 Pd mending glasse windowes at Hall and an upper Light blowne
downe ... ... ... ... ••• ••• ••• ... O 10 10
Pd Bland for new lead sawder etc at hall 59°
Pd for bords to Lyme the Leads at hall 047
Pd Pendledon 5 days worke at hall 050
Other accounts for 1691 show that £2 6s. 2d. was spent on
matting and cushions for the town hall. In the same year Mr.
Hayes was paid £i 45. 6d. for casting pewter dishes for use in
the town hall, and los. for two pewter candlesticks and two pew-
ter pots.
In 1692, two shops were built under the town hall at a cost of
£17 los.
In 1700, 1 8s. 6d. was spent on pewter dishes for the town hall,
and 2od. for engraving them.
In the following year a lantern was bought for the hall for 2s.,
and the firing cost £2 53., viz., £2 2s. 3d. for thirty cwt. coal, and
2s. 9d. for twelve faggots.
On August 5th, 1703, the mayor and aldermen resolved to paint
"the old wainscoate in the Counsell chamber, and alsoe Lath and
plarster the Ceilinge or where else it is defective."
An exceptional use of the municipal buildings is recorded in
1705, when ^3 45. 6d. was paid to the chamberlain by Mr. Coysh
"for the use of the Town Hall to act their Playes."
In 1708, it was ordered that "a. litle Bell be provided for the
Counsel house," this was probably intended for use of the mayor
as an " order" bell.
Curtains were bought for the town hall at 55. 9d. in 1723.
The mayor's accounts for 1724 shew that the town hall was
then new-paved with freestone, at a cost of £2 75. 6d.
In 1727, Mr. Robert Welsh was paid i6s. "for gilding the
Fan (vane) at the Top of the Town hall."
174 NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
The mayor and aldermen resolved, in August, 1731, that " no
Treat upon the Election of a Mayors Bailiffs be permitted to be
had or made at the Town hall, if such a thing shall be attempted
or offered at."
There seems, however, to have been no rule against smoking
in the hall, though we may be confident that this was not done at
any formal assembly, but at evening meetings of the aldermen, or
of what we should now term committees. Pipes seem to have
been provided at the cost of the town (though not as a rule the
tobacco), and they are usually associated with the joint purchase
of candles. Thus in 1692, 8s. 8d. was paid "for Candles and Pipes
for the Hall." In 1698, 33. was spent "on 2 grosse of Pypes for
the hall." In 1703, 2s 7d. was paid for six pounds of candles and
half a gross of pipes. In association with this last entry occurs
the only payment for tobacco that we have noticed, is. being
spent on half a pound. Again in 1741, on October I2th, half a
gross of tobacco pipes and three pounds of candles were purchased
for the hall.
An entry for the year 1754 looks as if there had been some
distinct feasting or punch brewing in the towrn hall, notwithstand-
ing injunctions to the contrary ; in that year "4 dozen of Lemmons
.and Oranges " were purchased for the hall.
From the time of Queen Anne onwards there are several
entries relative to the mending and gilding of " the Crown and
Mitre"; probably this refers to some trophy or embellishment
over the mayor's seat.
The following entries require no comment: —
£. s. d.
1745-6 Pd Mr. Fowler for a Testament for the Town Hall ... ... o I o
1760-1 Pd the Kings Duty for the Corporation Plate 050
1771 A Sand box and bottle at town hall ... ... ... ... 013
1794 Pd for Covering the Desk at the Town Hall ... ... ... i 14 5
In 1800 Mr. Birdsall was paid £2 is. for framing and glazing
a print of Lord Nelson for the town hall.
In the same year Alderman Gibson paid £3 35. "for the
room undernethe Town Hall facing Mercers Row lately used as
a Town Goal " ; and Mr. Roddis paid £3 33. for the " two rooms
under the Town hall facing the Market Hill lately used as a
Bridewell." This was clearly only the rental for part of a year,
for next year the rental of the old gaol was £j, and of the
bridewell rooms £13 145. 6d.
TOWN PROPERTY. 175
The second town hall and its site were sold by auction, on
August 25th, 1864, when they realised £1200.
THE TOWN GAOLS.
What the town did for gaols before they began to use the
various divisions of the basement of the town hall, originally
fitted up for shops, we are unable to say, except that in early
Elizabethan days there was a small building termed " the towne
jaile," closely adjoining the town hall, and having a door opening
into Abington street.
Very probably, throughout the Norman, Plantagenet, and early
Tudor days, some arrangement would be made by the town,
whereby the confinement of their prisoners would be secured
somewhere within the extensive premises of the castle.
In 1584 the assembly agreed that the shop under the town
hall, then in the tenure of Thomas Harrison, should be made
into a gaol for such persons as might be committed for debt, and
not to be employed for any other purpose.
Two years later the assembly resolved that Mr. Mayor and
some of his brethren should view the shops under the town hall,
with the intention of making them a gaol, and to go forward
with the work at once if they had sufficient money. It was
further ordered that there should be a collection made for the
same object from all such persons who will give anything.
The following order appears under date of April 2nd, 1610 : —
" Whereas yt appeareth upon the accompte of the Chamberlains of the Cor-
poration exhibited this daie that much money is spent out of the towne chamber in
providing of locks and irons for the safety of the prisoners committed to his Maties gaoles
within the saide towne for in and about the safe kippeng of which saide locks and
iron the baylifs of this corporation have been much careless, soe as continuallie new
are bought, For redress thereof yt is ordered that hereafter the chamberlains shall
neither provide nor keye anie locks or irons for the said gaoles, but that the
Baylifs shall provide them at their own charges.
It was reported in 1613 that the corporation gaols were
Verie much out of repaire and verie weake for the deteyning and kepeing of
prisoners safe without daunger to the Baylifs and their officers insoemuch as verie
manie escapes have been latelie mede to their great damage, It is ordered that
there shalbe fourthwith disbursed out of the towne chamber x1* to be employed in
and about the strengthening the same gaoles and in the meantime tille the gaoles
shalbe soe strengthened there shalbe a watch appointed everie night at the towne
charge for the waching and keeping safe of the prisoners and debtors thether
committed.
176 NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
A like order was made for repairing the gaols in 1619, owing
to the continued escapes of the prisoners.
In 1653 new iron bars were ordered for the gaol window,
after the escape of three prisoners. Repairs to doors, locks, and
bolts were frequently entered.
The chamberlains were ordered, on October I3th, 1664, to well
and sufficiently strengthen and repaire the common gaols belonging
to the town at the chamber's charge. The term gaols would refer
to (i) the gaol for ordinary prisoners, (2) the debtor's prison,
(3) the bridewell, or house of correction.
In 1675 mending " the Gaole window" cost £i 45.
The town accounts invariably contain an entry of 2os. for
emptying the gaol soil tub.
In 1715 the mayor and aldermen ordered the chamberlain to
pay i2d. a week to Thomas Good, a prisoner in the town gaol
for felony " towards his maintainance till further Orders."
Sixpence was paid in 1727 "for a Bottle of Straw for a
prisoner."
In 1728 the chamberlain for thirteen weeks paid a poor woman,
who was a prisoner in the gaol, I2d. a week " to maintain
herself and Child " ; and in the same year Widow Easton was
paid £i i os. 6d. for bread for prisonejs in the gaol.
Irons for the "towne jaile" cost 45. zod. in 1742.
Just at the close of last century the inconvenience and un-
healthiness of the various small gaols under the town hall
became so obvious, that the corporation abandoned their use, and
secured a building at the corner of St. Giles' street and Fish lane
for that purpose.
The assembly, in 1800, ordered that the Rev. John Stoddart
should be presented with his freedom gratis, he " having taken
much pains in attending the prisoners in the Towne Gaol without
having or expecting any compensation for such attendance."
HOUSES OF CORRECTION AND THE POOR.
The sudden increase of vagrancy, caused by the dissolution of
the monasteries, wras the chief cause for the passing of the
hideously cruel statute of vagabonds under Edward VI. A runaway
servant was to be branded on the breast with the letter V, and
adjudged to be the slave of any purchaser for two years. The
owner was "to give him bread, water, or small drink, and refuse
TOWN PROPERTY. 177
meat, and cause him to work by beating, chaining, or otherwise,
at any kind of labour, though never so vile." If he absented
himself for fourteen days at any time during the two years, he
was to be branded on the forehead or cheek with the letter S,
and adjudged to be the slave of his master for ever. A second
offence was to be considered felony. Though idleness and vaga-
bondage were thus terribly punished, this act was to a certain
extent progressive in another direction, for it provided for the
erection of convenient houses for the relief of the aged, crippled,
and the weak.
In London the king assigned a large house adjoining St. Bride's
(Bridget) churchyard, Fleet street, for this purpose. Close by was an
ancient wrell called after the saint, St. Bride's well, hence the name
of the first house of this description. From this it came about that
houses for the relief of the poor, but chiefly for the correction
of the idle and vagabond became known as bridewells.
Although much of the act of Edward VI. was repealed, almost
equally severe statutes wrere passed in the reign of Elizabeth. In
1576 it was enacted that every corporate town should maintain
a stock for setting the poor to work, and that there should be
houses of correction or bridewells in every county. The legis-
lation of 39 and 43 of Elizabeth led to the general establishment
of poor rates levied by the parishes, of parochial workhouses,
and of county and town bridewells ; though even at the end of
this reign there was no very clear distinction between the bridewell
and the workhouse.
It was not until the year 1615 that the town of Northampton
definitely established a house of correction. The corporation
was naturally desirous to do this with as little expense as possible.
The space beneath the town hall being already utilised as a gaob
they decided to use the chambers beneath the conduit hall as the
bridewell.
The following is the first resolution passed on this subject by
the assembly : —
Whereas the Corporation is likelie to be much impoverished by the resorting of
Alyens and Vagraats to this towne who seak to plant themselves here, and wheare
aswell they as other persons nowe here inhabiting having noe meanes will followe
noe lawfull vocation but live Idly and by the spoyle of other mens goods to the
ill examples of others within this towne, For repressing whereof and all idle and
wandering persons about this towne, It is ordered that there shalbe fourwith a
house of Correction provided at the towne charge and a master appointed acccrd-
N
178 NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
inglie to oversee and have the ordering of such persons as shalbe thither comytted
from tyme to tyme And that all things in and about the same that shalbe fitt and
requsite shalbe ordered at the discretion of the Maior Justices and Aldermen of
this corporation.
Edward Downes, glover, was appointed the first master of the
house of correction, but he resigned in 1617, in consequence of
old age and infirmity.
The labour assigned to the inmates of the Northampton house
of correction was the grinding of malt. In 1619 John Fisher, the
master and a freeman, complained of " the greate hurte and
detriment which doth arise and growe to him by reason that
Arthur Smyth a forreyne Miller who inhabiteth within the liberties
of this towne hath sett up the trade of grynding of maulte which
dothe muche hinder the means appointed by the Corporation for
the maintenance of the said house/' In consequence of this com-
plaint the assembly discharged Arthur Smyth from the grinding
any more malt within the liberties, or following his trade as a
miller unless he took up his freedom.
In February, 1646-7, it was agreed that Mr. Smart should be
master of the house of correction for the town, and should be paid
the same allowance that Mr. Game had.
There was not so very much difference between the ordinary
gaol and the place for the confinement of rogues and vagabonds,
so that we need not be surprised to find that the chamberlains
were ordered in 1657 to see to the immediate repair of " the
Conduit Hall and the Prison underneathe."
In 1697 irons were provided for the bridewell, at the cost of
2s. 6d.
In the same year it was ordered by the court of aldermen " that
unless John Boone provides tooles to sett poore Prisoners (that
were committed to him) at work as Master of Bridewell by Lady
Day next he be dismissed of his office and another person placed
in his roome."
So far as regards the out-relief of the poor was concerned, the
town of Northampton seems to have acted with wisdom and
humanity. Its bye-laws in the early part of Elizabeth's reign were
decidedly in advance of national legislation.
In 1569 it was ordered, for the better relief of the poor and
their provision in wood, that no inhabitant of Northampton should
sell any manner of wood by weight unless it hath been felled eight
TOWN PROPERTY. 179
months before such sale, under pain of I2d. to the poor man's box
in All Saints' church, for every pennyworth thus sold. It was
further ordered that the woodmongers shall cause their wood to be
cloven and broken four months before sale, under a like penalty ;
that the wood when cloven was to lie dry in a house or under
some hovel, under a like penalty ; and that they sell no less than
fourteen pounds for a penny. This last order was originally
written " twentie," and fourteen has been written over it in a later
hand. By the same order it was also provided that the mayor for
the time being had authority to enter the houses and yard of any
woodmonger to see that these ordinances were observed.
Some twenty years later an interesting attempt was made to
regulate begging or seeking of alms.
The assembly agreed in 1585 that twenty-one poor people be
allowed to have the badge of the town, and seven to go two days
to the inns, and the next two days another seven, and so on, in
order that they might completely " begge the towne." All others
that had not the badge who were taken begging, to be committed
to ward at Mr. Mayor's discretion.
It is not to be expected that town records would contain much
with reference to the relief of the poor either in workhouses or
their own homes, because this was done by the separate parishes.
All Saints', however, was so closely connected with the corporation
that there are some references to the relief of that parish as well
as others of a general and humane description.
In 1598, an assessment was levied on the inhabitants and occu-
piers of lands within the parish of All Saints, whereby a sum
of £13 6s. 8d. was raised "for the setting of the poore of the
same parishe on worcke and for other uses according to an acte
made in the parliament holden at Westminster in the xxxixth year
of the quenes raigne." The greater part of this money was still
in hand in the following year, and the assembly disbursed most of
this balance in payment of constables' claims of the different
wards for moneys expended in the relief and conveyance of vaga-
bonds and cripples passing through the town in accordance with
the provisions of 39th Elizabeth. Strange to say a plumber's bill
for the repair of All Saints' church was defrayed from the same
source.
In 1623 there was a great multitude of poor in Northampton. A
remedial measure adopted by the assembly was to check the
N 2
180 NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
coming into the town of manservants and maidservants from
foreign places. It was provided that henceforth no servants were
to be engaged without the consent of the mayor and justices,
and entry was to be made of each servant, whence they come,
and what wages they received.
It is peculiarly interesting in these days when social schemes
of relief through public works are so much discussed, to find
that the town of Northampton adopted this method of dealing
writh the unemployed as early as the time of the Commonwealth.
It was reported to the assembly in December, 1647, tnat there
was a multitude of poor people, being able-bodied labouring men,
with families to maintain, in every parish in the town who were
destitute of employment, and that if in those dear times and the
great scarcity of victuals, no means was taken to find them work,
many inconveniences and outrages to the disturbance of the peace
might ensue. The assembly therefore agreed to raise £100 on
those of ability to set the able-bodied immediately to work in the
repair of the highways in every parish, and in other public affairs,
wherein (l the saide labouring men may be employed in worke
and kept from idleness."
In August, 1649, the assembly voted £30 to be spent in buying
charcoal at the best hand for the poor, that they may be able to
buy it at easy rates in the winter ; Mr. Giffard undertook to
make good the £30 to the chamber in the following July.
In the mayor's accounts for 1701-2, £i 175. 4d. is paid Mr.
Richard Wallis for spinning-wheels.
Mr. William Pettitt was mayor that year, and a most energetic
reformer. In a printed sheet of his accounts, of which a fragment
only remains, he says : — " My being mayor with pains and charge,
sunk the poors roll nears Sol. per An. in the parish of All Saints,
by setting the poor to work, the girls to spinning, and the boys
to prentice, and gave the old people the same allowance as
formerly, or rather more."
In 1702 " Mr. Mayor is desired to pay down 4" to make up
the sums given to the Poore att St Thomas last And it shall be
repaid him or allowed him in his Accompt as Mayor."
The mayor's account for 1704-5 mention a payment of 35. for
a spinning wheel, and 45. 6d. " for Learning Betts' boy to
spinn."
TOWN PROPERTY. l8l
In October, 1728, the mayor and aldermen ordered a weekly
payment of 35., out of the profits arising from the tolls on corn,
to William Clifford, " who is reduced to poverty."
In November of the same year the court instructed the cham-
berlain to make a weekly payment of 45. to the widow of Alderman
Robert Styles, "who is fallen into poverty/' towards her support
and maintenance.
At a meeting of the mayor and aldermen held in the Guildhall,
on December 2ist, 1741, it was ordered that the chamberlains
do pay to Mr. Mayor £29, to be by him distributed (amongst
other public charity moneys) in charity amongst the town poor
uin such manner as was settled by the said Mayor and Alder-
men at a publique meeting in their said Guild Hall on
December i8th."
Like sums were voted by the court on St. Thomas' Day in
several subsequent years, when the weather was exceptional
severe ; they were used to supplement the gifts made at such
times by the recorder, borough members, or other charitably
disposed folk of position.
£40 was voted for the relief of the poor during the inclement
winter season of 1799-1800.
On December 9th, 1800, the assembly subscribed £100 to the
fund for the relief of the distressed poor, provided that every
member of the corporation be entitled to act on the committee
and that the corporation be allowed 200 soup tickets, 162 of
which to be disposed of by the 81 members of the corporation,
and the remaining 38 by the mayor and justices.
In January, 1820, the assembly subscribed £100 in aid of the
donation received from Earl Compton for the relief of the poor
" at this inclement season."
ST. GEORGE'S HALL.
In addition to the town hall and conduit hall the town also
possessed another fine hall of far larger dimensions. This was St.
George's hall, situated on the south side of Abington street, not
far from the market square. It served as the guildhall for the
most important of the town trades (the shoemakers), for various
other meetings, and as a convenient store place for the properties
that were used for the town pageants in " the good old days,"
and for the pewter and other vessels that the chamberlains kept
for the town banquets.
182 NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
The following was the town store of pewter kept at St.
George's Hall in the time of Queen Mary : —
An Inventory made the xixth day of January a° 1554 in the terme of Willm
Taylor mayor of all the town vesselles delyvered to Will'" Harpoll chamberlayn by
the handes of John Adams as foloweth —
First iij dosen of platters and ij dosen pewter disshys brode brynkyd
Item vij pewter disshys narroo brinket
Item xiij Sawsers
Item iij dosen of ley mettyll
Item vij spyttes w* vij handylles
Item ij payre of Rackes
Item iij long hingis of yron
Item ij payre of gymmes a old condyt cek and iij keys
" Gymmes," short hinges.
In the time of Elizabeth, when the meetings of the guilds
and town pageants were going out of fashion, the corporation let
this fine hall and its accompanying chambers to private tenants.
In 1568 the assembly resolved that as " Mr. John Kyrklande
had been at great charge in the (re)building and maintaining of
the great tenement called St. George's hall, which is likely to
continue a considerable charge to him he be allowed to renew
his lease for twenty-one years at the old rent."
In March, 1581, the assembly authorised Mr. Kyrklande to go
to London that term to defend the matter brought by John
Bradfeilde against Robert Story (Mr. Kyrklande' s sub-tenant),
for St. George's hall, the town to bear his charges.
Fortunately, we are able to give interesting information with
regard to this hall, the very existence of which has hitherto
been ignored by Northampton historians, from a series of depo-
sitions in answer to interrogatories made in May, 1581, on behalf
of John Kyrklande, when it was sought to upset the claim of
the corporation to these buildings. These papers are amongst
the corporation records. The actual words of the interrogatories
are as follows :—
(1) Imprimis Whether doe you knowe a certayne house in Abington streete
in the towne of Northampton called St Georges halle or no
(2) Item howe longe have you knowne this same and to what use hath the
same house been put and occupied these thirtie or fortie years passed or
more and by whose appointment hath it bene occupied and whoe hathe
occupied the same
(3) Item by whome hathe the saide house bene thirtie or fortie years ago or
more repaired or amended and at whose charges has the same allwaies done
as you have knowen or harde
TOWN PROPERTY. 183
(4) Item whether doe you knowe or have you harde the saide house hathe
bene a Fraternitie and howe long is it sithence it was so accompted and
howe knowe you it was a Fraternitie '
(5) Item by what name the saide Fraternytie if any such were incorporate
either by Master and bretherne or master and fellowes or suchelike and no
what sorte the masters and brethern or master and fellowes have bene chosen
and aboute what tyme the chousinge of them hath ceased and whoe hathe
had the use thereof ever since
Item whether the master of the Fraternytie if any suche were had his office
for a yere onlie or for life or for what other tyme and by whome the suc-
cessor was chosen after the decease of any predecessor
Item whoe was master there laste when it was accompted a fraternytie and
howe longe it is sithence there was a master or a Fraternite there
On May igth, 1581, depositions in answer to these interroga-
tories were made at Northampton before Sir Robert Lane, George
Carlton, Esq., Francis Samuell, Esq., and Thomas Sutley,
gentleman, the commissioners
Robert Charles, clothier, aged 85, makes answer that he has
known the house called St. George's Hall for forty-one years,
that about twenty-five years ago, John Grene, fishmonger, occupied
it by the appointment and leave of the mayor and chamberlains,
that twenty-six years ago the mayor and chamberlains allowed
thirty pounds unto John Baylye towards the repairs of St.
George's Hall, and that he can say nothing to the last four
interrogatories.
James Muse, miller, aged 58, deposes " that he hathe knowne
the sayde house by the space of thirtie yeres or there aboutes
and that immediatelie after the dissolution of the White Friars in
Northampton where the shoemakers of Northampton were accus-
tomed to keape their feastes the said shoemakers didymediatelie after-
wards kepe theire feastes in the saide house called St. George's hall
whiche they did by thappointment permyssion and license of the
chamberlaynes of Northampton for the tyme being " ; that about
thirtie years ago John Baylie undertook to repair St. George's
Hall for the town, and that he had heard the said John Baylie
(who was his master), say that he had lost twenty nobles by it;
to the last four interrogatories he can say nothing.
John Ballgay, haberdasher, 60 years of age, deposed that he
had known St. George's Hall for fifty years, and that he was one
of the chamberlains when Anthony Brian was first mayor, which
was thirty years ago; that he received the rent of the said
house at the hands of John Prentice, then town clerk, and that
184 NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
he repaired the same at the town charge, and that the same house
was used " to laie in vessels spittes jackes brasse and suche
like of the towne's, and alsoe pageantes whiche vessels and
utenselles aforesaid this deponent as chamberlaine did lett out to
hire to suche persons as had neede of the same to the benefitte
of the same towne and that he was constable to the same, and
that he contynued in the same office foure yeres togither and
used the like order"; that he hath not known that the house at
any time has been a fraternity and that to the last three
interrogatories he can say nothing.
William Buttler, shoemaker, age 52, deposed that he had
known St. George's Hall for 37 years, and that during that time
it belonged to the town of Northampton, and that it was occu-
pied by the shoemakers in keeping of their feasts there immediately
after the dissolution of the White Friars; that about 31 years
ago John Baylie shoemaker (being his master) repaired the
house for the towne and that it cost him 20 nobles more than
was allowed him, and to the last four interrogatories he can say
nothing.
John Rowte, clerk, aged 70, deposes that he hath known the
said house for fifty years in perfect remembrance and that the
mayor and chamberlains of Northampton have always had the
use and occupation of it as a " towne house" and have used
the same to lay therein pageants and vessels of pewter and
brass and suchlike at their pleasure ; that there were two houses
parcel of the same that fell down and were repaired again at
the town charge about thirty years ago ; that he has never
known the said house to be called a fraternity or that it had
ever belonged to any fraternity ; that he never knew any master
bretheren or fellowrs of any fraternity there, but that about 40
years since "one Johne Bonde and William Chamberlaine Esq called
masters of St. George's hall and they were the laste ; and that the
mayor and his bretheren used to appoint two masters of the said
hall yearly."
Robert Aman, shoemaker, aged 80, deposed that he had known
the said house for 40 ^years, during all which time the chamberlains
of the town have had the use of it, and that about that time uhe
beinge one of the Wardens of the Jornemen Shoemakers of the
towne he and his companye with the lycence and consente of the
TOWN PROPERTY. 185
chamberlaines did keape their feaste and drinkine in the same
house."
Richard Wattes, shoemaker, aged 54, deposed that he had known
the said house 31 years, during which time it had been occupied
for the use of the town, and that he being a journeyman at the
aforesaid time " did make his repairs with others at suche
tyme as the shoemakers did make their drinkinges in the same
which was fouer tymes in the yere " ; that he hath heard say that
the house did belong to the fraternity of St, George, and that it
was called by the name of St. George's Hall, and that there were
masters of the same.
John Longe, goldsmith, aged 60, deposed that he had known
the house 40 years, during which time it had been occupied to the
use of the town ; that one William Fishe (his father-in-law), about
37 years ago, told him that he was chamberlain of the town, and
did let for hire unto sundry persons such utensils, spits, vessels,
jacks, and such like, winch wrere always kept in the same house.
William Freeman, chandler, 52, deposed that he had known the
house for 32 years, during which time it had been let by the
mayor or chamberlain, and had been repaired at the town charge.
Thomas Dixe, shoemaker, 62, deposed that he has known the
house called St. George's Hall 40 years, and that he with one John
Russel " being wardeyns of the company of Jorneman Shoemakers
of Northampton after the dissolution of the houses of Graye
Friars and White Friars in Northampton by the space of one
yere after that did travaile then with the Chamblaines of the towne
of Northampton for that tyme beinge for as muche as they hadd
no other place to make their accesse unto for the makinge of their
drinkinges and alsoe meetinges And did hire of the said cham-
blaines the saide house called St. George's hall for the cause before
alleged for the whiche they did paye quarterlie three shillinges " ;
that the towne did greatly repair the said house under one John
Baylie ; and that he never knew the house to be a fraternity.
The commissioners further state that they had brought before
them one Christopher Barnarde, some time mayor of Northampton,
to be examined, but his age, impotence, and weakness of wisdom was
such that he couldn't directly answer any of the interrogations,
and they thought it not convenient to proceed with him for fear
of perjury.
Mr. Kyrklande evidently won the case, for in July of the same
l86 NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
year the freedom of the town was conferred on him gratis because
of his travail in the suit about St. George's Hall.
The terrier of the town property for 1568 describes the house in
Abington street, called St. George's Hall, as consisting of 18 bays,
and paying an annual rental of 533. 4d. This was by far the
largest house and paying the highest rental of any possessed by
the corporation. The nearest to it in size was a house of 9 bays
close to the town dyke, by the west gate, and which payed a rental
of 26s. 8d.
A lower portion of St. George's Hall was used by the town in 1621
as a bridewell or house of correction, but this was only for a short time,
In 1668 the chamberlain was instructed to make an entry upon
" the house and land called St. George's Hall," late in Mr. Gifford's
possession, for non-payment of rent.
The remains of St. George's Hall, which by that time had no
doubt been almost altered beyond recognition, finally disappeared
in the fire of 1675.
MARKETS AND FAIRS.
Prominent amongst town property come the markets and fairs,
because the tolls and stallage received in connection with them
always formed an important item of town revenue. The community
of Northampton were endowed at an early date with fair-holding
privileges, and with market rights. The great roads that passed
through the town brought large gatherings to the fairs, and aided
in keeping up well-attended markets.
The Chequer or Market square, and the streets immediately
adjacent, such as the Drapery, were the general ground for stalls,
which were strictly classified according to trades, and sites assigned
to each. On the cattle market days the cattle were penned in the
Market square, the sheep in Sheep street, the horses (entire; in
the Horsemarket, the mares in the Marehold, and the hogs in
the Hogmarket, on the lower side of the Marehold (which has of
late years been ridiculously corrupted into Mayorhold) ; corn
was dealt with on Cornhill, at the upper side of the Market square ;
malt on Malthill, on the east side of the square ; whilst wood for fuel
was sold to the east of All Saints' churchyard, a site that still
bears the name of Wood hill.
The Northampton market days, according to the charter of
1599, were Wednesday, Friday, and Saturday ; and this order was
confirmed by the charters of 1618, 1683, and 1796.
TOWN PROPERTY. 187
In 12 1 8 the King issued letters patent with regard to the
regulation of "the fair of Northampton." "The fairs of North-
ampton " are referred to in the charter of 1257. No specific days
nor names are given, nor their number, but there must have been
at least two. By the charter of 1327 a fair of the exceptional
duration of four weeks wTas granted to the town, beginning on the
Monday next after the octave of the Holy Trinity. Two or three
deeds, however, of the time of Edward I. show that there were
then established at Northampton the two fairs of St. George the
Martyr (April 23rd) and of St. Hugh Bishop (August 9th), so
that the long Trinity fair was an additional one to the two of
older foundation. The Trinity fair does not seem to have been of
long duration. The charter of 1495 does not mention it, but
definitely established those of St. George and St. Hugh. It is
laid down that these two fairs shall begin on the day preceding
the Saint's day, and shall be continued for the six days following
it, provided they were not hurtful to neighbouring fairs. A
fair lasting for an octave was not unusual for those of importance
in connection with our larger English towns.
The charter of 1599 authorised the holding of seven fairs or marts
within the town, on the following feasts : — St. George the Martyr
(April 23rd), St. Hugh (Nov. iyth), the Nativity of the Blessed
Virgin (September 8th), the Annunciation of the Blessed Virgin
(March 25th), the Conception of the Blessed Virgin (Dec. 8th),
the Assumption of the Blessed Virgin (Aug. I5th), and St. James
the Apostle (July 25th). Each fair was to begin on the day pre-
ceding and to conclude on the day following the feast. The fair
of St. James in the pre-reformation days, was one of considerable
importance and value. It was held at St. James' End on the land
immediately adjoining the west bridge, which belonged to the
abbey of St. James, and was a frequent source of dispute between
the town and the abbey. In Elizabethan days the town obtained
sanction to maintain it, and it was held on ground termed the
abbot's meadow. The charters of 1618 and 1683 confirmed these
seven fair days to the town, the former, as will be recollected,
admitting St. James' End within the borough boundaries.
We now proceed to give the more important of the market and
fair entries from the later town records.
It was agreed by the assembly in 1582 that the sheep pens
were not to stand forth so far as heretofore, but that there was to
1 88 NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
be left on each side of the channel at least six foot for passage
under pain of ten shillings. This order was re-enacted in 1585,
with an additional prohibition against anyone setting up or making
any sheep pens in any lane or place whatsover, but only from the
corner of Mr. Blythe's house (in a later hand) " now the signe of
the Redd Lyon," and Mr. Burrowes' house, " uppe directhe to St.
Pulchres Churche."
The assembly in 1594 rehearsed the order of 1585, and deter-
mined that it should continue in full force and effect " joyning to
the same that it shall or maye be lawfull to sell sheep pennes
from the corner of Mr. Blythe's and Mr. Went/worth's house down
to Mr. Reynfforde's dore soe as there be left for the passage of
people a yarde and a halfe space on either syde of the channel
uppon payne in the saide recited order specified and expressed."
This order meant that an open passage nine feet wide was to
be left in the midst of the street. There were then no foot
paths, and the street always sloped towards the middle* of the
way, which was occupied by a paved channel.
In 1655 it was resolved to see that the old orders of 1582 and
1585 be better observed, and several citizens were nominated who
should "betymes in the morning of every faire daie walke throughe
the saide sheepe markett and view the said penns."
In 1585 the assembly agreed that every market day, during the
time of the corn market, there shall attend upon the mayor to
oversee the market two aldermen, two bailiffs, and two of the forty-
eight. Every one was to be summoned in turn, the members being
duly apprised of their turns by the mayor's serjeant. Aldermen
making default, when duly summoned, were to be fined 6s. 8d.,
bailiffs 53., and forty-eight men 33. 4d.
The assembly, in 1595, confirmed and revised the following
ancient table of tolls, payable by those who sold or bought cattle
or beast in the markets and fairs of Northampton (other than the
freemen), and instructed the bailiffs to see to their due collection :—
Every bull, oxe, cowe, bullock, steere, or runt ... ... ... id
Every boare, hogge, sowe, shote, and store ... ... ... £d
A score of sheep ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 4d
Ten sheep 3d
Under ten and above five sheep... ... ... ... ... ... 2d
Under five sheep ... ... ... ... ... ... ... id
The bailiffs were ordered to give to every buyer paying toll as
above " a token for the many festing of his buying in open markett
TOWN PROPERTY. 189
of the same beastes and cattell." The seller paid the like toll on
entering the town.
A suit arose in 1597, in the court of Queen's Bench, against
William Wheeler and Robert Roser, late bailiffs of the town,
touching the taking of toll of beasts. The assembly, on September
i6th, resolved to make the cause their own, and authorised the
chamberlain to pay all the charges of the bailiff in defending the
suit and maintaining the ancient toll-rights of Northampton.
The 1595 table ot tolls was further revised in 1599:—
Every bull, oxe, cow, bullocke, runt, stere, or weyned calfe ... id
Every boare, hogg, sowe without sucking pigs, shoate, and stoare
or weyned pigg ... . . ... ... ... ... ... id
Every sowe and pigges ... ... ... ... ... ... ... id
Sheepe, hoggerells, and lames weyned everie twentie ... ... 6d
Under twentie and above fiftene .. ... ... ... ... ... 5d
Under fiftene and above tenne ... ... ... ... ... 4d
Under tenne and above five ... ... ... ... ... ... 3d
Under five for evey sheepe ... ., ... ... ... ... ^d
This table underwent another slight revision in 1600, when the
toll on pigs was raised from Jd. to id., the one half of the seller,
and the other half of the buyer.
Queen Elizabeth died on March 24th, 1603. The news speedily
reached Northampton, and the mayor made proclamation abandoning
the Lady-day fair that had just opened. Later on in the year, at
the end of the bailiffs' term of office, the assembly voted them com-
pensation because of their loss of tolls on that occasion.
An order of 1605 names Wednesday, Friday, and Saturday as
the three market days, and also recites the seven fair days assigned
to the town by the charter of 1599. It is interesting to note that the
Assumption of our Lady (August I5th) is named as " commonlie
called the first Ladie daye in harvest," and the Nativity of our Lady
(Sept. 8th) as "commonlie called the latter Ladie daye in harvest."
In each case the fair was for three days, including the day before
and the day after the special feast. If any of the fairs fell upon
Sunday, then they were to cease from buying, selling, or showing
any kinds of wares or merchandise until the following Monday. In
order that the people might have reasonable time for the making
and doing of such markets, it was provided that the market bell
was to be rung at twelve, and every person to keep that hour, and
not before.
igo NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
The tolls on cattle and beasts were at this time again some-
what altered. The assembly resolved that the bailiffs, their deputies,
servants, or assignes should
Have take and levy in all and singular the fiaires and markets aforesaide tole
and toles or tolage for byoyng beastes in faires and markets aforesaide solde and
bought of the buyers and sellers thereof as foloweth, that is to saye for every bull,
oxe, cowe, bullocke, runt, steare, wayned calfe, bore, hog, sowe, shot, shore, and
weyned pig bought and solde one penny of good and lawfull money of England
for the tole of the same, the one halfe of the buyer and the other halfe of the seller,
for Rams, ewes, hoggrells, weyned lambes, and all manner of sheep bought and
solde for everie twentie eight pence of lawfull English money, where under twentie
and above fiftene sixe pence, where under fyftene and above tenne fyve pence,
where under tenne and above fyve foure pence, where under fyve a halfe peny for
everie sheep, the one 'halfe of all the same toles to be taken of the buyer and the
other halfe thereof of the seller, And that the baylyfs for the tyme being their
servaunts, deputies, and assignes, and everie of them for and in the name of the
Maior Baylifs and Burgesses of the towne of Northampton aforesaide shall and may
levie the tole aforesaide of everie person refusing to pay by disstrayning and
detayning of the beastes aforesaide solde and bought, until the tole aforesaid be to
them paide.
In this same year (1605) an order was made that no man
occupying any stall should leave his stall standing when the market
was done ; but that he should carry the same to his house or to his
inn upon pain of forfeiting the stall ; but this order was not to apply
to " suche stalls as be rented to our sovereigne Lorde the King,
and that stande faste in the grounde."
A curious enactment was made with regard to the sale of
cabbages in Northampton market in 1644, in these words : —
Where(as) the Cabbidgemen doe very much annoy the places where their stalls
stands everie market day to sell their Rootes and Cabbidges uppon, It is agreed
and ordered that whoesoever hereafter shall standing in anie place in the said
towne upon anie markit day to sell anie Cabbidges or there Rootes upon, and doe
not cause the places where their stalls stand to be clensed upon the Monday
morning in everie week and the muck thereof to be carried away, that the person
or persons as shall offend herein shall forfeit and pay xijd for everie severall
offence.
The market and fair tolls on beasts, and the traverse toll (to
which reference is afterwards made) were usually termed the great
tolls; they were collected by the bailiffs, or leased to collectors.
The term small tolls chiefly applied to the customary town charges
on the sale of corn on the market hill, or upper side of the market,
and of wood at the lower side of market, at Wood Hill.
TOWN PROPERTY. 191
With regard to the town tribute on corn, there were some
curious and interesting customs, which were continued till a late
date ; the toll was collected in kind. Reference is made in the
Liber Custumarum to a miller's stamped toll dish, which was the
measure used by the town miller as the charge on each sack of
corn that he ground for the townsmen. In the same way, the
bailiffs or their agents were accustomed to use a measure where-
with they took out a certain quantity of grain from each sack of
corn brought to Northampton market. This custom prevailed till
about 1775, and was distinctly recollected by three of the oldest
witnesses at the great toll case of 1832. One of them described
the measure as a bowl, and another as a large basin that held a
little more than a quartern. The toll collector dipped the measure
into the sack, took it out full, but not heaped up, and then emptied it
into a bag which he carried. It also came out in evidence that at
that time it was the custom for the farmer to take in his corn and
leave it at the inn where he put up, save one sack which was pitched
in the market and stood as a sample for the rest. It seems that this
toll in kind was only exacted from the sample sack. When corn
dealers began to adopt the more convenient plan of a sample bag
instead of a sample sack, this toll in kind seems to have died out.
The first reference to the Wood Hill tolls is among the orders
of assembly for 1585, when it was enjoined that everyone bringing
any " woodd, haye, strawe, or any other kynde of fewell on the
Wood Hill to sell, shall pay a pennye for every carte loade that
they shall offer to be sold to Hodgskyns the Bellman."
In 1672, Robert Coles, huckster, who formerly took the Wood Hill
toll, set forth in a petite acte the assembly that on market days the
hill is rilled with carriages of wood and other fuel, but that the
ground on the south side adjoining the churchyard wall of All
Saints stands void, and asked leave to use that space for carts
when the hill was full. The assembly granted his prayer on con-
dition that Coles kept the void space paved and clean from dirt,
and kept the same way clear from carts and block on all other
market days.
It was ordered in 1689 that John Elborough, the late crier,
receive the Wood Hill toll every other week gratis, he keeping
the same clean and in good repair ; and that John Pendleton, hall-
keeper, receive the toll on the alternate week, he paying 503. for
the same per annum, and keeping it clean and in good repair ; and
IQ2 NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
that the rent of 505. be paid to John Dunckley towards the support
of him and his family.
Other references to the Wood Hill tolls will be found under the
accounts of the bellmen, beadles, sextons, and Serjeants, to whom
these tolls were sometimes assigned.
It was ordered by the court of aldermen, in 1696, that those
who sold roots in the women's market should be removed into the
ancient place against the Mercers' Row, " from John Spring's
corner downe to the Common Pump there." The mayor was
desired, as clerk of the market, to forthwith enforce this removal.
The women's market w7as then held in an open space at the
west front of All Saints' church. This was before the portico was
built.
On February 5th, 1702, it was ordered by the mayor and alder-
men that any person riding a horse on the gravelled part of the
Market hill to pace or make a show of him, tending to spoil the
said hill, shall forfeit to the mayor for each offence i2d. Should
the offender refuse to pay, he was to be prosecuted for a common
nuisance.
In 1729 George Gambell, mason, entered into a contract with
the corporation for the repair of "the upper part of the market
hill known by the name of the Wheat Hill."
The charter of 1796 assigns nine fair days to the town, each
of them really for three days, as in previous charters. The days
named are February 2oth, April 5th, May 4th, June igth, August
5th, August 26th, September igth, November 28th, and December
1 9th. It wrill be noted that these nine days include the seven old
feast days of the Church mentioned as fair days in the 1599
charter, but adhering to the old style, and paying no attention to
the rectification of our calendar in 1752, when eleven days were
left out. Thus April 5th is old Lady-day, and May 4th old St.
George's day. The two new dates were February 2oth and June
1 9th, introduced, we suppose, to fill up gaps, and not celebrating
any particular event sacred or profane.
In 1822 the chamberlain's accounts include an entry of £6 i6s.
3d. for "putting down sockets for posts in order to preserve an
uninterrupted carriage way on the west side the Market place on
Saturdays."
TOWN PROPERTY. IQ3
THE MARKET CROSS, WEIGHTS AND MEASURES.
In the centre of the market place or open square of the towns
of Christendom there always stood a market cross. Originally
nothing more than a lofty carved cross or crucifix of stone, standing
on a base of circular steps as an incentive to Christian trading, it
generally gave way to a more or less pretentious building, usually
open at the sides, and suited in various ways as a centre for
market conveniences. Such a building generally retained the
name of the Market Cross. It was the precursor of all subsequent
covered market halls.
Mention is made of the market cross of Northampton in several
fourteenth and fifteenth century deeds. It is not known whether
the cross in the centre of the market square was then anything
more than a central cross, but a large and imposing structure
was erected there in 1535, which bore the title of the market
cross. An illustration of this old market cross, enlarged from a
pencil drawing in Dash's copy of Bridges' Northamptonshire, in
the British Museum, appeared a few years ago in Northamptonshire
Notes and Queries; but this drawing, in common with other supposed
views of the town before the fire, is clearly imaginary. The follow-
ing detailed account of the building is taken from Lee's MSS. : —
In ye vith yeare of ye Reigne of King Henry 8th, Anno Dni 1535, Laurence
Manly Mayor, was the Cross in the Markett Place made, there were 8 large
stones sett in the Ground abl 2 feet high cutt and carved, and upon them 8 large
Fillers of Timber with carved Work upon them. They did bear up ye Roof, and ye
Timbers from one Piller to the next pillerwas arched and carved. In ye middle was 3
Steps or rounds of Stone to sit upon, and to go up from ye middle of ye Cross
by a small paire of staires into the Lanthorne or little Chamber where were lodged
ye Markett Strike and other Utensells belonging to ye Markett, and a doore at ye foot
of ye Stairs lockt up from Markett to Markett. The whole Cross was covered all over
with lead and ye Lanthorne well glased and little Posts from every square all
covered with Lead and Apes at ye Tops of them with little Iron Rods in their hands
with Fanes on ye Tops of them. The Compass of ye Cross was so large yl betwene
the Lanthorne and ye outsides of ye cross where Battelments were built I have
seen Men walk several times. The whole was sett out and beautified with branches
of lead, and upon all squares little parcels of lead like coats of arms guilt, and a
great ornament to ye place.
After the fire the site of the old market cross remained vacant
until 1780, when it was occupied by a meaningless and useless
stone structure called the Obelisk. It was found to be very incon-
venient, and was taken down in 1806 to make way for a pump.
O
IQ4 NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
In 1826 the pump was removed, and gave place to a large gas
lamp.
As to the town weights and measures, there are abundant
references in the first volume of this work to the importance
attached to these being standard and true (pp. 276, 319, 323, 327,
373, 375, 376). Reference has also been made to them when
considering the position of Northampton's mayor as clerk of the
market. From the early days when that privilege wras conferred
on the mayor, the town would possess standard weights, etc., of
its own, and would not be dependent on those carried about by
the king's clerk of the market or his deputies. Moreover, by
the elaborate statute on this subject of n Henry VII., cap. 4,
every city, borough, and town were bound to provide themselves
"with a common balance with common weyghtes and common
measures marked according to the standard of the excheker."
In the schedule to the act Northampton is named as the town for
the safe custody of the standards for the whole shire.
With regard to the standard weights and measures that used to
be kept in the lantern of the market cross, it may be remarked that,
owing doubtless to their frequent renewal, consequent upon different
statutes, very few old examples remain ; Cambridge, Derby, and
Lancaster are exceptions. The last of these three boroughs has
Elizabethan examples of the same date and pattern as the valuable
and interesting ones that are now in the Northampton Museum.
There are in the town museum four weights — of 56 pounds, 28
pounds, 14 pounds, and 7 pounds respectively— all marked with a
crown and EL. for Elizabeth, and bearing the A.D. date of 1588, and
the regnal year XXX.
There are also two Elizabethan measures. The largest is a
handsome circular bushel (the " market strike" of Lee's MSS.) of
heavy bronze or bell metal, ift. in depth, and ift yin. in diameter,
with the inscription : — " ELIZABETH DEI [a crowned rose] GRACIA
ANGLIC [a crowned portcullis] FRANCIA ET [a crowned fleur-de-lis]
HIBERNLE [a crowned rose] REGINA, 1601." (Plate V.) The second
is a corn gallon with E.R. under a crown, and the further inscrip-
tion ELIZABETH REGINA, l6oi.
There is also a metal-rimmed wooden stamped quart corn
measure, inscribed CORN . CORPORATION OF NORTHAMPTON . 1771.
A bronze quart and a bronze pint measure are both stamped on
the edge of the rim with W.R. under a crown, temp. William III.
PLATE V,
TOWN PROPERTY. 195
" A sett of Come Measures " was purchased by the town in 1694,
at a cost of 95. iod., of which the two last-named are doubtless part.
In 1750 ua pair of large Scales for the use of the Corporation^
was bought for ys., brass weights to be used therewith for I2s.,
and beams for the scales for 75. 6d.
Before the fire, a bell hung in the lantern of the market cross,
to be used for all market purposes. Afterwards the handbell of
the crier seems to have sufficed.
It was agreed in 1641 that the market bell should ring at 12
o'clock every market day, and if the bell was not rung that it
was lawful for any man to sell his corn at that hour. It was
further ordered that the country should have notice of this resolution
by the bellman on four or five consecutive market days.
THE PILLORY, TUMBREL, AND STOCKS.
The keeping of the assize of bread, wine and beer, and the
correction and punishment of the same was secured as a chartered
privilege to the mayor in 1385, though in all probability that right
had been exercised for a long time before that date. The old
judgment of the pillory and tumbrel, according to the use of
Northampton, has been given in detail in the previous volume (pp.
314-321;. A tumbrel wras originally a clumsy farm cart, with solid
wooden wheels, used for the conveying of dung, and hence it came
to be used for the wheeled ducking stool on which an offender was
strapped in the market place, and thence wheeled off to the nearest
stream, river, or pond of sufficient depth. The common notion
that a ducking stool was intended for scolding women is altogether
erroneous ; the tumbrel or ducking stool was occasionally thus used
in later times, but the mediaeval punishment for the abusive woman
was the scold's iron bridle, the tumbrel being kept for those who
persisted in giving false measure or inferior quality of beer or wine.
Possibly our forefathers thought there was a fitness in assigning
this rude water punishment to the offending dealers in liquor.
The baker, butcher, or cook who swindled his customers was, on
the contrary, condemned to the pillory.
The roughness and cruelty of both these punishments is suffi-
ciently obvious, when we find that one of the duties of the
Northampton market jury was the annual inquiry whether both
tumbrel and pillory were strong and well repaired, so that if any
man or woman was condemned thereto they might lose neither
O 2
196 NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
life nor limb. This inquiry was to be made in accordance with
the statute of the pillory and tumbrel (51 Henry III.)
In the south-east corner of the market square, almost in front
of the great conduit, and not far from the guildhall, stood the
Northampton pillory. It would consist of a wooden erection with
holes for the head and hands, and would probably be raised on
steps or a platform of stone. It would also serve as the public
whipping post, and would have handcuffs specially arranged for
that purpose.
Among the Acts of the Privy Council, under date January
28th, 1551-2, is the following relative to a seditious song by a
townsman of Northampton : — " A lettre to Nicholas Rande, Mayour
of Northampton, and Fraunces Morgan, to examine whether the
song that they have enformed was sung by William Tonson was
of his own making, and in caase it be so found, to cause him to
be set on the Pillorie and cause both his eares to be cut off ; and
in case the same song shall appeare to be of others doing, then to
send the sayd Tomson up hither to be farther examined/'
In 1612 the assembly ordered that the pavement from the pillory
to the market cross be repaired at the town charge.
In 1732, and again in 1737, there is a charge in the chamber-
lain's accounts of 6d. " for cleansinge the Pillory." This would
doubtless be requisite after some unhappy offender had been pelted
with the market rubbish and offal. In 1747 a shilling was paid
" for mending the handcuffs of the pillory and for putting them on."
In the small picture of the market place, forming one of a series
of views round " The South West Prospect of Northampton,"
published in 1754 a small set of stocks, pillory, and whipping
post combined in one, is shown at the south-east angle of the
square.
The Northampton market place pillory was used at exceptionally
late dates, namely, on March 23rd, 1811, and on April 23rd, 1814;
on each occasion for offenders against decency.
The town stocks also stood in the market place. In 1634 we
read that John Daniel, a town constable, set "one of ye Kings
Guard in ye stocks of ye Town which cost him £3, imprisoned, loss
of office, and other trouble, and the stocks burnt on the Cornhill."
Usually, where there was a pillory, stocks formed part of the
same structure, or at all events stood on the same platform.
Probably this arrangement was interrupted at Northampton after
TOWN PROPERTY. IQ7
the old stocks were burnt in 1634, apparently by infuriated
soldiers. At all events, in 1675, and on three or four subsequent
occasions, entries are met with of labourers being paid for
" moving " or "removing" the stocks. From this, we suppose
that they were, at one time, specially erected when required, being
brought out from some receptacle in the guildhall or gaol. At
Corby, in this county, there are still a set of moveable stocks.
A set of stocks on low wheels is now preserved at the parish
church of Shoreditch.
THE TRAVERSE TOLLS.
A far more lucrative and exceptional source of revenue to the
town of Northampton than the market and fair tolls were the
traverse or passage tolls, which were ancient dues charged on beasts
and burdens passing through or entering the town.
The origin of such a toll is easy to understand. Right through
the centre of Northampton, north and south, and east and west,
ran two main roads, king's highways ; the one from south to north
being the most important route from London to the northern towns
and districts, and therefore of primary importance. These roads
had to be kept in substantial repair right through the liberties of
the townsmen of Northampton, being paved throughout when with-
in the town walls. This must have been a constant source of
expense to the inhabitants. Moreover, Northampton was a town
on the royal demesne, and as such had to pay to the crown or its
assigns an annual fee-farm rental, which was very heavy in the
earlier days, according to the then value of money. It was not
unusual in such cases, for the crown to grant to royal demesne
towns certain special privileges as a sort of set-off to the rental.
At Northampton this privilege took the form of a traverse or
passage toll.
There seems no manner of reason to doubt that this traverse
toll was an accomplished custom even before the first of the town
charters. At all events it was thoroughly well established as early
as 1274. The most interesting of all the early records pertaining
to the town of Northampton is the very full result of the great
inquisition held that year, which is given at the head of the
Hundred Rolls for the county of Northampton. The object of the
inquiry was to certify in each county as to the demesne manors
the king had in his hands ; by what warrant alienated manors were
198 NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
held ; of suits, ancient customs, services, etc., withdrawn from the
king or his ancestors; and of liberties granted which impeded
common justice, or subverted the king's power.
The roll, rendered in English, opens as follows : —
Town of Northampton. An inquisition made at Northampton by twelve jurors
of the same town, in the third year of the reign of King Edward before the Lords
William de St. Omer and Warin de Chaucombe, justices of the lord the King, to
wit, by Roger de St. Martin, Henry Atte Gate, Jordan le Cheval, Laurance de
Bolton, Osbert de Crouthrop, Geoffrey de Overston, Adam de Corder, Thomas de
Pippewell, Ralph de Thorp, Robert Keylmers, William de la Suriegien, and John
de Campden, who say upon their oath [under the head of " Ancient Suits, Customs,
and Servicess "] : —
That Simon de Bryctewell, Bailiff of the Lord Edward, Earl of Cornwall,
in the King's Highway which is called Saltstrete and the Lord Roger de
Wanton, at the Bridge of Billinge, have withdrawn from the King and the
Bailiffs of Northampton, now by four years the Customs and Tolls which the Lord
the King and his Bailiffs of Northampton, at all times there have been accustomed
to receive and have ; and which Customs and Tolls they have so appropriated to
themselves, by what warrant they know not, to the damage of the Lord the King
and his Bailiffs of Northampton by the year of half a mark and upwards.
Also they say, that the men of Simon Fitz Henry, of Hastings, trading in the town
of Northampton, are accustomed at all times to give Tolls for their merchandizes sold
and bought in the same, and which Toll, by advowry of the house of Huntingdon,
now by seven years they have withdrawn from the King and Commonalty of the
town of Northampton, by what warrant they know not, to the damage of the Lord
the King and the whole Commonalty of the town, twenty shillings and upwards.
Also they say that Henry Ponteys of Jakeslee, avowing himself a man of the
Master of the Hospital of Dyngele, now by years hath withdrawn his Toll, which
he was accustomed to give for his merchandizes bought and sold in Northampton^
by what warrant they know not, to the damage of the Lord the King and his
Bailiffs in Northampton, by the year 203.
Also they say, that the men of Laurence de Preston have withdrawn which they
have been accustomed te give in Northampton avowing themselves to be of the
honour of Huntingdon to wit, the men of Preston, Wootton, and Billinge, by what
warrant they know not, to the damage of the Lord the King and the Bailiffs of
Northampton of half a mark and upwards by the year.
In the great toll case of 1831, to which further reference will
shortly be made, these extracts from the Hundred Rolls were more
fully discussed and wrangled about by the leading counsel on each
side, as well as by the Lord Chief Justice, than all the other
numerous old documents that were cited. In fact the judge's
supposed misinterpretation of these extracts was made one of the
chief grounds for ah appeal. We venture, however, to say, that
although much ingenuity was displayed in giving a diversity of in-
TOWN PROPERTY. 199
terpretations, that no one arrived at the true and simple solution,
which is quite obvious when compared with other documents of a
like character.
The word there [ibidem in the Latin] in the midst of the first
paragraph of the jury's findings, refers to the two places outside
Northampton on the east side, where the bailiffs of Northampton
had been accustomed to gather the traverse tolls from laden carts
and pack-horses.
Where traverse tolls had been established, it was customary in
early days to fix upon toll-gathering points at some distance from
the town, with the double view of avoiding confusion with the
local traffic of freemen, which would probably have been the case
if the tolls had been collected at the town gates or in the town
itself ; and of preventing the evasion of the toll by turning aside
on tracks through the open country, so as to pass round the town
instead of through it.
A great deal was said at the trial as to the position of Salte
Strete, which it was assumed must have been a name of a street
in the town. But the fact is that the name Salt Street was frequently
given to the main thoroughfare leading to towns of importance
over which the loads of salt were carried.
Salt production was for several centuries one of the chief
occupations in England. It certainly came next to agriculture and
fishing. At the Domesday Survey mention is made in six shires
of 727 salt works, each paying rent to their lord. In English
mediaeval economy, salt was far more of an essential than at the
present day. It was used in small quantities for dairy, culinary,
and several manufacturing purposes, but chiefly as a preservation
for the curing of provisions. The complete absence of fresh winter
food for cattle, and the impossibility of maintaining the summer
stock of sheep and swine through the winter months, led to the
practice of killing off large quantities of beasts and sheep, as well
as pigs, about Martinmas, and salting them down for winter use.
The same was done in the royal forests, the accounts of which,
whenever preserved, always make mention of the salt provided,
and the great larders built for the storage of the autumn killed
venison. Salt from brine springs was but little used in these parts,
it was carried hither from the nearest sea coast. After the Norman
conquest, salt was manufactured in great abundance by evapo-
ration in shallow pans on our eastern sea coast. The salt for
200 NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
Northampton would doubtless come through Peterborough from the
Wash, and would reach the town by way of Wellingborough, so that
it may safely be assumed that Salt Street was but another name
for that which is now known as the Wellingborough Road. It is
hardly necessary to say that the word street then meant merely a
strata via, and was just as applicable to an artifically made road
in the country, as to a paved one in the town. It may further be
remarked that salt was even a greater essential in Northampton
than in the majority of other towns, because of the large amount
of beasts brought to its market, and of its great and ancient
industry in connection with the turning of hides into leather.
There was a trading fraternity of the salters of Northampton
from the earliest days.
The jury, then, at this inquisition of 1275, declared that the
bailiffs of the Earl of Cornwall and of Lord Roger de Wanton
had, for the last four years, collected the Northampton traverse
tolls for their own lords, at twro stations, namely, a certain place
on the Salt Street and at Billing Bridge, where the bailiffs of
Northampton had previously placed their agents for a like purpose.
The other three findings of the jury just quoted, establish the
general custom of these tolls through complaint being made of
illegal evasion.
In the first volume (p. 62) a transcript is given of the present-
ment of a jury under pleas of the crown held at Northampton in
1330. On that occasion complaint was made that the bailiffs of
Northampton were collecting traverse tolls of one penny from
every cart-load of wool, wax, or other merchandise, and a farthing
for every horse-load at Slipton, a township fifteen miles from
Northampton, and on the Wellingborough side of Thrapston. The
objection raised to this procedure was, that by collecting tolls at
this place carts and laden horses passing to Rothwell and Leicester
or elsewhere to the north, were here intercepted and made to pay the
Northampton toll. The bailiffs and others of the town of North-
ampton declared that the toll pertained to the fee-farm of
Northampton, and that it was collected at Slipton as long ago as
the time of Henry III. It was ordered that the bailiffs were only
to take toll there from those who were avoiding the town of
Northampton with intent to evade the customary toll.
More than a century after this date, there were three customary
places some distance from Northampton at which this traverse toll
TOWN PROPERTY. 2OI
was collected, as appears from the Liber Custumarum, viz. : — Billing
Bridge, about four miles east from Northampton ; Syresham Cross ;
to the south, about three miles out of Brackley, with which borough
there was great commerce in wool ; and Slipton*, near Thrapston,
which has just been mentioned.
At a later period, apparently in the time of Elizabeth, the habit
of collecting the traverse toll at distant points ceased, and the
dues were gathered on entering the town or even in the town
itself. In the old days the bailiffs' agents at the distant points
gave tokens to those who paid, which were delivered up at the
borough gates. The first reference that we find to these tolls, in
the later records of the town, is an order of assembly passed on
June yth, 1582, which runs as follows : —
Forasmoche as of late yeares it hathe ben accustomed by those which have ben
late baylyves of the saide Towne of Northampton to Lett the Tole of passengers
with packe-horses, Cartes, Waynes, and suche Ijke to one . . . Hervys of Kings-
throppe and others of Kingsthroppe aforesaide who have not only used to exacte
Tole of the Fremen of the saide Town of Northampton but also accustomed to
take and gather the said Tole at Kingsthroppe aforesaide oute of the Liberties of
the saide Towne of Northampton, For reformation whereof it is at this present
assemblye for ever established that no freeman shall have at any tyme herafter anye
suche kinde of Tole exacted on him or them by anye Bayliffe or Baylyffes of the
same Towne of Northampton or anye other which shall or maye lawfully clayme
the premisess by, from or under them or any of them and that no inhabitante of
the said Towne of Northampton which hereafter shalbe Baylyffe, or Bayliffes of the
same Towne, shall let or sette the saide kinde of Tole to any forreyner or others
excepte he or they be franchized in the saide Towne upon payne of everye one
which shalbe Bayliffe or Bayliffes as is aforesaide Making defaulte of the contrary
for everye defaulte, Fyve Poundes to thuse of the Chamber of the saide Towne of
Northampton. The Partie or Parties so offendinge and Refusinge to paye to be
by the Maior for the tyme being comytted to prison until he or they shall paye
the said penaltie of Fyve Poundes.
For more than a century the town records are quite silent with
regard to these tolls ; the leases that the bailiffs entered into would
probably be recorded in the missing books of these officers. The
next document that we meet with is a well-worn copy on parch-
ment of a toll-lease for 1715, which was probably carried in the
pocket of the lessee or of his agent in case of dispute.
To all whom these presents shall or may concern — We whose Hands are here-
under written and Seals affixed Bailiffs of the Corporation of Northampton in the
See vol. i., p. 222, where Slapton is an obvious mistake in the customary or its transcript, for
Slipton. Slapton was close to Syresham, and could not possibly have been intended as one
of those three toll stations.
202 NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
County of Northampton Doe hereby lett and sett unto John Knott of Northampton
aforesaid Innholder the Toll arising by Waggons Wains Carts and Packhorses
passing and repassing to and from the said Town of Northampton (that is to
say) for every Waggon Wain or Cart that hath a Weight upon them of above
Two Hundred Weight or upwards Every such Waggon Wain or Cart to pay unto
the said John Knott or his Order the Sum of Two Pence as a passing Toll, And
for every Packhorse or Mayor that hath a Packe or Fadge on his or her back
that is wantied to the said Horse or Mare the Owner or Driver thereof to pay
unto the said John Knott or his Order for every such Horse or Mare having on
them such Packe or Fadge a passing Toll of Farthing for each Horse or Mare as
aforesaid, And also all Waggons Wains or Carts bringing or carrying to and from
the said Town any Hurdles Fleaks Faggots Timber or any other Sort of
wrought Goods Each Waggon Wain or Cart to pay to the said John Knott or his
Order in or out of the said Town a passing Toll of Twopence for every such
Waggon Wain or Cart, And likewise all Manner of Grain bought in the Town or
is carried out or through the said Town of Northampton or any Waggon Wain
or Cart bringing any Charcoles or Cokes through the said Town Every such
Waggon Wain or Cart to pay to the said John Knott or his order a passing Toll
of Twopence And likewise all Pitt or Seacoles going through and from the said
Town each Waggon Wain or Cart to pay the said Toll of Twopence And also all
Waggons Wains or Carts loaden with Wool or other sort of Merchantize what-
ever brought to or travelling through the said Town to pay to the said John
Knott or his order a passing Toll of Twopence for every such Waggon Wain or
Cart as aforesaid And likewise all foreign Bakers that keep the common Markets
and Fairs in the said Town of Northampton Every such Baker or his Servant to
pay unto the said John Knott or his order for every Pair of Panniers or having
any Stall as a Shelter from the Weather as Stallage or standing Toll for every
such Pannnier as aforesaid to pay Twopence, And likewise all Birch Brooms or
Quicksets to pay after the accostomed Manner that has been formerly paid for
Stallage, etc And for all Millstones to pay the usual and accostomed Rates, And
for every Waggon Wain Cart or Coach covered for Every such Waggon Wain or
Cart Coach to pay as aforesaid Twopence, And for Every new set of Wheels shod
with Iron Twopence And every Pair of Wheels not shod with Iron to pay as a
passing Toll One Penny, And we doe hereby impower the said John Knott to
receive for the Tolls and every Patt thereof.
Witness our Hands and Seals this Twentieth day of May Anno Dni 1715
Tho: Baker
Nath: Easton
There are two other paper copies of this lease, both a good
.deal worn, which have the important variation of stating that the
toll was to be taken upon every cart, etc., that had a weight of
five hundred weight and upwards. As the original lease is not
forthcoming, it is not possible to say which was correct. It was,
perhaps, on account of this strange variation, that none of the
TOWN PROPERTY. 203
copies were produced at the great law suits and that counsel was
absolutely silent as to any lease older than 1765.
On December igth, 1765, a lease was signed, by which the
corporation assigned the whole of the Northampton great tolls to
William Gibson. This grant recited that the traverse tolls for
many years last past had been let to and collected by Elizabeth
Knott, widow, " at the house called or known by the name or
sign of the Magpye Situate in the South Quarter," as well as all the
market tolls on cattle, and the tolls of pickage or stallage, and St.
George's pence, which had of late years been let to or collected by
William Aman. The whole of these tolls were then granted to the
one lessee, William Gibson, for seven years, at a rental of £87.
In 1769 the last mentioned lease was called in and renewed to
William Gibson, at a like rent, for a period of 14 years.
On May jrd, 1782, an agreement was entered into by which
William Gibson sub-let the market and fair tolls, the traverse tolls
" collected at the toll house known by the sign of the Magpye in
the South Quarter," the pickage or stallage tolls, and St. George's
pence, to William Tomkins and John Bliss for the sum of £87 for
a single year. In 1783 Mr. Gibson sub-let the tolls to the same
men for three years, at a yearly rental of £90.
In 1789 the town leased all the great tolls to William Tomkins
for five years, at an annual rental of £88. At Michaelmas, 1790,
the same tolls were leased to William Tomkins and Thomas
Tomkins, at a rental of £88, for five years.
The great tolls were leased to Alderman William Gibson, at
Michaelmas, 1798, "for certain valuable considerations." The
committee for letting the tolls met at the guildhall on September
2oth, 1798, when the mayor, Mr. Justice Smith, Mr. Justice Gibson,
and two others were present, when it was resolved to let the great
and small tolls of the town to Mr. Alderman Gibson at a rental of
£80, together with an allowance of £3 73. to the mace-bearer, and
£4 I2s. to the serjeants-at-mace.
This composition to the mace-bearer was in lieu of his market
tolls on corn, fish, fruit, and eatables, which had for a considerable
period been regarded as his perquisites. The composition to the four
Serjeants represented the small wood tolls, which had recently
been assigned to them. The tolls had been advertised to be let to
the highest bidder, but as there was no bidding Alderman Gibson
consented to account for their collection.
204 NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
In the following year the town let the same tolls to Richard
Coulson and William Allen for £76, together with £j 195. to the
mace-bearer and Serjeants. Richard Coulson, in conjunction with
Thomas Hands, obtained the tolls the following year at a still
further reduction, viz., £63 and £7 195. In 1801 Mr. Coulson
took the tolls for three years, at a rental of 70 guineas, exclusive
of the £j igs.
John Hutt was appointed receiver of the tolls by an agreement
dated 3ist December, 1810, but the rental is not stated. Appended
to this agreement is a schedule containing a table of the tolls
authorised to be demanded and taken of all persons not being free
of the town of Northampton, issued under the common seal.
For every Waggon, Wain, or Cart travelling to, from, or through the
said Town, and having thereon a Load of two hundred weight or
upwards, a passing Toll of ... ... ... ... 2d
For every Pack Horse, Mare, Gelding, Mule, Ass, or other Beast
having a Pack or Fadge* (Wantyed) on his or her Back ... £d
For every Waggon, Wain, or Cart, covered ... ... 2d
For every new set of Wheels shod with Iron 2d
For every new set of Wheels not shod with Iron id
For every Horse, Mare, or Gelding, bought,
sold, or exchanged, in any Fair, Mart, or
Market within the said Town... 4d
If either Buyer or
0 ,, , , . ror every Bull, do 4d
Seller be free then
, .««,.,. K For every other large Beast, do ... id
only half Toll is
For every Ram, do ... ... ... ... 4d
payable
For every Score of Sheep, do... ... 8d
For every Boar, do ... ... ... ... 4d
For every Hog, do ... ... ... id
For every Stall or Standing which shall be set up by any Person
(not being free) in any such Fair, Mart, or Market, in the Carriage
way (except such Stalls or Standings as are or may be rented of
the said Mayor, Bailiffs, and Burgesses) a standing Toll of ... 2d
ST. GEORGE'S PENCE.
Every Person whatsoever residing within the Liberties of the said Town
and using any Weights or Measures in his or her trade or dealings,
to pay yearly at Feast of St. George the Martyr ... ... jd
It is mentioned in the details of the law suit that this schedule
of tolls was painted on a board and fixed on the wall of William
Allen's house, to whom the tolls were granted in 1811 for a term
of three years. They were granted again to the same collector
for a like term of years in 1814 and 1817.
* Fadge, a bundle, in contradistinction to a pack which was fitted to a pack-saddle. The wantye
was the leather strap or thong for securing the pack or fadge.
TOWN PROPERTY. 205
In the year 1820 the tolls seem to have gone up considerably
in value and excited a keen competition. The bidding started at
£130, and was eventually raised to £201, which was the yearly
rental paid by James Cooke to the town for three years.
In 1823 the tolls were re-let, and on this occasion James Cooke
was the highest bidder and obtained them for £152 per annum,
but on this last occasion the stallage market tolls were excepted.
At the bidding for the tolls in September, 1829, they fetched a
higher price than had yet been reached, for they were let for a
period of three years to Seaton Lancum, of Duston, at a yearly
rental of £218.
There can be but little doubt that the increase in their value
arose from the greater care taken in their collection. A toll-
house by the south entrance to the town was not sufficient to
intercept all the passage traffic, and the tolls realised more under
Cooke and Lancum because of the larger number of agents they
employed from time to time in other parts of the town.
The number of those who claimed toll exemption as being tenants
of the duchy of Lancaster, had materially increased during this
century, and it wras supposed that a large traffic was done in illicit
certificates purporting to be issued by stewards of the duchy.
The orders of assembly during the reign of James I. contain
various memoranda of such certificates, one of which, of a brief
character, will suffice as an example :—
Memorandum. That John Gamfield, Ambrose Whiting and Richard Harris of
Harlston in the Countie of Northton husbandmen being Tenants of Harlston
aforesaid, which is parcell of his highness Duchy of Lancaster are to be free from
paying any manner of Tollage Pannage Pontage Carriadge etc. as by vertue of a
priviledge under the Seal of this Dutchey. Dated the 2oth day of May in the
tenth year of his Majesty's reign of England as appeareth.
by me To. Coldwell
There are also elaborate entries of exemption from other tenants
of the duchy enrolled in the second order book of the assembly
for the years 1651 and 1727.
Amongst the toll papers are two original certificates of exemption
to duchy of Lancaster tenants, one dated 1775, granted to Robert
Clarke, of Leicester, by Thomas Pares, gentleman, steward of the
honour of Leicester; and the other, dated 1777, granted to Jarvis
James, of Earls Barton, by John Caldecott, high bailiff of that
manor.
206 NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
With regard to the case of Robert Clarke, a common carrier
from Leicester to London, who had several waggons on the road,
the corporation of Northampton determined to take counsel's
opinion. They drew up a case to be submitted to Mr. Perceval,
their deputy recorder. In stating their case, they briefly recited the
history and the condition of the great tolls, adding that certificates
granted by the stewards of the duchy of Lancaster and by other
places claiming exemption had considerably increased, and that
Robert Clarke had paid the traverse tolls for several years, until
1775, when he obtained a licence from the duchy. The question
then arose whether there was power to grant licences to protect
other men's goods from ancient traverse tolls, such goods being
carried for hire. Unfortunately, though the draft of the case to be
submitted to Mr. Perceval is extant, his reply is not given.
Through Seaton Lancum's action in trying to insist on the
passage tolls from all who did not carry with them exemption
certificates, considerable opposition was raised, and several who had
previously paid now set the collector at defiance. At last the
collector resolved to take action in a test case, and eventually
selected one Arthur Lovell as defendant. The particulars of the
demand show that action was taken for the recovery of nd. due
as toll upon oxen bought in the Northampton market in February
and March, 1831, and for a further sum of lod. due from certain
laden waggons going cut or passing into Northampton during
March and April of the same year, thus raising the question both
of the market and the traverse tolls. The case was tried at the
Guildhall, London, before a special jury, in February, 1832. It
was argued at great length, the transcript of the trial filling a
closely-printed volume of 450 pages. Although the pleadings, in
the opinion of modern antiquaries and record agents, were most
carelessly got up, the true meaning of the public records being
quite misunderstood by the counsel for the corporation, and the
best evidence from the local records being never brought forward,
the case for the corporation was so strong on both counts that they
won an easy victory.
An application, however, was made for a new trial, which was
at last granted on purely technical grounds, but the death of the
defendant caused the rule for a new trial to be discharged.
The orders of assembly give several interesting particulars with
regard to this litigation that have not hitherto been published.
TOWN PROPERTY. 207
It was resolved in 1830 that Seaton Lancum, lessee of the
town tolls, be defended at the expense of the corporation in the
action brought against him by Mr. George Pell.
The tolls committee reported that they were advised that it
was better for the lessee of the tolls to be plaintiff than defendant,
and therefore they were striving to bring to an end the action
which Pell had commenced against Lancum for trespass in seizing
a halter as distress for non-payment of tolls ; that a direct action
had been begun against Pell for non-payment of toll, and also
against five others on distinctive grounds ; that these five had all
given in and paid their tolls, but that now five other actions, as
well as that against Pell, against five other defendants were
pending, some of which would go to trial ; that they had made
very elaborate researches into ancient and authentic documents,
and were confident that the corporation would be successful.
In April, 1832, it was reported to the assembly that the action
for the great and small tolls, brought in the name of Seaton Lancum,
their lessee, against Arthur Lovell for recovery of tolls on two
loaded waggons coming into the town, and for the toll on eight
beasts bought by him in the market (thus embracing both the
passage and market tolls), had been tried before the Lord Chief
Justice at the Guildhall, London, on February 2ist and 22nd, and
that the jury, without hesitation, had returned a verdict for the
plaintiff on both counts.
At the same assembly the mayor presented a declaration for-
warded to him, and signed by 120 inhabitants of the town, regretting
that so much unpleasant feeling had arisen between the agricul-
turists and the corporation on the toll cause, and urging apparently
some compromise or withdrawal. He also had received a requisition
signed by a few inhabitants begging them to give up the tolls, and
demanding a public meeting on the subject. But the corporation
tolls committee much deprecated any meeting at that juncture
when further law proceedings were pending, but pledged them-
selves to subsequently inquire if any commutation, modification, or
relinquishment were possible.
On the other hand, a declaration was at the same assembly
presented to the mayor, aldermen, and burgesses, signed by 244
farmers and graziers of the neighbourhood, who had for many
years attended the Northampton fairs, and who wished to express
their earnest desire for the continuance of these fairs and their
208 NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
determined intention to attend and support such fairs in the future.
The thanks of the house were voted to all these gentlemen who
had uso honorably and spontaneously come forward in support
of the established and chartered rights of the corporation and
publicly declaring by advertisement their determination to attend
and support the fairs at Northampton at a moment when a party
was raised for the purpose of removing such fairs and thereby to
injure the Town and Trade of Northampton,"
The committee for investigating the corporation accounts in
1833 found that the corporation had incurred a debt of £2,750 for
their expenses in establishing the right of tolls.
In 1836 the reformed corporation decided to discontinue the town
tolls as contrary to the spirit of the times and the freedom of trade,
and thus ended a most interesting privilege, in defence of which
the old corporation had recently expended, in one way or the
other, at least £3,000,
FEE FARM.
The term fee-farm has already been used with some frequency
in the preceding pages, in connection with the town of North-
ampton. As the expression is frequently misunderstood, and
supposed to be connected with landed property, or the modern use
of the word 'farm/ it will be as well to give a very brief ex-
planation of its meaning. It signifies, in a legal sense, landed
property held of another in fee, that is in perpetuity to the
tenant and his heirs for so much yearly rent.
Northampton, with its adjacent liberties, was part of the ancient
demesne of the crown. The various rights pertaining to the
crown, as well as those contingent upon the king as lord of the
manor, were conveyed to the commonalty of the town. Tenants
in ancient or royal demesne according to the usual custom of
England were quit of every kind of toll in every market, fair,
town, or city throughout the kingdom. Every such tenant had the
right to demand letters patent under the king's seal to all mayors,
bailiffs, and like officers. This is the origin of the certificates
granted to Duchy of Lancaster tenants quoted in our accounts of
the traverse tolls of Northampton. The various charters given in
the first volume definitely secured all these exemptions to the
Northampton burgesses ; but even without these charters they
could have claimed all such toll quittance, provided it was once
established they were tenants in ancient demesne.
TOWN PROPERTY. 2OQ
In return for the various and valuable privileges that thus
accrued to the inhabitants of Northampton, the crown naturally
expected some pecuniary return. The fee-farm rent of the town
of Northampton was originally fixed at £120, a very high figure
when we consider the value of money in those early days. The
sheriff of the county was responsible to the crown for a yearly
return of this rent. The Pipe Rolls from Henry II.'s time give
the details of this yearly account as quoted in the first volume.
As a set off against this heavy annual payment, the town in times
of good trade fully expected to realise at least an equivalent sum
by its market and traverse tolls. Certain of its officials, for the
most part the two bailiffs, were charged with the duty of being
responsible for the fee-farm rent, and consequently the collection
of the tolls was placed in their hands. Plenty of evidence of this
kind of procedure for the payment of the crown rental can be
obtained from the records of other old boroughs on ancient
demesnes ; but, strange to say, this side of the case was completely
neglected in the great law suit respecting the Northampton tolls.
It was not unusual for bailiffs to make themselves responsible,
under a bond, for the payment of the crown rental, and then to make
what profit they could out of the town tolls ; and this course was
certainly adopted at certain periods in the history of Northampton.
At the beginning of Edward III.'s reign the fee-farm of North-
ampton was assigned by him to " Isabel, Queen of England, our
most dear mother/' to whom it was paid to the time of her
death.
The crown, as a rule, jealously adhered to its fee-farm rents,
for they formed one of the most certain items of definite revenue.
Up to the year 1352, the Northampton fee-farm rent was duly
paid to the crown through the sheriffs. But in that year, Edward
III., who two years previously had founded the royal collegiate
church of St. George's, Windsor, gave in perpetuity to the dean
and canons of Windsor one hundred marks (£,66 135. 4d.) From
that day onwards the town was obliged to pay this sum direct to
the clergy of Windsor.
In 1462 Edward IV. remitted to the town of Northampton the
annual sum of £20 from the fee-farm rent for the term of 20 years.
In 1478 the same king remitted the sum of £20 for a further term
of 12 years, to date from the expiration of the previous term. In
1484 Richard III., in consequence of the desolate state of the town,
remitted the annual sum of £33 6s. 8d. from the town' rental.
P
210 NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
Henry VIII., by letters patent in 1514, remitted for ever the
annual sum of £22 from the original fee-farm rent of £120, leaving
a total of ^"98, at which it afterwards remained ; this reduced the
portion due to the crown to £31 6s. 8d.
This moiety of the Northampton fee-farm was subsequently
granted by the crown to the Earl of Winchilsea and Nottingham.
At the time of the great law suit with respect to the tolls, the
town was paying £66 135. 4d. to the Chapter of Windsor, and
£31 6s. 8d. to Mr. Finch-Hatton, a relative of the late Lord
Winchilsea.
About the centre of the big book in which are recorded the
agreements with apprentices and covenant servants between 1561
and 1721, in the midst of the year 1689, occur the entries of the
bailiffs' account of the fee-farm rent for the years 1575, 1576, 1577,
1578, 1579, 1580, 1581, and 1586, and of the quittance or receipt
for its being duly handed over to the Dean and Chapter of St.
George's, Windsor. These entries are made in set court hand in
abbreviated Latin, and each occupies a whole page. They seem
to be transcripts from the Great Roll of the Exchequer. The
fee-farm income thus transferred to the collegiate church of
Windsor from Northampton was £121 93. 7d. for the first of the
five above-named years. In 1580 the sum amounted to £128
i os. 7Jd., the income being increased by 385 from the rector of
All Saints', £4 8s. from the master of St. John's Hospital, and
353. for green wax. In 1581 the amount was £123 los. ijd., and
in 1586 £126 2s. 5jd.
In the next century the sum paid to the collegiate church of
Windsor reverted to the precise one hundred marks of Edward
III/s gift (£66 133. 4d.), and thus remained. We are quite at a
loss how to explain the increase and fluctuations of the payment
in the Elizabethan days.
TOWN TOKENS.
The town of Northampton possessed the right of coinage in
Anglo-Norman days. It is not known when the mint of North-
ampton was first established, but it was in active operation during
the reigns of Richard I., John, and Henry III. This royal mint, how-
ever, soon afterwards fell into abeyance, and for some four centuries
there was no coinage at Northampton. The issue of copper tokens
began in England in 1648, and only extended to 1679. The reason
TOWN PROPERTY. 211
of their issne was to supply an urgent public need, the want of
small change being most seriously felt, and of considerable incon-
venience to the smaller traders. It had been foolishly considered
beneath the dignity of the crown to issue coins of any metal baser
than silver. A national copper coinage was contemplated by the
government of the Commonwealth, and patterns were even struck;
but no authorised issue of them ever took place. When once the
commercial mind of the country had grasped the fact that the
private issue of copper coinage was no longer opposed but rather
encouraged, there was no part of England, in comparison with its
population, that more heartily availed itself of this privilege than
the shire of Northampton. No fewer than 179 different tokens
have been identified as issued in that "brief period of 30 years"
throughout Northamptonshire. In Williamson's edition of Boyne's
Trade Tokens, 23 varieties of Northampton tokens are enumerated.
In a few towns, the local government intervened to check
private coinage, and issued tokens in the name of the town for
the general convenience of trade and for its own profit.
Where this was done, there was considerable diversity of use
as to the special officials in whose names they should be issued,
or whose names they should bear, such as the mayor and aldermen,
bailiff, chamberlain, churchwardens, overseers, constables, and even
sword-bearer. There can, however, be no doubt that the chamber-
lain (who took his name, as we have pointed out, from the custody
of the camera or town chest) was the correct official for this
purpose.
At the assembly held in the guildhall on March 24th, 1652-3, it
was determined that in consequence of the dispersion throughout
the town of divers brass halfpence by divers persons, aiming only
at their private advantage, that they should all be suppressed. The
chamberlains were forthwith directed to disburse 40 shillings for
farthing tokens, which were to be stamped with the town arms.
The assembly further ordered that any profit that might be
made by the town coinage was to be disbursed amongst the poor.
The farthing token then issued by the town bore the town arms
and the legend S. R. IN NORTHATON. William Selby and Richard
Rands were the chamberlains for that year, and the initial letters
doubtless stand for their respective names.
In 1655 the assembly passed a bye-law interfering in a re-
markable degree with the value of the coinage : " That all Farthins
P 2
212 NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
belonginge to any shopkeeper or other Inhabitant within this
Corporation shall forthwith be called in and be not more used in
exchange, or suffered to be ymployed for commerce as formerly they
have been, And it is further ordered that from henceforth the
Farthings stamped and marked with the Armes of this towne of
Northampton shall freely pass and go current, and bee esteemed
and taken for halfepence a piece untill it be otherwise ordred by
the Asemblies."
Mr. John Stevens, one of the chamberlains, was ordered in
1657 to provide a new stamp for brass halfpence for use within
the town.
There are no less than four variants of John Spicer's token.
One of them bears on the obverse I. S. IN NORTHAMPTON ; and
a castle, with two lions passant gardant, on the reverse. The
other varieties bear the same initials, but have different kinds of
castles or gateways, and different ways of spelling the town name.
There was a new issue of the town copper coinage at the
Restoration, which was stamped on the obverse with I. T. IN
NORTHAMPTON, with a castle ; and on the reverse CHAMBERLAINE,
1660, and two iions passant gardant. John Twigden, who was
mayor in 1666, was the acting chamberlain in 1660.
In May, 1662, the chamberlains were instructed to melt down
the brass halfpence that had been called in during the previous
year, and to place a new stamp upon them wrhich can be dis-
tinguished from the old stamp. Those who had brought in the
old halfpence were to have a like value in the new coinage.
A royal proclamation was issued in 1672, making current a
national coinage of pence, halfpence, and farthings, and forbidding
all others to be used.
SECTION FIVE.
COMMONS AND CATTLE.
THE TOWN COMMONALTY ONCE A VILLAGE COMMUNITY — PlNDER, HOGHERD, AND
HERDSMAN — PASTURE TIMES ON THE COMMONS — NUMBER OF COWS AND HORSES
PERMITTED TO GRAZE — TAINTORS ON THE COMMONS — THE INCLOSURE OF NORTH-
AMPTON FIELD — WILLOWS ON THE COMMONS — THE TOWN BULL — A HERDSWOMAN
BRANDING DAY AND BRANDING DINNERS — HOGS AND THE HOGHERD — PINFOLDS —
VERMIN — DUSTON LORDSHIP OR ABBOT'S MEADOW.
COMMONS AND CATTLE. 215
THE COMMONS AND CATTLE.
TN this section we deal with far the oldest and earliest form of
property that the commonalty possessed. The possession of
lands, and of certain proprietary rights over lands surrounding the
boundaries of the town, lead us into a far earlier phase of history
than anything that rests upon royal charters or acts of parliament.
It is not a little remarkable to note, that, in any study of municipal
life or offices, the student is almost invariably brought back to
the fact that the town commonalty was originally a village com-
munity, and that the very nature of some of the oldest offices
points to an agricultural rather than a commercial life.
Northampton is no exception to this rule ; in fact, its records
remarkably verify it, whether we have regard to pinders, hogherds,
and herdsmen, or to the abundant evidence as to the common
rights of the burgesses in the open fields on all sides of the town.
Early in the morning the freeman of Northampton opened the
door of his yard, when the hogherd went round the streets with
winding horn to collect the swine and drive them out for pasturage
till the evening ; at the fit seasons of the year he sent his cows
and horse to graze upon the common fields, paying his quota to
the common herdsman and the pinder ; and when duly summoned
took his share (or, in later times, paid a substitute) of the common
labour outside the ramparts of the town.
Some of the very earliest entries in the first order book of
the assembly relate to pasture rights on the commons. The fol-
lowing are two of the orders or bye-laws of 1553 :—
Item that no man shall kepe moor for his franchis than iij bestes upon the
commons in alle and that they be his owne or that they be hyred for mony
without any craft or colusion upon payne of xld for every tyme to the use of the
chamber and that any partie suspecte in this behalff shalbe sworne before the
maior for the proofe of suche beaste or beastes and that the chamberlaynes may
brond every mans rother beast butt no horses nor geldings.
Item that the Cowe medowe the horse medowe next ytt and Rawlines holme
shalbe kept severall from the purificacion of Saynt Mary the Virgin untyll the
invention of the holy crosse in may and likewise from the assumption of our lady
unto saynt luke day the evangeliste upon payne of xld every beast found putt in at
every tyme to the use of the chambvr.
2l6 NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
It was agreed, in the following year, that no franchised man
should put into the Cow Meadow at St. Luke's day more than one
cow or one horse, the same to be marked by the chamberlains
with the town mark. The payment was a penny apiece, but any
one putting in more than his due number was to be fined a shilling.
At the same time, it was ordered that if any sheep were taken
pasturing or feeding within the town walls, or on the commons, a
fine of 2od. was to be levied for each sheep.
At an assembly held in 1555, Mr. John Mole, Mr. Henry Clark,
John Harpole (tanner), William Bugby (tanner), Robert Bradfyld
(tanner), John Gratwood (innholder), Thomas Farebrother (tailor),
men of sixty years of age, gave evidence touching the piece of
ground without the south gate, behind the mansion place of Mr.
Cryspe, towards Marvell mills. They stated, on oath, that the
said piece of ground had been common for thirty or forty years
past, and that the whole herd of beasts, as well as horses, were
wont to go there after the first crop was gone. Thereupon Mr.
Neale, " somewhat ageynst his will," and Mr. Cryspe, his tenant,
did agree and allow the same as common after the first crop was
taken, " nolens volens"
In 1556 it was determined that no franchised man of Cotton
and St. James' End, or elsewhere without the liberties of the town,
shall have any commons appertaining to the liberties, unless he be
down-lying and up-rising and dwelling within the liberties, upon
pain of 403. Cotton and St. James' End were not included in the
borough until the charter of 1618.
An order made in 1565 provided that if any freeman took up, or
caused to be taken up, any cattle as strays, and did not presently
give information to the bailiffs, that he should be subject to a
fine of 35. 4d.
At the September assembly, 1582, it was ordered that the
Cow Meadow, St. George's Leys, Balmes Holme, and the Foot
Meadows should be severally opened from September 8th until St.
Luke's Day.
In 1585 it was ordered that no freeman should put any
mare, horse, or gelding into the Cow Meadow, until fourteen days
after the feast of St. John Baptist, under a pain of 33. 40!. But it
should be lawful for any freeman to put his mare, horse, or geld-
ing into Bawkinsholme (sic} Meadow and the Foot Meadow at St-
Thomas's Day next after Midsummer, according to the old order.
COMMONS AND CATTLE. 2iy
An assembly held in April, 1588, provided that anyone leaving
planks or timber over the ditches into the Cow Meadow should be
fined 6s. 8d., and that henceforth no one should be allowed to lay
planks across the ditches or anywhere in the Cow Meadow, between
February 2nd and August ist.
In 1599 the assembly passed an elaborate order to check the
use of the commons by the unenfranchised, and to restrain other
irregularities. It was provided that anyone, not being a freeman,
or not dwelling within the liberties of the town, who should place
upon the commons any horse, gelding, mare, colt, bull, cow, ox,
bullock, steer, runt, or weaned calf, should be subject to a penalty
of 6s. 8d. A like order was made with respect to the pasture or
meadow grounds of the manor of Duston, known as the Abbott's
Meadow, Ox Close, and West Holmes. Any freeman putting in
the commons any cattle or beasts, not being his own bona fide, or
hired for six months, was to be subject to a like penalty. No
freeman was to put in more than two kine or cows into the Cow
Meadow, St. George's Leys, or Calves Holme. Former orders were
recited, and it was further enacted that any freeman turning out
on the commons any horse "infected with the mange, or mourning
of the chint*, or having the disease called the fassionsf," should be
fined 6s. 8d., and that any chamberlain neglecting to turn off any
horse thus diseased, should be subject to a like penalty. " Provided
allwayes that Mr. Robert Catlin, now minister of All Sainctes
shall have commons and depasturing of and for one cowe, and one
nagge> &eldinR) or mare ; and Simon Wastell, scholemaster, of and
for one cowe, as other freemen."
Complaint was made to the assembly in 1619 that many high-
ways were being made in and through the Cow Meadow, by reason
of the tanners, glovers, whittawers, parchment makers and others
washing their pelts, hides, skins, and other stuff. The assembly
thereupon imposed a fine of 6s. 8d. on anyone making any way or
passage into or through the said meadow, or washing any manner
of skins or wools in the high river, or in any brooks about the
meadow.
It was reported to the assembly in February, 1608-9, "that
there are diverse Taintors in the Cow Meadow, by reason whereof
great annoyance and hurt hath ensued and will ensue if redresse be
not made/' Whereupon the assembly ordered that anyone having
*Chint, the back. fFassions, the farcy.
2l8 NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
taintors set up in the meadow, should within forty days pluck them
up and carry them away. The chamberlains were to see that no
taintors were henceforth erected, and if any transgressed, they
were empowered at once to remove them. Taintors or tayntors
were fixed stretchers of wood for the stretching and bleaching of
cloth, and were not infrequently the subject of legislation because
of their excessive use in lengthening the cloth at the expense of
the material. As they occupied much ground, they were not
allowed on the commons save at a fixed rental.
In 1554 John Sutton, fuller, secured from the corporation a lease
for "ij tayntor groundes the one in Cowe Medow conteyning xlij
yardes in lengthe and a other in saynt Georges lees in lengthe xxxi
yardes." For this lease he paid a fine of 35. 4d., and a yearly
rental of the same amount. In 1621 it was agreed that John
Robinson, fuller, have free liberty to set up a pair of taintors in
the Cow Meadow, in the same place where heretofore he and
John Fox, his predecessor, used to have taintors. Permission
was given to him to use these taintors at all times of the year,
without any denial or interruption from the corporation, provided
that he paid a yearly rent to the chamberlains of 2os. In
1630 the assembly voted £10 to Mr. Danby towards defraying
the charge of setting up " Taintors," to be employed in his
trade as clothier ; Mr. Danby to pay a yearly rent for them of
2os. ; if £10 would not cover the expense the remainder to be
found at the chamber charge, and los. to be abated yearly out of
the rent until it be repaid.
Complaint was made in 1617 that much hurt and damage
were daily done to the Cow Meadow, and to the willows grow-
ing therein, by whittawers laying their horse hides and other skins
upon the willows, and the parchment makers and glue makers
continually setting their harrows and laying their glue in the
same meadow. The assembly ordered the restraint of all these
acts under a penalty of 6s. 8d.
In 1630 it was ordered that the rate for freemen turning out
their horses and beasts on the commons should be 33. id. for each
horse or gelding, and 2s. yd. for each cow ; and that any freeman
could turn out two cows and no gelding or mare, or one gelding
or mare and one cow, or two geldings or mares and no cow, at
the above rates.
At a later assembly in the same year it was ordered that
COMMONS AND CATTLE. 2ig
freemen might put their geldings or mares into Balmes Holme at
33. id., and beasts at I5d. each.
In 1632 the commons rates were again altered. It was provided
that freemen may put to grass in the Cow Meadow, the town part
of Balmes Holme, Mr. Tate's part of Gobion's Holme, and Nun-
mill Holme, geldings or mares at 55. 5d., and cows at 43. id. In
1632 the charge was reduced to 45. 5d. a horse, and 33. 5d. a cow.
At the assembly held on July loth, 1650, it was ordered "that
the grounds on the back sides of the Cow Meadowe which were
severed from the meadowe in the tyme this towne was a garison
shalbe fourthwith reduced againe as it was before for the publiche
common at the chamber charge."
In 1656 the penalty imposed on any freeman putting any
foreigner's or other man's cattle on to the commons was increased
from 6s. 8d. to 2os. The rate at this time was 43. 4d. a horse,
and 33. 4d. a cow.
The rates were materially raised in the spring of 1658, when it
was ordered that the commons belonging to the town, together with
the Castle Hills, Foot Meadow, and Balmes Holme, be open at the
rate of 6s. id. for a horse, and 53. id. for a cow ; that the cows
were for this year to be depastured in the Cow Meadow, and the
horses in all the other places ; that it shall be lawful after mid-
summer for the chamberlains at their discretion, within one day
after announcement by the crier, to drive away all the horses and
cows off the commons for so long a time as they shall think fit
for the bettering of the commons ; and that anyone depasturing
any cattle until the chamberlains shall give public notice shall
forfeit for every head of cattle 6s. 8d.
In 1663 tne commons were opened much later than usual, the
season being very wet.
The rate in 1667 was 6s. for a horse and 53. for a cow. The
chamberlains were this year authorised to refuse to receive and to
turn out any beast that is infectious or thought not fit to be
received.
In March, 1669, the assembly saw occasion to make a new
commons bye-law — that every person offering to put a horse amongst
the cows, or a cow amongst the horses shall forfeit 6s. 8d.
In May, 1674, it was ordered that all back doors opening on to
the commons be walled up, and all planks and bridges removed.
The rates that year were 6s. id. for a horse, and 53. id. a cow.
220 NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
At an assembly held on May i2th, 1682, it was ordered " that
the Towne Commons be mowed or cutt this present yeare by
reason of the wettness of the season, and that this yeare's mow-
ing be no president for the tyme to come."
In 1702 there was no small stir in Northampton about cutting
the grass of the commons. On March 3ist, the assembly ordered
that the commonable meadows be mown that year ; and that all
persons putting their cattle into "the latter meath " (aftermath),
be stinted to two heads of cattle and pay 2d. a piece for branding ;
that £100 raised by the sale of the grass be paid to the poor of
the hospital, and other poor paid by the chamberlaine, and for
other necessary payments and charges of the chamberlaine, and
that the residue of the money be used for setting out poor
children as apprentices.
The following brief orders passed at the next assembly, held on
May nth, speak for themselves:—
" That the Order of the last Assembly concerning the mowing of the Commons
this yeare be revoaked and made voyd."
" That the Paper brought in by the Chamberlaine signed (name erased) for the
Crying of the Commons att his owne tyme is illegall, and an affront to the Maior
and this house, it being against the Order of the last Assembly and without their
consent."
" That it is the opinion of this house that Mr. Maior in purposing to mow the
Commons did intend the good and welfare of the towne."
" That in consideration of procuring the universall peace of this Corporation,
this house are content to Repeale the Act of the Assembly for Mowing of the
Commons."
With regard to the number of cattle and horses depastured by
the freemen on the town commons, the chamberlain's accounts for
1692 mention 280 horses and 103 cows ; in 1698, the numbers were
233 horses and 221 cows.
The following order was made by the assembly on March 3isb
1715 :—
"That the chamberlaine observe these orders at his branding Cattell into the
Commons, viz. : — That every horse shall pay the first weeke Six shillings and
Four shillings shall be payd for a colt.
And the first weeke for every Cow shall be payd Five shilling and for a Heifer
Four shilling, and for a Calfe two shillings sixpence. In the second weeke to abate
two shillings for horse or cow. At the second branding two shillings for horse or
cow to be payd. And to sett down the owners' names of every horse and cow,
and the day of the month when putt in and entered in a book made to that
purpose."
COMMONS AND CATTLE. 221
In 1712 the assembly gave permission to Mr. William Clifford
to take in the little passage into Balmesholme lane, under the
south part of a chamber of his house to make a kitchen, he taking
away the wall upon the arch over the dike running from Balmes-
holme into the Cow Meadow, and that he make a new arch over
the dike, and a wall at the end of the arch to turn into the lane
to keep cattle from falling into the dike, and to make a new
causeway over the arch paved with stones and pebbles.
The assembly resolved in 1796 that the non-resident freemen
should have no rights or benefits in the town commons, which
were to be exclusively reserved for the cattle of the resident
freemen.
Two new bridges were made in 1810, from Bridge street into
Cow Meadow, over the water-course on the west side of the
meadow.
On February 7th, 1770, the assembly ordered that a petition
be drawn up to Parliament, against the bill for enclosing North-
ampton Field, and that counsel be employed to oppose it. The
members for the town were at the same time instructed to act in
opposition to the proposed bill.
The actual inclosing the corporation land in Northampton Field
in 1779 cost the town £413 os. 4d., whilst the commissioners
legal and other charges amounted to £329 53. 8d., making a total
of £742 6s. Northampton Field lay to the east and north of the
town.
A committee of 1833 reported that the number of acres of the
Old Commons was 86, and the acres of the Freemen's Commons
117. They recommended that the sum received from freemen for
depasturing cattle should be 8s. per head, instead of the then rate
of 53.
In 1835 the freemen paid for every horse on the race ground
I2s., and on the Old Commons 6s. ; and for every cow on the race
ground 133., and on the Old Commons 53.
The value of the town commons, particularly of Cow Meadow,
for willow or osier cultivation, which were cut at stated intervals,
and used for hurdles, baskets, and other purposes, were recognised
at an early date. An order was made in 1558 that the chamber-
lains for the time being should every year cause to be set a
hundred willows upon the commons, under the pain of ios., to be
222 NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
levied upon the chamberlain's goods if the order was neglected.
Special regulations were made, as we have seen, in 1619, to
preserve the willows from damage. A lease was granted in 1669
to Valentine Chadwick, of a close near the West Bridge, con-
ditional upon his maintaining a competent number of willows
therein ; he was also to give liberty to the chamberlain, or to the
warden of St. Thomas, to cut and top the willows for the use of
the poor of St. Thomas' House. In 1691, on the proposal of
Mr. Duckett there was a considerable planting of willows in the
town meadows. The cutting, topping, and stacking of these
willows was the cause of various disputes between the corporation
and their tenants. There wTas a lawsuit on the subject in 1720,
in which the town won.
The chamberlain's accounts show that a bull was bought yearly
by the town, and sometimes two, to serve in the Cow Meadow.
The bull was afterwards sold, usually at a loss. In 1675, Dunkley,
the butcher, was paid £2 2s. 6d. for a bull ; the price rose to £2
145. in 1696. Sometimes, however, the bull was kept on for another
year, when the herdsman was made responsible for its keep and main-
tenance. In the 1680 accounts a payment was made of £1 6s. 8d.
to " the heard wintring the Bull." There is a payment in 1692
of 7d "for ropes to stake ye Bull." In 1698 the corporation sold
two bulls, one for £2 6s., the other for £2 2s. 6d. In 1703
there is an entry " pd for staking the bull, 2s. 6d.," and in
1704 one man is paid 2s. 6d. " for dressing the Bull/' and
another man 3$. " to hold him when he was drest." It has been
suggested that these entries refer to the cruel but common practise
of bull-baiting. It is possible, however, that they may have a more
innocent explanation, namely, some medical treatment of the animal.
This is certainly the case in 1707, when Dr. Hocknell was paid
2s. 6d. "for bleeding ye bull and a drench." There are several
similar entries to this, and in 1709 Hocknell was paid a bill of
£i os. 6d. " for curing the blow on the Bulls foote and helpe."
In 1722 the bull gave a good deal of trouble : —
s. d.
Pd John Luddington for endeavouring to cure the Bull ... ... ... 14 o
For other help ... -. ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 3 8
Pd for gelding the Bull and help 3 6
Pd for the Bull being pounded several times ... ... ... ... i 4
Pd for the hire of a Bull 15 o
Pd Muns for the Bull at 2 several times 2 o
COMMONS AND CATTLE. 223
In 1729 "the herdswoman" was paid is. for looking after the
bull ; but apparently this was not satisfactory, for a few lines
further down we find is. was paid to the " herdsman for the like
purpose." In 1748-9, is. 3d. was paid "for a Snittle and for lipping
the Bull," and in 1765-6, 125. "for a pot of Ointment and dressing
the Bull for the Low." In 1768 the bull cost £4. There was a
payment in 1788 of 153. "for dressing the bull, help, and beer."
In 1795 the price had risen to ^"7.
One of the last entries about the town bull is in 1810, when
33. 6d. was paid to "three men attending on Branding Day tipping
the Bull." This certainly looks like bull-baiting, large wooden
tips being fastened on the bull's horns to prevent him too rapidly
killing the attacking dogs.
An important bustling day for the town of Northampton was
the " Branding Day," when the cattle of the freemen were marked
or branded before being turned out. By degrees this day grew
into a holiday for certain of the officials and members of the
corporation, and much of the town's money was spent on feasting.
In 1688, £i 53. was spent on a treat on branding day to the
mayor and others, but the auditors of that year disallowed it.
The charge, however, was soon afterwards repeated without any
cavil. The branding day treat cost £i 153. in 1692, and £2 los.
in 1698, and several following years. Charcoal, pitch, pans, and
assistants were usual charges on the day. The town mark was a
fleur-de-lis ; in 1737, William Bicknell was paid is. 6d. " for making
a new flower de luce to the Comon Brand."
In 1752, in addition to other charges, occur the following: —
£. s. d.
Pd for Branding Dinner and Liquors... ... ... ... ... ... 4 18 o
And for Branding Breakfast and Ale .. ... ... ... ... 0120
Pd for crying the opening of the Town Commons .. ... ... ... 026
In 1768 the branding day breakfast cost £i 2s. 6d., and the
dinner £4 us. 5d. ; the total charges for that year being
£13 6s. 8d. One of the earliest printing orders of the corporation
was in 1788, when 95. was spent on "printing tickets for the Brand-
ing Day." In 1797 the corporation's share of the dinner on that day
amounted to £g i6s. Two-thirds of the expenses at the Peacock
on the like day in 1803 came to £15 los. 8d. In 1833 the heavy
and continually growing expenses of the branding day were con-
demned by a committee of audit, who recommended that those only
224 NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
be invited who were immediately concerned in the business of the
day. and that a sum not exceeding £5 be allowed for the expenses
incurred on that day, exclusive of the payment of those actually
employed.
HOGS AND THE HOGHERD.
It will be recollected that there are several early regulations
restraining the undue keeping of swine in the Liber Custumarum.
The following order with regard to hogs or swine was made in
1553 :—
Item that whosover from henceforth shall have any hoge or hogges goinge at
large in any parte of the towne or liberties an houre or more before the hoggerd
goeth forthe or comythe home, shall pay for every hogge iiijd whereof iijd to the
chamleyn and id to the pinner as often as they offend.
In 1556 it was ordered that " no man resyst the offiycer called
the pynner off the hoges in hyghe strets upon payment of xld."
It was agreed in 1594 that no person whatsoever who wras not a
freeman save the farmers, should " putt forthe or keepe any hogges
before the towne hogghearde," upon pain of I2d for every hog to be
levied by way of distress.
During the time of the plague in 1603, the order of 1594 was
re-enacted and amplified, doubtless in the main for sanitary reasons.
It was then ordered that no person (save the farmers) not being
free of the town should put forth or keep any " bore, hog, sowe,
porket, or wayned pig before the towne hogheard, or have aine
bore, etc., goeing in anie streate or lane or upon any of the town
commons," under a penalty of i2d. No freeman being an innholder
or great brewer was to keep above six pigs, and no other freeman
more than four. No one was to suffer any pig to wander in the
streets, lanes, or commons, save before the hogherds, to wit, the
town hogherd for the freemen, and the farmers' hogherd for the
farmers. No inhabitant was to keep any pig within the Chequer
Ward unless the mayor certified that they had proper accommo-
dation, under a pain of 6s. 8d.
Complaint being made to the corporation in 1616 of the great
damage done to the town meadow by the number of swine, the
assembly resolved on December 5th, that the owner of any pig
found abroad not ringed in the nose after January 6th, should pay
I2d. ; and that if any pig, by casualty or otherwise, should become
unringed, that it be new ringed within three days by the owner
COMMONS AND CATTLE. 225
under a like penalty. A fine of 6s. 8d. was also ordered to be
levied on any freeman exceeding the number of pigs allowed him
by the order of 1603.
In the following year, Edward Downes and his wife, who had
had charge of the House of Correction, being "very aged and
decayed in their estates/' applied to the corporation for a pension.
A sum of j£4 per annum was voted them provided they " shalbe
vigilant and carefull in pynning of hogges and swine, which doe
continually runne abroade to the annoyance of this corporation
and great hurte of the meadowe groundes."
The assembly of January, 1635-6, ordered that there should
be a
Hogheard provided for the keeping and looking to of the hoggs in this towne,
and that the hogheard for his paynes shall have allowed him for every hogg he
keepeth twopence a quarter and one pennie a hogg for wonting and shall have for
every hogg or sowe killed in the owners house the Rump of the hogg or els foure
pence in lieu thereof and if any sell either hogg or sowe, then he alsoe to have
threepence.
The assembly in 1594 agreed "that there shalbe a pynfolde
made for the towne in tbe corner at the west gate, at the charges
of the towne in all thinges." This would serve for straying hogs,
etc., at this end of the town, and for cattle, etc., illegally turned
out on the Abbot's Meadow and other common land by the west
gate.
In 1627 the pinfold, outside the east gate, belonging to Gobion's
Manor, was paved at the charge of the corporation, and an order
made that all farmers' cattle trespassing on any common belonging
to the corporation, were to be there impounded. Gobion's manor,
it will be remembered, had been purchased by the town in 1622,
whereby their common rights on the east of Northampton were
considerably extended.
A few of the payments, which are so common in old parish
books, for the destruction of vermin, are met with in the chamber-
lains' accounts. We need not of course imagine that the vermin
were killed within the walls (though there were several fields
inside the walls in the seventeenth century), but on the commons
or farms that formed parts of the liberties. In 1675, one Corby,
was paid 3d. "for catching a hedghogg." In the same year the
"Mold catcher's wages were ios." The mole catcher received a like
wage for several years, but at other times he was obviously paid
by results ; in 1707 he received an annual wage of only 55.
Q
226 NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
THE LORDSHIP OF DUSTON.
After the dissolution of the monasteries, common right on certain
lands beyond the west bridge, and on the east side of the road,
which had pertained to the Abbey of St. James, were acquired by
the town on a long lease. These lands are sometimes spoken of
as Duston lordship, and sometimes as Abbot's Meadow and West
Holmes. The assembly administered them on lines quite inde-
pendent of those that regulated the ancient commons or fields
of Northampton, Duston not being ancient demesne, or within the
bounds of the town. Duston was an independent manor, and had
its own court-leet days, when the town did service to the steward
of Duston manor.
The following orders with regard to the lordship of Duston
were drawn up at an assembly held May i6th, 1560: —
(1) Imprimis it is Condicended and agreede that Mr. John Balgey shall be
treasurer off the Revenues and profittes belonging to the saide lordshipe off Duston
and shalbe accomptant to the inhabitaunts off the towne For the yere followinge.
(2) Item the same assemblie were chozen Apointers and Kepers off the some
lordshipe, John Brightman and William Yomans for the yere followinge.
(3) Item it is Condicended and agreed that the treasurer nor the apointers
elected For the yere shall not let nor set no parcell off the saide lordshipe by
lease for terme of yeres without the Consent off the maiors for the time beinge and
aldermen of the chamber and his cobrethern.
(4) Item the saide apointers shall have off any leaser vjs viijd over and besides
ther fine to the use of the Chamber in Recompence of ther travaile at ther sealing
of any such lease so letten, And more For ther travaile they shall have for the
measuringe and layinge forthe of any Acre off grasse iiijd and for the halff Acre
ijd And for the Roode a penny.
(5) Item it is agreede that everie inhabitante of the towne shall pay for the
First Croppe off everie Acre off medow vjs over and besides the apointers duetie.
(6) Item it is agreed that no inhabitaunt of this towne makes provision of
grasse to that ende to sell it ageyn unto any man above the price before lymited
or ells to make the sayde grass in hey and to sell the same by grasse in the latter
end of the yere at a hyer price uppon payne of the first default xs to be levyed
of ther goodes and cattels to the use of the Chamber, and For the second offence
then to lose the benefit off ther portion that he and she wer accustomed to have
for ever, provided yf the parties that shall so offend be not of habilitie to pay xs
for the breche of this order, they to be Imprisoned at the will and pleasure of Mr.
Mayor.
(7) Item it is agreede that no inhabitauntes of this towne put no kynde of
cattell into any grounde or groundes belonginge unto the saide lordshipe without
the Consent of the Apointers or Kepers uppon lyke paynes before expressed that
COMMONS AND CATTLE. 227
is to say For the first offence xs and the second to lose the benefit of ther portion
for ever.
(8) Item that no Inhabitant off this towne mysuse himselff towardes the
treasurer or apointers or Kepers by no contentious wordes or other waies for ther
procedinges upon payn of the first default iiijs iiijd ... to be levyed presentlye
upon due proffe made upon his goodes and Cattells to the use off the Chamber
provyded if the partie so offendinge be not of habilite to pay the same above
mentioned then to be punished by the discrection of the maiour for the time
beinge and for the second offence to lose the benefitt of ther portion whiche they
were accustomed to have.
(9) Item the treasurer apointers shall give upe ther acomptes of all and singler
ther Receiptes growinge of the said lordshipe for ther yere at the Feast of Saynt
Leonard yf it fall not on the sonday or the satterday provyded yf it so happen
then they to knowe Mr. Maiores pleasure for the makinge of ther accompte.
(10) Item that no inhabitaunt of this towne that shall giest any Cattell into
any grownde or groundes belonginge unto the lordshipe shall pay for any geldinge
or mare iiijd by the weke and for every Cowe iijd for the First Croppe, And for
the latter Croppe ijd the gelding or mare and jd of every Cowe, provydid that no
man shall put in no stoned horsys, nor mangye horse nor mare upon payne of
iijs d iiijd to the use of the Chamber.
It is found from subsequent minutes of the assembly, that it
was the custom to elect in the spring, a treasurer for the lordship
of Duston for the coming year, and one of the two appointers for
a period of two years, the junior appointer of one year becoming
the senior appointer in the next. Each appointer, on his nomination,
had to give sufficient security for the making of a true account
and payment of all the rents, revenues, and receipts that he shall
collect and gather. Forty shillings was allowed to the appointers
for paying the expenses of the dinner given by the steward of
Duston each court day, in addition to the steward's fee of six and
eightpence. On two or three occasions in Elizabeth's reign, the
appointers were warned that any excess of the forty shillings for
the court dinners would be disallowed if it appeared in their
accounts.
In 1606 the assembly ordered
That Mr. George Coldwell Mr. George Raynesford Mr. Edward Henseman and
Mr. Thomas Judkins or anie twoe of them shall forthwith take their journey to
the Right Honourable Ladie late Ladie Hatton nowe Ladie Cooke and consort and
conclude with her about the enlarging of our term in the Lordship of Duston she
being determyned to conveye her estate awaye after thexpiration of our leasse in
esse, and that the saide two persons taking their journey in this behalfe shall have
their charges defrayed by the towne chamber.
In 1569 " orders were newly devised and augmented for the better
Q 2
228 NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
governement of the lordship off Duston," of which the following
is an abstract : — The officers to be elected by the whole assembly
on Thursday in Easter week, one to serve for two years. Any
inhabitant refusing on election to serve, to be fined 2os. The
owners and appointers each to have, over and above their portion
as freemen, an acre of grass, and the grazing for a gelding or
mare and a cow within the pastures without any charge, and this
in addition to 6s. 8d. in money. No inhabitant, save the aldermen,
to have more than half an acre of grass as their portion, unless it
can be conveniently spared by the appointers. Inhabitants or their
servants are not to cut down or break hedges, gates, rails, styles,
locks, hooks, hinges, staples, or hasps, under a pain of 6s. 8d. for
every offence. Every inhabitant putting cattle into any ground of
the lordship shall go to to the appointers and pay for the said
cattle for one whole month on terms to be agreed upon ; and that
at the end of the month, if desirous of continuing, he is to visit
the officer or officers at his or their house or houses, and to make
fresh terms for the next month, and so forth. Any one turning out
cattle contrary to this order to have his cattle impounded by the keeper,
and to pay 4d. a head in addition to the poundage fee. Any inhabi-
tant turning out stoned horses, mangy cattle, or cattle that " morne
of the Chyne," to be fined 4d. for each beast. All cattle placed in
this lordship to be marked with a mark to be fixed by the appointer.
Unmarked cattle to be impounded by the keeper, and a fine of
4d. per head imposed. Every one to pay a penny for the marking
of each beast. The treasurer of the revenue may at all times call
before him the appointers, and examine their books and proceeding.
The appointers to do no repairs without the approval of the
treasurer, and to make monthly accounts and payments to the
treasurer under pain of 35. 4d. for every day in arrear.
In the summer of 1613 so much damage was done to the Duston
meadow grounds by floods, which ruined the hay crop, that the
corporation, fearing they would not be able to pay the rent to
Lord Cooke, decided on July 22nd to set out the West Holmes
and Abbot's Meadow amongst their members. An acre was
assigned to each alderman, an acre to every two bailiffs, and an
acre to every two of the forty-eight. In case of the refusal of
any of them to accept their portion, the aldermen refusing were to
pay each ten shillings towards the making up of the rent, and
bailiffs or burgesses five shillings.
COMMONS AND CATTLE. 229
It was provided in 1602 that the appointer of the lordship of
Duston should not fell or cut down any wood or willows or thorns
or tops of the trees without consent of the mayor or the treasurer
of Duston for the time being.
During the commonwealth, the town endeavoured, but in vain?
to obtain through purchase, the lands of the Duston lordship which
they had previously had on lease.
The assembly of September i6th, 1652, voted £5 each to Mr.
Twigden and Mr. Collins to enable them to repair to London with
letters to Mr. Gifford, and to join with him in soliciting the trustees
of Parliament for the sale of delinquents' estates, to obtain a
purchase of the meadows and mills belonging to the lordship of
Duston on behalf of the corporation.
SECTION SIX.
PUBLIC HEALTH.
THE PLAGUE OF 1578— THE ATTACKS OF 1603-5 — THE COLLEGE USED AS A PLAGUE
HOUSE — TERRIBLE ATTACK IN 1638 — PAROCHIAL RETURNS OF THE DEATHS FROM
PLAGUE — LETTER FROM DR. CLARKE TO SIR JOHN LAMBE — SHORTER ATTACK OF
1638 — OUTBREAK OF 1648— CHOICE OF THE TOWER HOUSE AS AN INFECTIOUS
HOSPITAL — ACCOUNT OF THE TOWER HOUSE — WATCH AND WARD DURING LONDON
PLAGUE OF l666 — FlRE AT COTTON END, 1561 — PRECAUTIONARY ELIZABETHAN
ORDERS AGAINST FIRE — TOWN FIRE BUCKETS KEPT IN THE CHURCHES — PRECAUTIONS
OF 1643 — THE GREAT FIRE OF 1675 — RESOLUTIONS OF THE ASSEMBLY — RELIEF OF
THE DISTRESSED — NiNETY-NINE YEARS* LEASES ON CONDITION OF REBUILDING —
THE REBUILDING ACT OF PARLIAMENT AND ITS WORKING — BENEFACTORS' BOARD,
ALL SAINTS — LATER FIRES — THE GREAT AND LITTLE CONDUITS — DROUGHT OF
1608, AND RESTRICTIONS ON HOURS OF WATER SUPPLY — USE OF CONDUITS FORBIDDEN
TO BREWERS AND INNKEEPERS — SHOPS AND BRIDEWELL UNDER CONDUIT HALL —
HOUSES BUILT AT THE CONDUIT, 1685-6 — SCARLET WELL WATERWORKS — THE
WATERWORKS OF WlLLIAM WYKES — TANK AT WOOD HILL — LlTTLE CONDUIT
REMOVED IN 183! — WATER CARTS— PUBLIC PUMPS AND WELLS — ST. THOMAS'
WELL — THE CHALYBEATE SPRING OF VlGO AND THE NEW WALK — SANITARY
CONDITION OF THE STREETS AND HOUSES — TOWN MUCK HEAPS — SANITARY
OVERSEERS — OVERCROWDING — PAVING OF THE HIGHWAYS — APPOINTMENT- OF
SCAVENGER — LIGHTING OF THE STREETS — SKAVAGE DUE — INCROACHMENTS —
SCAVENGERS APPOINTED BY STATUTE.
PUBLIC HEALTH. 233
THE PLAGUE.
TN sixty years, namely, between 1578 and 1638, Northampton
•*• had no less than four visitations of the terrible plague, namely,
in 1578, 1603, 1605, and 1638. Considering the times, the town's
sanitary precautions and methods of isolation were most praise-
worthy and distinctly in advance of those adopted in some other
parts of the country.
At an assembly held at the guildhall, on October i3th, 1578,
it was resolved that all the houses that were visited in Kinges-
well Lane were to be shut up, and " Lord have mercye uppon us "
set upon the doors ; that those who were able to live at their own
charges were to do so, and the rest to be provided for by the
town ; that houses elsewhere that might be visited were to be
treated in like manner; and that the writing was to be continued
on the doors for twenty days after any died. Three men were
chosen as purveyors to buy victuals for the visited houses, to
continue in office until November 24th. At the same time an
assessment was ordered to be made and levied " for such as are
visited to continewe for a monthe, to begyne the second day of
November next comeinge and so monethelie untyll yt please God
that the Towne be cleane of the Sickenes." The names of the
assessors and collectors are given for the chequer ward, and for
the west, south, and north quarters, from which it would appear
that the east quarter was clean.
The plague had by no means decreased as the winter progressed,
for it was ordered on December 4th that the purveyors shall
weekly buy victuals for the visited houses until the town be clean,
and that the collectors of the cess for this purpose gather their
moneys fortnightly instead of monthly.
Another assembly was held on December 2gth, when a variety
of orders relative to the plague were passed. Two burgessess
were appointed, at a salary of 2od. a week each, to "serve all
such persons as shall happen to dye," and to certify to the
parish minister the cause of death lt as nere as they can." Four
watchmen were appointed in each of the five wards (the sickness
234 NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
had spread to the east), whose duty it was to see that visited
people remained in their houses, and that " Lorde have mercy uppon
us " was not pulled off the doors in the night time. The hours for
these special watchmen (the constables being responsible during
the daytime) were from 8 o'clock in the evening until 4 o'clock
in the morning.
With the new year the severity of the sickness began to
abate, though not subdued. On January 29th, 1578-9, it was
agreed that it was necessary to continue the cess for the relief
of the visited until further order be taken by the mayor and
justices.
Two months later it was still lingering, for on March 24th,
I57%~9> a. small cess had still to be collected for the visited
people " according to the number of them/' and three purveyors
for the purchase of victuals were again appointed.
The terrible plague of 1603-4, which broke out on the accession
of James I., and of which no less than 30,578 persons died in
London only, visited Northampton. Precautionary measures were
taken by the assembly at the meeting on September ist, 1603.
The following order was then passed : —
Whereas the Citie of London ys visited with a grievous and contagious disease,
and by reason of resort and travelling to the saide citie to and fro the infection ys
spread into diverse places of his mats realme of England, for the better preservation
of this his mats boroughe and subjects there from the saide Contagion (If yt soe
please the Almightie, as of his onelie merit he hath hitherto preserved the same
boroughe and inhabitants) It ys agreed and ordered that yf at anie tyme or tymes
during the space of one whole monethe accompting twentie and eighte dayes to the
moneth next ensueing John Sherwyn the carryer of this towne and Eagle the waggon-
man there or either of them or anie other inhabitant within this towne whatsoever
shall travel! or goe to London aforesaide without consent of the Mayor of the saide
towne for the tyme being, That then yt shalbe lawfull for the Mayor to take suche
order and course as shalbe thought fitt, and by such wayes and meanes as he shall
think fitt at his discretion, to keep such person soe goeing and returned from
coming into the saide towne, and also yf anie person or persons goeing up to
London and returning shall without the consent of the Mayor goe into his or her
dwelling howse, that yt shalbe lawfull for the Mayor to take such order and course
as he shall thinke meet according to his good discretion as well for the punishment
of all and everie suche person and persons as also for the inclosing and keeping
up the saide person or persons within his her or their howse or howses for so long
a tyme and in suche manner as the Mayor shall thinke fitt and convenient in his
discretion.
Notwithstanding these precautions, by the end of the month the
PUBLIC HEALTH. 235
plague was in Northampton, as is evidenced by the following
order and preamble passed in assembly on September 26th : —
Whereas yt ys feared that diverse howses within this towne are infected with the
plague, for the preventing of anie further infection within the saide towne than the
saide howses (yf yt soe please God), It is ordered that all howses suspected to be
infected shalbe shut up, and the persons therein kept in, and that there shalbe
assessed of thinhabitants of habilitie, for the keeping of suche as are not of abilitie
to keep themselves, and for the payeinge of watchmen vewers and making other
necessarie provision in that behalfe the sume of Twentie marks of good and lawfull
money of England for one monethes provision to beginne and be accompted from
the foure and twentieth daye of this instant moneth of September, and that these
persons folowing or the more part of them shall assesse the inhabitants, etc.
Ten assessors were appointed, the cess to be collected by the
ward constables. Two standing watchmen for the day were hired,
whose duty it was to carry to the infected their provisions. The
plague was then only in two of the five wards, namely, the south
and the north (through which the great London road passed) ;
two purveyors to purchase food and all things necessary for the
infected, were appointed for each of these wards.
At the end of three weeks the plague spread so fast that it
was found that the months' levy of twenty marks would in no
way suffice, and therefore a new cess was voted by the assembly
on October I4th, at the rate of £20 a month. It was also found
necessary to appoint purveyors and overseers for each of the
wards. To the overseers was assigned the duty, in their several
wards, of reporting (for the space of a whole year) the advent of
all new comers into the town. Their reports were to be made
in writing to the mayor, and they were to meet together at
least once a quarter for the purpose of drawing up a more general
report. Any overseer neglecting his duty was to be fined 2os.
On November yth it was agreed that, during the continuance
of the plague, a watch should be set both by day and night in
the west and north roads ; the hours of the day watch to be
from 6 o'clock in the morning to 6 in the evening, at which time
the night watch was set ; the six day watchmen for the day, and
the like number for the night, were to be taken, two from the
chequer ward, and one from each of the other wards ; the
watchmen to be warned by the several sergeants of the ward, and
to be directed by the ward constable as to the place of their
watch ; each watchman to be sworn to the due and diligent
observance of his office.
236 NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
In the next few months the order for the £21 monthly cess to
be levied was regularly repeated owing to the continuance of the
visitation. The assembly also interested itself in practical sanitary
matters, such as regulating the duties of the town scavenger, and
providing against the excessive keeping of pigs within the town.
An order was made on November nth against any one keeping
pigs save freemen ; that no freeman, being an innholder or brewer,
shall keep above six pigs ; that no other freeman shall keep above
four ; and that no one keep a pig in the chequer ward, unless
he has suitable convenience for the same allowed by the mayor.
The plague still continued, though somewhat abated, in May, 1604;
from the i8th of that month a cess of £12 was ordered to be
levied for the relief of the visited houses.
In October, 1605, the dreaded sickness reappeared in North-
ampton; the assembly held on October nth ordered that any one
who shall " goe abroade or converse in companye " from an infected
house, shall be "punished as a vagabond in all respects should or
ought to be by the statute made in the xxxixth yere of the Reigne
of our late Soueraigne Ladie Quene Elizabeth for the punishment of
Roagues and vagabondes, and further to be bounde to his good
behaviour for one whole year."
At the same time it was enacted " for the better watching and
keeping in of all and everie person or persons infected or being
or dwelling in any howse infected, and that the poorer sorte of
people may not be oppressed by an unequall proportion in
watching" that the duty of watching by night and day be dis-
charged by men hired for the purpose by the mayor, and that they
are to be paid by a cess levied on fifteen of the principal inhabi-
tants occupying " howses of habitation."
It is somewhat remarkable, amid various sanitary precautions,
to find that those who died of the plague were for the most part
buried within the walls. The very year before the terrible out-
break, the assembly, on October 2oth, 1602, when leasing the
churchyard of the ruinous church of St. Katharine, stipulated that
there should be " free libertie for the buiriall in the saide churche
yarde of all such dead as y* shall please God at anie tyme to visitt
with the plague or anie other extraordinarie or infectious death,
and free and quiet ingresse, egresse, and regresse for that purpose
at all times."
PUBLIC HEALTH. 237
From an entry made in the order book in 1607 it appears that
Abraham Ventris, at the request of the mayor and aldermen,
was content to give up his house called the college, at the time of
the 1603-5 visitation, " to the intent thither and there to bring and
place infected persons. " The assembly voted him 405. by way of
compensation for the injury done to his house.
Much alarm was felt at Northampton in 1625 lest the plague, so
prevalent then, should reach the town. It was ordered on September
igth that no inhabitant " shall at anie tyme hereafter during this
tyme of infection buy, bargaine for, entertayne, or receive into
this libertie any wares or marchandise whatsoever that shall come
from the City of London or from anie other infected place in this
kingdome, and also that noe carier in this libertie shall at anie tyme
hereafter during the said infection fetch load or carie anie wares or
marchandise from anie infected place upon payne of everie
inhabitant and carier offending in the premisses that he shall have
his howse shutt up with his familie for one moneth, and further
punishment at Mr. Mayor's discretion for his contempt." It was
further ordered that no innkeeper or victualler was to entertain
or lodge anyone coming from London or any other infected place
under a similar penalty. Stringent injunctions were also made
with regard to keeping watch and ward night and day. These
precautions seem to have been successful, for at this time North-
ampton escaped the terrible scourge.
The plague was very severe in the town in 1638. In St,
Sepulchre's it seems to have begun about the end of March; for,
under the heading of March 29, the following entry occurs in the
register of burials :—" Att which time the sickness beegan." It
would seem to have run its course by the end of the year, for on
January i we read: — " At which time the Lord bee praised the
sickness ceased."
In 1638 there were actually 114 deaths in the parish of St.
Sepulchre, though the average number for five years was only
eighteen.
The following table, compiled by Revd. R. M. Serjeantson from
the register of the four parishes, shows the mortality during the
visitations of 1578, 1603, 1605, and 1638, accompanied by the usual
death average : —
238
NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
o .
o .
s .
«
»~ en
j£
n
0) CO
55
1
4J t
*§,
if
II
rt -
0)
4 M
0)
rt "'
V
Q
> VI
<
3
Q
> «>
<
s
>. »0
<
All Saints' ...
134
47
107
411
91
247
76
St. Giles'
21
10
...
20
123
22
185
21
St. Peter's
9
4
16
26
6
19
7
St. Sepulchre's.
16
7
88
65
20
...
114
18
Total
1 60
63
231
625
139
665
122
In many cases plague is written, before the entry ; mothers p Q? pest.
In 1638, the distress was so great that the county had to come
to the rescue.
The Domestic State Papers contain an interesting letter from
Dr. Samuel Clarke, the rector of St. Peter's, to Sir John Lambe,
diocesan chancellor, dated June iyth, 1638, of which the following is
-a summary : — The sickness is sore at Northampton. The deaths in
the last three weeks have been — of the plague 26, 16, and 29.
Before the last sessions Prince's attorney and myself made a tax
for the 5-mile towns, and at the sessions I got an enlargement with
much reluctance over the whole county. The first was ^"48 weekly,
the second ^100 more and the market is kept on Northampton
Heath. In requital of my love and pains they do now what they
list in the church service at All Saints Northampton. Some very
lately cut the rail or cancel that was about the Lords board in
pieces and brought doun the Lord's table into the middle of the
chancel. I long since advised the Mayor and his bretheren that the
Thursday lecture and sermons on Sundays in the afternone should
be foreborne in these infectious times. They then raised a report
of me that I was about to starve their souls. You may do well to
acquaint his grace with so much of this as you please. The
schismatical Puritans now bring their appeals from the audience,
as, viz. the churchwardens of Towcester, for not presenting 80 or
100 of their parish who refused to receive the Blessed Sacrament
.at the cancel at Easter last, and one Mr. Clerke (my namesake) of
PUBLIC HEALTH. 239
Eastcote in the parish of Pattishall, for calling the divine sermons
porridge and the long puritan sermons roast meat.
The assembly petitioned parliament, in 1640, to interfere as to
the disposal of the " mony in stocke in the Justices hands of the
Countie gathered for reliefe of the Corporation in the late Visitation
of the Plague to helpe as well divers Inhabitants decayed in the
Corporation by reason thereof, as diverse workmen and labourers
as yet unsatisfied."
Northampton again suffered heavily from the plague in 1647.
At an assembly held on September i6th of that year a cess was
voted of ^100 "for relief and provision to be made for visited
howses and persons infected with the plague." It was at the
same time ordered that no inhabitant that had any manner of
swine or dogs should suffer them to go abroad at any time under
pain of 55. for each offence. The last order of this assembly was
as follows : —
Whereas it hath pleased God to send this heavie visitation of the plague in this
Towne as aforesaide, severall more howses in the same being nowe infected, wherein
there are severall families, and in that it is adjudged that the nowe setting up of
a new pest howse in some place, Remote from the towne, in this libertie, to shedd
sicke from the wholl in respecte of the approaching Winter, wilbe of a dangerous
consequence, And it appearing to this Assemblie that there is a convenient howse
out of the hert of the Towne neare the meadowes and fields, whiche wilbe usefull
in this behalfe, called the Tower howse, It is agreed and ordered that the saide
Tower howse shalbe forthwith taken and used in this behalfe, And that the present
tenants there shalbe otherwise provided for.
The town register of the four parishes are either defective or
missing for this period, so that we cannot judge of the comparative
severity of the attack.
The Tower of Northampton, now put to such an excellent
purpose, was a large building connected with a lofty square tower
or keep at the west end. It stood within the walls in the south-
east quarter of the town, and had formed part of the system of
fortification of the smaller Anglo-Norman town. Mention is made
of it in a mandate to the sheriff temp. Henry II. In 1218, the
Close Rolls record the appointment of a commission to see to the
repair of the Tower. In the days of Henry IV. it was in the
hands of John Neville, Lord Latimer, and was granted, under the
name of Latimer's Tower, to John de Etton in the nth year of
that reign. In the time of Richard III. it was in the possession
of John Chauncey, and continued in that family for a considerable
240 NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
period. In the reign of Charles I. it was owned by, and was the
residence of, Sir John Lambe, the active chancellor of the diocese
of Peterborough. " In the barns belonging to this structure/'
according to the Hall MS., u during the rebellion were set large
vats to receive the saltpetre which was dug out of the old
cellars in the Tower, and prepared for a gunpowder mill, standing
in the brook which runs from St. Thomas' Hospital on the north side
of Cow Meadow." The Tower House disappeared in the fire of
1675, but the field where it stood was known for a long time as
" the Tower Close."
The following incidental reference to the plague occurs amongst
the orders made by the assembly on October 5th, 1666 : —
" That Mr. Stamford and Mr. Boddington ye present Bayliffs be
considered and assisted by the Towne in payment of the Fee
Farm charge If it shall please God to afflict this Towne with the
Plague or any such Calamity whereby the Faires and marketts
shalbe hindered or stopt."
A watch and ward was at this time strictly imposed on the
town for the obvious purpose of restricting the danger of infection
from London. The town at this time mercifully escaped, Jnd for
two and a half centuries this awful disease has never recurred.
FIRE.
The first entry in the orders of assembly relative to the common
calamity of fire is the brief record, under date April 3oth, 1561,
that " Mr. Bot, Mr. Whit, Mr. Menard, and Mr. Watts, Corviser
(shoemaker) were apointed to viewe the howses that wer burnt in
Coton Ende."
The assembly of June i6th, 1570, made the following elaborate
order : —
Forasmoche as diverse and sundry times this boroughe of Northampton hathe
hadde great losses by casualties of fyers and specially by negligence by taking hede
in malte kyllnes to the undoinge of many of the inhabitauntes of the boroughe
And the same have stretched or gone the further for lacke of good provision main-
tained and kepte for the defence of the same Wherefore it is condisended and
agreed at this present assembly that the Chamberlaines of Northampton before the
feast of saint James thapostle next ensuinge at the costs and charges of the saide
time to time shall provide and have redy xij good lethern buckets and foure long
hookes of iron as fyt and stronge for the purpose aforesaide as may be devised and
the same shalbe continuallie kept at the cost and charges of the same chamber.
Item it is ordeynide and establisshed and agreede that the maior of Northton for
the time beinge and every one that hathe bene maior and hereafter shalbe maior at
PUBLIC HEALTH. 241
every of ther proper costes and charges shall have three good lethern buckets in ther
severall hovvses redy at all time and times for the purpose afforesaide And every
one that hathe bene bayly of the saide tovvne and shalbe bayly of the same at their
proper costes and charges shall have too lethern buckets in their severall howses
redy at all time and times for the purpose afforesaid and every one of the xlviij
commoners and every other commoner beside dwellinge in the saide towne shall have
one bucket redy as is offoresaide And that every person or persons charged with
the havinge of buckets as is offoresaid shall deliver the same fourthe themselves or
shall not denye the same to such person or persons as will require the same in time
of nede upon paine for every person or persones not having buckets in manner and
forme aforesaide or for not deliveringe the same or denieing the same in manner and
forme afforesaide for every time xijd to the use of the towne chamber. And for the
further better preservaunce of this saide boroughe from casualties of fyer and
eschewinge the dangers thereof, It is ordayned established and agreed that no manner
of person or persons at any time or times hereafter shall buylde edifye make or have
any malte kyllne or malte killnes within the precincts or places of the saide towne
hereafter passed and declared, That is to say the checker the draperie the bridge
streete the southe quarter the golde streete the northe strete Abington strete and
saint Giles streete, or the backsydes of the same streetes or any of them or in any
other place in the saide towne adjoininge or near unto any howse or howses, And
that all and every person and persons now havinge any killn or kyllnes within the
precincts or places aforesaide shall pull down the same and every of them before
the feast of saint Michell thearcangell next ensuinge the date hereof or elles shall
not in any wise occupie the same makinge of malte upon paine of every one makinge
defaulte havinge to forfeite and lose to towne Chamber xli to be levied fourthwithe
for every defaulte, The farmers killns except, That is to say of saint Androos,
Gobbions farme, knolle farme, and laurens baylys in places hertofore usuall only
excepted.
This order, so far as it related to malt kilns, was rendered
more explicit, and strengthened at the October assembly of the
same year, £10 penalty being imposed upon every one not imme-
diately clearing away their malt kilns within the prohibited areas,
adding that " it shalbe lawfull for the fermors of the late dissolved
howse off saint Andrewes, Gobbians ferme, knolles ferme, Saint
James ferme, to have and to use their kyllnes in the accustomed
places, and also for any freeman of this towne to place or make
malte kylnes in the marholde, saint Andrewes ende and saint
Edmondes ende."
We find from the privy council and domestic state papers of
1575, that when Queen Elizabeth was in Northampton for a second
time in that year, complaint was made to her majesty by the mayor
of Northampton, that some of the townsmen had set the orders of
assembly at defiance with regard to the erection of malt kilns
R
242 NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
within the liberties. The privy council, sitting at Kenilworth, on
July i8th, 1575, referred the matter to the sheriff of the county,
Sir John Spencer, and to Sir Richard Knightley. These gentlemen
held a local inquiry, and having viewed the places and heard both
parties, they (with the consent of the mayor and his brethren),
ordered that a former order, made by consent of the whole town
in 1571, should be observed, " and the said malt kilns either sup-
pressed or reformed/' The offending parties, however, proved
contumacious, and in May, 1577, the privy council despatched a
letter to the mayor, ordering the offenders at once to conform to
the mandate, and if they resisted to take bonds from them to
appear before the privy council.
In 1591, at the July meeting of the assembly, it was ordered
that every person that had not five buckets, according to the order
of 1580, should provide the same by the feast of Saint Bartholomew,
or be fined I2d.
The assembly, in April 1599, made further orders that the
chamberlain should renew the twelve fire buckets, and keep the
same continually renewed and repaired year by year ; that in
addition to the buckets provided by the mayor and his brethren,
and by the forty-eight, that all other burgesses thought by the
mayor and justices to be of ability should provide one bucket ; that
each bucket should have painted on it the initials of the owner ;
and that all such buckets should be shown to the mayor before
the feast of Saint James, under a penalty of two shillings.
In 1612 the first business of the October assembly was again
with fires.
Imprimis forasmuch as there have latelie verie dangerous fires happened within
this Corporation to the noe small hurte and damage of the inhabitants of this
Corporation which would not have bene yf that it had pleased God that the begin-
ninge beinge at the first small had been prevented by store of suche instrumentes and
meanes as are now thought fitt and convenient that is with store of buckets for
cariage of water, hookes and ladders which are verie fewe and scarce in this
Corporation.
It was therefore ordered that the chamberlain provide twelve
new town buckets of leather, and see to their constant repair and
renewal, and also eight good and sufficient ladders, four long and
four short, and six good and sufficient hooks ; that the old order as
to the mayor and aldermen providing three buckets, the bailiffs
and past bailiffs two, and the forty-eight (as well as every com-
moner and freeman named by the mayor) one, all with their
PUBLIC HEALTH. 243
initials painted thereon be maintained ; and further that those who
had to provide three buckets and two buckets should always have
one of them standing in the church of All Saints ; that the ladders
and hooks were to be placed in the church, and not let out by the
sexton under pain of I2d. ; and that any one, after a fire, carrying
away a bucket that is not his own shall be fined 6s. 8d.
In 1619 the clause relative to the placing of buckets in the
church of All Saints was repealed in favour of the buckets being
placed in the parish church of the bucket owner. It is obvious
from this that the fast closing of parish churches from Sunday to
Sunday had not yet obtained any foothold in Northampton.
The assembly took other precautions, from time to time, to
lessen the incendiary risks that pertained to so inflammable a town,
as witness the following order of September 2ist, 1586: —
Whereas there are dyverse Inhabiting^ and dwellings within the precincts of the
Checker, the Gutter, and the Draperie that yearly do have in their dwellinge howses,
Strawe, Brakes, pease Straw, and Turves, and have not conveniente howses and
backsydes to laye the same in, Whereby often times great casualties of fyer hath
heretofore happened and herafter ys lyke to chaunce and happen yf Reformation be
not spedelye had and taken therein, And therefore it is enacted and by this present
assembly established and agreede uppon That no person or persons dwelling and
enhabitinge within the precincts of the Checker, Gutter, nor Draperie havinge noe
backesyde or out howses to laye in any Strawe, Brakes, pease Strawe, or Turves
shall laye any of the same in any parte of their dwellinge howses, but in Barnes
and other places fitt to laye such kind of Fewell inne, Whereby noe daunger may
therebye ensewe either to themselves or their neighboures.
A 2os. penalty was imposed upon the breach of this order, and
any who had such fuel on their premises were to carry it away
before the feast of St. Luke under a like penalty.
It was, moreover, on several occasions in the sixteenth and
seventeenth centuries, covenanted by the town on the renewal or
granting of leases of decayed houses that they should be covered
with tiles or slates instead of straw or reed thatch.
In 1643, when active steps were being taken for the fortifying of
the town, the risk of fire naturally came under special consideration,
and the assembly ordered " that Mr Mayor at some convenient
time inquire and search into the defect in buckits and to put
forward the orders heretofore made either for the providing of
buckits or for the sending in of money to buye or amend buckits."
At the end of the second volume of the orders of assembly is " A
Subscription of the parishioners of All Saints for the providing of
R 2
244 NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
Leatherne Bucketts for Publique use in tymes of danger by fire."
Fifty nine names are entered at 2s. 6d., nine at 53., six at is. 6d.,
twenty three at is., Mr. Rushton 6s. 8d., Mr. Justice Cooke ios.r
and " The Lady Farmer for 6 Buckets £i 43. od./J giving a total
of £j 73. 2d. from this parish. This sum, at 45. a bucket, would
provide three dozen for the parish of All Saints. On St. Hugh's
day, 1655, there was a great fire in Newland, destroying a large
barn full of grain, and also a malt kiln. (Hall's MS.)
A further order, enforcing the old injunctions with regard to fire-
buckets, was passed in 1657, when it was also provided that the
buckets should be removed from the several churches, and " be all
hanged up in some convenient place in the Towne Hall."
In 1668 there was a great fire in Cotton End, close to the
further side of the south bridge. One account says that there were
only six houses left standing in the short space of two hours.
On September 2oth, 1675, at nine o'clock in the forenoon, a
fire broke out in a house in St. Mary street, near the castle,
when a strong west wind was blowing. The fire continued to
rage until 6 o'clock on the following morning. More than half
the town was destroyed, including the church of All Saints and
upwards of 600 dwelling houses, and most of the remainder con-
siderably damaged. The general loss of property was calculated at
£150,000. Long and interesting accounts of the thrilling scenes
and incidents of this terrible fire, from the pens of eye-witnesses,
have been several times published. It is merely proposed in these
pages to give certain official statements and entries which have not
hitherto been made known.
The market cross was burnt and almost all the buildings,
public and private, round the great market square or chequer,
but the guildhall was spared. On September 27th the assembly
met in the guildhall, whan the following were among the orders
that were made : —
That Mr Edward Knighton the Mayor Elect by reason of his accepting of the
Mayoralty at this most sad and deplorable tyme in Northampton the towne being
almost all burnt by a dreadfull fire that happened upon the xxth of this instant
September shall be allowed Thirty Pounds as other Mayors have been allowed And
that Mr Whiston the present Mayor pay the same if upon his accompt soe much
appeares to be in his hands.
That the Gentlemen that are of the Committee for this Corporation at this
distressed tyme and such gentlemen as are active for the good of the towne be
presented in their freedomes of this Corporation if they please to accept of it, and
PUBLIC HEALTH. 245
that it be forthwith offered to Wm Buckby Esqr Deputy Recorder Sir Edmund
Wray William Tate Esqr Robert Hesilrige Esqr Thomas Willoughby Esqr
Miles Fleetvvood Esqr Charles Fleetwood Esqr Sir Roger Norwich Francis
Morgan Esqr Richard Raynsford Esqr Henry Edmunds Esqr Salathiel Lovell
Esqr John Hurt Esqr .... Arundell Esqr Sir John Holman Christofer
Thursby Esqr Wm Kymbold gent Robert Ward gent Dr Danvers Thomas
Ward Esqr and George Raynsford gent.
The committee for the relief of the distressed speedily set to
work to provide wooden shelters for the poor, whilst the more
enterprising tradesmen ran up timber sheds to serve as shops until
more permanent structures could be erected. The assembly, on
October i5th, wisely agreed " that all shedds built in the body of
this towne be covered with slatt tyle or bords, and none be suffered
to be covered with straw." At the same assembly it was resolved :
That the Common Seal of this Corporation be affixed and putto the Act of
Parliament for the rebuilding of this towne according to the alterations now read.
That the Common Seal be affixed to an Order for severall indentures therein
mentioned and now read to this howse for disposing the charitable money of
Northampton.
That the Common Seal be affixed to an Instrument of mortgage graunted to Mr.
Massingberd for the securing of one hundred pounds due to him from this Cor-
poration his former mortgage being burnt by the late dreadfull fire, or otherwise
miscarryed and lost, and that his interest money for the hundred pounds be cleared
of until Michaelmas last.
The next assembly, held on November 8th, ordered the borrowing
of £100 of the fund of charitable money for the relief of North-
ampton, "for the rebuilding of the Sessions howse, the old howse
being burnt."
Three days later the assembly appointed " Mr Brafield Mr
Frend Mr Rands the Chamberlaine the Master of St Thomas
Matthias Dawes Richard White and Richard Buckingham to view
all the towne landes lately burnt and to take care of the Tymber
and Stone."
The assembly met again on December 23rd, when the following
orders were agreed to relative to the fire : —
That Publique thanks be given from this howse to George Clarke Esqr for his
kindness to this towne.
That letters be sent to Sir James Langham Mr Tho Pilkington and Mr
Francis Raynsford to desire them to appoynt persons for returnes of the charitable
money.
Mr Massingberd Mr Randes Mr Tho Sergeant Mr Theoph Whiston
Matthias Dawes and Richard Smythe are desired to wayte upon the Commissioners
246 NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
for new modelling of the town, and to assist them as to the conveniency of Re-
building and setting of the Streetes.
That a Petition be presented from this howse to the Treasureres to desire them
to accept of the trust in relation to moneys brought in for the use of the towne.
On February nth, 1675-6, Mr. Robert Hesilrige was authorised,
under the common seal, to receive the moneys collected in London
for the relief of Northampton.
On March ist, 1675-6, the assembly desired Messrs. Brafield,
Frend, Rowell, Whiston, Neele, and Dobson to " view the towne
landes lately demolished by the fire and report to this howse what
improvements may be made of them or their backsides. " At the
same time Joseph Dobson was granted a lease of a tenement in
Newland belonging to St. Thomas' Hospital for 41 years at an
annual rental of 455., " he building a substantial dwelling house
upon the same ground lately demolished by the fire." From this
date, for the next year or two, various leases for 99 years were
granted by the corporation of town lands at low rentals, on condition
of tenements being immediately and substantially re-built.
" An Act for the better and more easie Rebuilding the Town of
Northampton " was passed in 1675.
The preamble recites that the greater part of the town had
been burnt down by a sudden and dreadful fire in September last,
and that by reason thereof divers suits and controversies seemed
likely to arise between several proprietors and claimants in con-
nection with the re-building, which might prove a great hindrance —
that therefore the judges of assize for Northamptonshire and other
judges of the supreme courts for the time being, and the justices
of the peace for the county, and the mayor of Northampton,
with Sir John Holman, Sir Edmund Bray, Thomas Willughby,
James Stedman, Robert Hesilrige, Thomas Andrews, Thomas
Ward, Charles Fleetwood, Daniel Danvers, Salathiel Lovell, and
William Kimbold, Esquires, or any five or more of them, sitting at
the guildhall or some other place in Northampton, shall constitute
a court of record, and by verdict, testimony of witnesses on oath,
examination of parties interested, or otherwise (without the usual for-
malities of proceedings in courts of law or equity) shall determine all
differences and demands that may arise between landlords, tenants,
lessees, under tenants, late occupiers of any of the houses or
buildings, touching their rebuilding, non-rebuilding, or repairs, or
concerning payments, apportioning of payments, or abatement of
PUBLIC HEALTH. 247
rents, etc., and that the order of the court shall be definite and
final, from which there can be no appeal. The court had extraordinary
powers conferred upon it of altering estates, notwithstanding infancy
or coverture, and of absolute dealing with episcopal and corporate
property ; to make rules and directions as to the form and order
of buildings ; to enlarge or alter streets, lanes, roads, and passages ;
to treat and compound for ground thus to be used, and in case of
refusal or disabilty then to empanel a jury ; to make alterations in
foundations if they see cause ; to award satisfaction ; to dispose of
ground not built upon within three years to those who would
build ; to see that all houses are covered with lead, slate, or tile ;
and that no perilous trade with respect to fire was exercised ; that
an appeal against an order made by less than seven of the com-
missioners may be made within twenty days, if approved by one
of the judges of assize or judges of the higher courts, and that the
case may be tried again in Northampton by seven or any greater
number of the commissioners ; that the mayor keep a register book
for the orders ; that (to encourage gentlemen to build and reside
in the town) justices of the peace for the county of Northampton
being inhabitants of the town shall be also justices of the town ;
that any one building a house worth £300 within seven years shall
have his freedom ; and that all commissioners under the act take
an oath of fair and just execution of its powers.
The act also, in stating that no private ground was to be taken
save for the enlargement, made some special regulations with
regard to sites in the town ; namely, that this was to be done to
enlarge the passage between the South street and the street called
the Drapery, the corner house (late in the tenure of Bartholomew-
Manning) being removed ; that the corner between the Drapery
and Sheep market be enlarged ; that the streets or passages both
on the north and south side of All Saints' church be enlarged ;
that all houses which stood between the buildings on the south
side of the market hill called Mercers Row, and the north side of
the market hill be taken away ; that the corner between the
Market place and Abington street be enlarged ; and that the passage
which went about the middle of the east side of the Drapery into
the Market place be enlarged.
The register book of the orders of this interesting commission
with these unique powers is still extant. It consists of a folio
248 NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
paper book of 309 pages of orders, with a few extra pages on
which is a transcript of the act.
The commission made seventy-nine decrees, the whole of which
are set out in this volume, with the original signatures of the
commissioners. The first is dated April 5th, 1676, and the last on
October loth, 1685 ; the act was only operative for ten years.
These decrees for the most part are concerned with the settle-
ment of intricate succession or boundary questions, and it would
be of no general interest or utility to offer any analysis or summary
of each case. Nevertheless, as this court was so entirely original
and unique in character, and proved itself so admirably adapted
for the purpose for which it was intended, it may be well to
give one of the shorter cases in extenso. At the same time it
should be understood that it must not be regarded as any exact
sample of the rest, for almost each case has its strong points of
dissimilarity to the remainder : —
At the Court of Judicature held by the Commissioners appoynted for the better
and more easy Rebuilding the Towne of Northampton at the Guildhall there on
Satterday the first day of July Ano Dni 1676 In the Eight and Twentieth yeare of
the reigne of our Soveraigne Lord King Charles the second over Englend etc.
Mr Edward Knighton Mayor
William Tate Esqr
Thomas Willoughby Esqr
/H< * «« j » r Present
Charles Fleetwood Esqr
Francis Morgan Esqr
William Kimbould Esqr
William Smyth of the Towne of Northton Mason Petitioner against Tobias
Rands and William Lowick and Frances his wife and Dorothy Smyth sister to the
petitioner Wm Smyth Defendents
Whereas the said William Smyth hath Exhibited his Petition into this Court
thereby setting forth that the Petitioners father dyed seized of a Tenement and
backside in Newland in the Towne of Northampton which came to him by his
first wife by whom he had Dorothy one of the Defendants whoe was heire att Law
to the premises And that the said Dorothy above Twenty yeares since went out of
England hath not beene yet heard off but is supposed and reported to be dead And
that the petitioners mother his fathers second wife enjoyed the premises from the
death of his father until the fire That by the said dreadfull fire the said Tenement
was burnt downe and demolished And that since the said fire the other defendants
Tobias Rand and Frances wife of William Lowick or one of them pretend some
Tytle to the premises That the Petitioner is willing and ready to Rebuild the said
Demolished Tenement provided he may be incouredged thereunto by the Decree of
this Court To which end he prayed this Court to graunt Summons to warne the
several Defendants to appeare in this Court To the intent such Order and Decree
PUBLIC HEALTH. 249
may be made touching the premises as to this court should seem just and reason-
able Whereupon summons were granted and issued accordingly And the said
Defendants having been thereupon summoned appeared personally here in Court
this day And upon reading this said Petition and debateing the severall matters
therein conteyned It appeared to the Court That the Tytle to the premises
was in Dorothy Smyth the other Defendant And the aforesaid Tobias Rand
and Frances Lowick wife of William Lowick had noe Tytle or Interest in the
premises as they could any way make out to the Court And by reason the said
Dorothy Smyth cannot be found out or heard off since she went out of England
whereby the premises are like to lye Demolished and unbuilt unles by the decree
of this Court the Petioner William Smyth shall be incouredged to Rebuild the said
Tenement Therefore for Determination of all differences between the Petitioner and
the Defendants and for his incouredgment to Rebuild the said Tenement This Court
doth Order and Decree That the said Petitioner William Smyth be the Builder of the
said Tenement, and he shall Hold and Enjoy the premises to him and his heires But
if it shall happen the said Dorothy Smyth shal returne and make out a good Tytle
to the premises That then the said Dorothy shall pay the Petioner William Smyth the
full charge of the Building of the said Tenement And in consideration thereof
this Court doth further Order and Decree that the said William Smyth with all
convenient speede shall cause to be Erected and rebuilt upon the Toft or piece
of ground whereon formerly stood the said Tenement soe burnt downe and demolished
by the said dreadfull fire another good and substantial house or Tenement according
to such rules and directions as have been made by this Court in Lanes and Out-
skirtes in the Towne of Northton And lastly this Court doth Order and Decree that
the said Petitioner William Smyth his heires and assignes shall and may peaceably
and quietly have hold and Enjoy the Toft of ground and the Tenement to be
thereon Erected in pursuance of this Decree with the backside thereunto adjoining
and belonging ag1 the aforesaid Tobias Rands and William Lowick and Frances his
wife and against the said Dorothy Smyth and her heirs until she shall returne and
make out a good tytle to the premises and shall pay fully for the Rebuilding of
the Tenement hereby intended to be Erected and Rebuilt And agl all other persons
clayming any Estate right tytle or interest whatsoever in Law or equity or other
Incumbrances upon the premises whatsoever according to the aforesaid Act of
Parliament.
Edward Knighton,
Mayor.
Tho Willoughby
Will Tate
Fr Morgan
Ch Fleetwood
The following is a copy of the large painted board in the
consistory court of All Saints' church, now nearly illegible in some
parts : —
A Table of the worthy Benefactors voluntaryly contributing towards the Re-
building the Church of All Saints and Reliefe of sufferers by the dreadfull fire in
Northampton, which happened on the twentieth day of September, 1675.
25°
NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
The Royal Gift of KING CHARLES ye II. A 1000 tunn of Timber and seaven
yeares chimney money collected in the Towne of Northampton.
Mrs Mary Crew
Mrs Mary Nichols
Mrs Jane Gore
George Holman, Esq ...
Paul Went worth Esq
John Cartwright Esq
William Cartwright Esq
Devereux Knightley Esq
George Clark Esq ...
Auchitel Gray Esq
William Alston Esq
Richard Raynsford Esq...
Thomas Ward Esq ...
Edward Harsby Esq ...
Edward Stratford Esq
Henry Edmonds Esq ...
Andrew Lant Esq
Francis Lane Esq
John Ekins Esq
Thomas Catesb} Esq ...
Edward Hales Esq ...
Dr. Townson
Richard Hampden Esq
Ye Gent: of Sr Fra. Comptons
Troop
Mr Parnell
George Dodson Esq
John White Esq
Mr Jo: Warren Minist: of
Hatfeild
Mr John Smart
Mr Sayres
MrChibnold
Mr Vaux
Mr Burr
Mr Floyd
John Thorney Esq ...
Ashton
Alcester ...
Alesbury
Adson
Abbington ...
Buckingham
Brabrooke
Bedford .
The Earle of Northampton
1 20
00
00
Earle of Sunderland
120
00
00
Duke of Kent
50
00
00
Earl of Cardigan
SO
00
00
Lord Arlington ...
IOO
oo
00
Lord Crewe ...
50
00
00
Lord Montague ...
So
00
oo
Lord Rockingham & Lady...
25
00
00
Lord Arch-Bp of Canterbury..
IOO
oo
oo
Lord Cheif Justice Raynsford
40
oo
00
Lord Cheif Baron Montague
10
00
00
Joseph Lord Bp of Peterborow
40
00
00
Lord Primate of Ireland ...
05
00
00
Lord Bishop of Litchfeild and
Coventree
05
00
00
Ralph Montague Esq
40
00
00
Sr William Farmer ... 100
00
00
Sr William Langham ...100
00
00
Sr Thomas Isham
50
00
00
Sr Roger Norwich ...
15
00
00
Sr Thomas Sam well & Family
65
oo
00
Sr Charles Yelverton ...
30
00
00
Sr Thomas Crewe ..
20
00
00
Sr Edward Nicholls
30
oo
00
Sr John Robinson ... ...
30
00
00
Sr William Craven
10
00
00
Sr William Pargiter
15
00
00
Sr John Barnard...
23
00
00
Sr Robert Shirley
20
00
00
Sr William Coventry ...
10
00
00
Ss Thomas Proby
10
oo
00
Sr Rouland Berkly
12
06
06
Sr Walter St Johns
IO
00
00
Sr Richard Earle
10
00
oo
Sr John Crew
05
oo
oo
The Lady Baltinglas ...
05
00
00
Lady Pyle
10
00
00
Lady Wilbram
05
oo
oo
Lady Knightly
IO
oo
oo
Lady Smyth
02
03
00
Lady Isham ...
20
00
00
Lady Earle
05
00
oo
Lady Rockingham ...
05
oo
oo
Mrs Mary Isham
05
00
00
05
oo
00
05
oo
00
05
00
00
IOO
00
00
IOO
00
00
80
oo
00
20
00
00
40
oo
00
20
00
00
20
00
oo
15
00
00
15
00
00
10
00
oo
10
oo
oo
10
oo
00
05
00
00
05
oo
00
05
00
00
05
00
00
05
00
00
20
00
00
30
00
00
10
00
00
20
00
00
05
00
00
OS
00
oo
05
00
00
32
oo
00
08
08
06
01
00
oo
02
00
00
03
05
00
01
II
00
02
00
00
02
10
00
02
14
04
26
02
06
26
oo
00
06
oo
00
99
19
oo
21
oo
oo
05
10
00
40
00
00
PUBLIC HEALTH.
251
Birmingham ...
... 67
OI
IO
Lincolne...
118
02
00
Bugbrook
ii
OI
10
Melton-Mowbray
... 29
00
07
Bistor
'JO
oo
OI
Manchester
155
IO
07
Banbury
no
15
oo
Nottingham ...
...150
00
oo
Braynston
... 20
14
oo
Newport-Pagnell
54
04
01
Coventree
200
oo
oo
Oakly-Magna
... 16
00
00
Chipping Norton ...
... 46
oo
00
Oundle
37
00
00
Corby
07
00
00
Orlingbury ...
... 02
12
08
Colebrafeild
... 08
00
00
Odewell
'3
00
00
Cambridge University ...
286
05
06
Overston
... 05
02
06
Cambridge Corporation
... 85
13
04
Oxford University
450
00
00
Cottingham
10
00
oo
Oxford City
... 124
06
08
Darby
...150
oo
oo
Olney
27
05
03
Dadford
05
oo
oo
Pattishall
... IO
19
04
Daventry
... 56
02
09
Peterborow
30
OO
00
Eversham
42
oo
02
Roth well
... 18
00
oo
Edon (sic)
... 12
15
oo
Ramsey ...
13
00
IO
Eversdon
09
03
IO
Slapton
... 04
02
06
Grantham
... 81
00
09
Shernford
0
IO
oo
Harborow
13
10
07
Sherly
... 04
IO
oo
Hitching ... ...
... 71
13
00
Stamford
So
oo
oa
Herringhold
02
00
1 1
Stebbington-Bedford
... 06
II
00
Huntington ...
... 45
18
04
Spellsbury
08
06
09
Hayle Weston
05
00
00
Southam
... IO
17
04
Holliwell
... 07
10
00
Stratford upon Avon ...
118
oo
II
Hinckley...
12
07
04
St Ives
.*. 30
05
06
Higham-ferris
... 20
00
00
Thorp Malser
07
02
09
Hatford
03
00
oo
Warwick
... 171
IO
07
Kings Cliffe
... 20
OI
06
Warmington
10
00
00
Kings Rippon ...
02
14
05
Welden
... 08
16
00
London City about ..
5000
00
oo
Weston and Weedon ...
04
00
00
Leicester ...
50
00
00
Woodstock
... 31
12
00
Loughborow ...
... 15
00
00
Wellingborow
66
II
06
Laundon ...
10
00
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The domestic state papers make mention of a fire in North-
ampton early in September, 1669, which in less than three hours
destroyed seventeen dwelling houses.
On May nth, 1694, a dismal fire broke out at four o'clock in
the afternoon, and the town was much endangered, through some
children making a fire in a baker's yard in the Gaol street. At
first the case seemed desperate, particularly at the White Hart,
and the neighbours came with teams to fetch the goods away ; but
252 NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
the extraordinary diligence of the workmen, and the shifting of the
wind combined to effect the saving of the town.
In 1701 the corporation spent £i 45. in repairing the leather
buckets, and 123. in mending the engine. Three great fire hooks
were made in 1705, at a cost of £2 6s. The same year the men
who played the engine received 6s. 4d.
The mayor's accounts for 1715 have the following entry relative
to a small fire, of which we have no other record : —
s. d.
Pd at Digs Coffe house about setting a Wark and examining witnesses about
a fire 3s 9d, and more 2s 6d, pd West helping with his water cart
2s 6d 8 9
In the same year 33. was paid for painting three fire hooks,
and 22s for mending the engine. Six men ((to play the Engine
2 dayes " were paid 6s. 4d.
The -fire hooks mentioned throughout these minutes were long
heavy poles of wood, with iron hooks, and usually also bound with
iron, and having loops of the same metal at the butt end. They
varied in length, from 20 to 30, or even 35 feet. They were used
to drag down buildings that had already caught fire, or sometimes
to pull down two or three houses in a row in a town fire, so as to
make a gap, and thus prevent the flames spreading. The hooks
were raised and let fall over the roof-tree or ridge-beam. When
the hook had taken hold a number of men dragged at the other end
by the aid of ropes passed through the loops. Occasionally horses
were fastened by chains to the butt ends, so as to obtain greater
destructive power. This way of working fire hooks is shown in an
old engraving of the great fire of Tiverton in 1598. It was usual to
keep fire hooks in the tower of the parish church. There is a fine
pair of old fire hooks in the church of Raunds, in this county, and
another pair at the adjacent church of Stanwick; there is also a
single example in the church of Harringworth.
THE CONDUITS AND WATERWORKS.
The great conduit, with the conduit hall above it, wTas built on
the lower or south side of the market place in the time of Edward
IV. One account gives the exact year as 1461, another 1478, and
a third 1481 ; we believe the last of these dates to be correct. It
was supplied with water by pipes from the spring known as the
conduit-head in a field to the east of the town, where the hospital
of St. Andrew now stands. In 1543 the pipes to the conduit were
PUBLIC HEALTH. 253
relaid so as to ensure a better water supply. The hall above the
conduit was used for various guild meetings and trade purposes
authorised by the town.
The little conduit was, however, by far the older building, and
was supplied with water from the same springs. After the erection
of the great conduit, in a far more convenient situation, the water
was first conducted to the great conduit, and thence by pipes to
its smaller predecessor. The little conduit stood close to All Saints'
church, at the south-west angle of the churchyard, and escaped
the fire. Woodcuts of the little conduit have appeared in guide
books and small histories, but they are of later date, after the
building had lost its elegant pinnacles. These pinnacles, after
many repairs and renewals, were so much damaged in a gale in
1815, that they were then finally removed. It was an octagonal
building, of pure Decorated design, ornamented with a handsome
pierced parapet, and having a series of square traceried panels,
two to each face, immediately below the parapet.
There is no doubt that this small conduit was first placed here
at the time of the extension and rebuilding of the town, which
began in 1300.
The following is the earliest entry relative to the conduits in
the orders of assembly : —
Md the Sonday the xxvijth day of January a° 1554 Thomas Walker and Thomas
Wattes mrs of the Condit did bring in as treasure to the Condyt the Some of
xxxvj9 jd ob wherof they askithe allowaunce for Reperacions leyd out for the lytill
condyt as may apeare by a bill of the particulars the some of viii8 ob So rest
declare as treasure in their handes to the Condyt xxviij8 jd.
The subsequent minutes of the October meetings of the assembly
almost invariably name masters of the conduit or conduits amongst
the annually elected borough officials. Very early, too, in these
records occur the mention of " key bearers " among the elected
servants of the corporation. Under the year 1589, the term is
explained by the fuller title of "key bearers of the conduit," and
a subsequent entry styles them " key bearers of every conduit."
An assembly of July, 1583, ordered " that there shalbe a Seys-
ment made of xxu to be levyede out of all the Towne towards the
bringing home of the condytte and every man (? freeman) to fynd
a workman for iij dayes." Nine burgesses were appointed as
assessors to collect the rate. If any one refused or neglected to
254 NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
pay, he was to pay a fine of 6s. Sd., or be committed to prison
at Mr. Mayor's discretion.
In 1587 a life contract was entered into with William Huthwytt,
plumber, to " repaire keepe and mayntayne well sufficientlie and in
good sorte the condytte with the cockes cesternes pypes and leade
thereof," so that the town dwellers may have a great plenty of
water. The town also covenanted to provide Hutthwytt at their
cost with workmen to dig the ground, and to purchase such new
cocks and lead as might be required from time to time
Apparently the arrangement with Huthwytt was not satisfactory
for in 1599 the assembly voted five pounds to James Brasegirdle
and John Danbye, the conduit masters, for the repairs of the
conduit, which was in many ways in decay.
In 1604 it was again reported that the town conduits were
" greatly in decaye," and it was ordered that five pounds be raised
by assessment.
The summer of 1608 was one of exceptional drought, and the
assembly, at a meeting in August, authorised the conduit masters
to shut up the conduit at seven o'clock in the evening, and to keep
them locked till six o'clock the following morning They were
then to remain open till ten o'clock in the forenoon, and from that
hour till two o'clock in the afternoon to be again closed. No
townsman was, by himself or servant, to bring or send more than
one cowle or tub to fill with water at a time, and he was quietly
to wait his turn at the conduit. No cowle or tub was to be brought
to any conduit but such as would stand upright under the conduit
cock.
£16 133. 4d. was raised by assessment for the repairs of the
conduit on two different occasions in 1612; £20 in 1618 ; £10 in
1620 ; and another £10 in 1627. In the last-named year the money
was levied for the repair of the "conduits and towne arches" ; by
this last term are meant, we conclude, the open archways or
colonnade below the central part of the conduit building in the
market place, which had, however, been already filled up and
utilised for shops.
Owing to the continual fetching, carrying, and drawing of water
from the conduit by innkeepers and victuallers for brewing purposes,
there was frequently great scarceness of water. The assembly,
therefore, in 1630, ordered that every innkeeper drawing water for
brewing purposes should pay to the chamberlain 2s. 6d. for water
PUBLIC HEALTH. 255
for every several brewing, and every alehouse keeper I2d. for each
brewing, and that no innkeeper or alehouse keeper bring any other
or greater tub than now be set under the conduit cocks from time
to time.
In the same year it was agreed that the chamberlain should cause
a lead pipe, grafted into the house lately occupied by Mr. Hensman
into the large lead pipe that goeth from the great conduit to the
little conduit, to be cut off and destroyed.
In 1631 it was agreed that the fines under the order of 1630, as
to paying for water brewing, were to be levied by the conduit
masters and the thirdborough of the checker ward, upon a warrant
under the mayor's seal, and that the conduit masters were to be
held responsible for enforcing fines for every breach of the order
under a penalty of 53. for every negligence.
Difficulties were still met with in carrying out this water paying
order, and in 1652 the assembly agreed that the penalties for its
breach should be strictly enforced and increased, and that any
offending innkeeper or alehouse keeper or thirdborough (neglecting
his duty) should be fined 35. 6d., 2s. 6d. of which was to go to
the corporation and i2d. to the informer, and that any water
carrier carrying water from the conduits to any innkeeper or ale-
house keeper before he has paid the imposed sum to the chamber-
lain or any fines that may be due, shall be himself fined i2d. for
every offence.
The shops under the conduit hall were leased in 1650 for 61
years to Mr. John Twigden, at a rent of £4. In the same year
the stairs for going up into the conduit hall were repaired at the
chamber's charge. A portion of the buildings beneath the conduit
hall were used in this century as a bridewell, or house of
correction, as has been already stated in a previous section.
In 1656 a committee, consisting of the mayor, aldermen, and a
few other members of the assembly, was appointed to confer with
Mr. Thomas Morgan and Mr. Francis Cook, and other inhabitants
of Kingsthorpe, to obtain liberty to have the spring called Swarbutts
Head brought to Northampton by a large pipe, and to arrange for
some small rent as an acknowledgment for breaking the ground
and bringing the water.
An order was made in 1684 prohibiting any branch pipes or
connections from either of the conduits, and for cutting off at once
Mr. Knighton's pipe.
256 NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
In 1685 it was ordered that the surplus money from the sale
of the mills be spent upon building two houses at the conduit hall.
In 1686 the assembly voted £50 towards the building of these
houses, and further ordered that the west gate should be taken
down, and the stones and materials employed in the buildings at
the great conduit. In the following year £100 was borrowed
towards " building and finishing the howses and shops att the old
Conduit neere the Markett place."
The assembly gave power in 1689 to Mr. Richard Raynsford
and others to break up the ground in the streets and other places
within the liberties for the purpose of conveying water to the
town, and also to open up and secure any springs upon void
grounds. Various impediments arose in the working out of this
scheme.
On April 6th, 1691, it was ordered that Richard Raynsford,
Francis Arundell, and others have the piece of ground adjoining of
the north side of the waterworks near Scarlet well for £10, and to
have a conveyance of the same under the common seal.
Scarlet well was situated at the north-west side of the town at
the bottom of the street that still bears its name. It certainly
was of repute at the beginning of the reign of Henry III., and
probably in the previous century. Scarletwell street is mentioned
in a British Museum charter of 1239. The old tradition that the
well took its name from its real or supposed excellent
qualities for scarlet dyeing is undoubtedly true. According to
Morton's history, cloth was sent here from London to be dyed
scarlet. Two of the earliest industries of Northampton were the
weaving of cloth and its dyeing. There was a guild or fraternity
of dyers at Northampton well established as early as 1274, and the
town bye-laws of the next century have special regulations with
regard to this industry. The finer kind of dyeing was usually done
in the Netherlands, the common English dyes being black, and
various shades of brown and red.
English cloth was sometimes sent as far as Italy to obtain a true
scarlet dye, so that we need not be surprised at its occasional
excessive cost. As much as fifteen shillings was given by the
warden of Merton College, Oxford, in 1379, for half a yard of
scarlet cloth, probably for some very special hood. In the fifteenth
century certain bales of cloth that had been sent to Nottingham
to be dyed scarlet emerged from the vats a muddy red, and were
PUBLIC HEALTH. 257
then transferred by the merchants to Northampton to obtain a
better colour. Mrs. Kerr, the widow of the founder of the new
infirmary, erected "a. neat brick building" over the historic
Scarletwell in 1837. This building still exists, but the well is
closed.
Revised plans were approved by the assembly in September,
1703. The preamble stated that Messrs. Arundell, Raynsford,
and Ives, had been at great expense in " erecting a Waterworke
within the Liberties to supply all persons with water," which
undertaking had not been perfected. It was therefore ordered that
so soon as three substantial workmen shall certify that the pipes are
in good order and sufficient to convey water to all persons that ever
rented water, that then and for so long as the water work is in good
order, no person shall fetch water from either the great or the little
conduit, in any vessel that will hold more than five gallons, that the
conduit masters shall use their utmost diligence in seeing that no
larger vessels are used, in keeping the conduits locked at the
usual times, and by prohibiting housekeepers and innkeepers from
using the conduit water for washing or brewing, and that the
undertakers may act for the conduit masters if they neglect their
duty.
In 1708 reference was again made by the assembly to the old
grants of the corporation to Messrs. Raynsford and Arundell and
others of liberty to break up the pavements, etc., and to lay pipes to
supply the town with water from Scarlet well, which undertaking
had failed. It was then reported that two other persons were
willing to undertake the work, and to perform it effectually. The
assembly resolved that if the new undertakers would give £200 to
the old undertakers, and supply the town with water duly and
constantly, they should have like grants to the old ones. In case,
however, the old undertakers did not agree, then the new ones
should have the grants provided they engaged to indemnify the
corporation from any suits or charges that might be brought
against them.
The orders of assembly show that by 1712 Alderman Agutter
had bought the old waterhouse, and works and grounds adjoining ;
at that date the corporation granted him a very small plot of
land on the north-east of the waterhouse, on the nominal payment
of 53.
The conduits were not, however, given up, and in 1716 the
s
258 NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
mayor was directed to arrange with workmen for the thorough
repair and amendment of the pipes from the conduit head in the
fields to the great conduit, to secure a better supply of water, and
he was instructed to borrow money under the town seal for this
purpose.
The revised scheme proving equally futile, the assembly, in
1717, authorised the expenditure of £160 in endeavouring to
obtain an act of parliament for supplying the town with water,
"for supplying the necessary uses of the inhabitants and for the
prevention of any future calamity that may happen by fire."
Meanwhile, in 1719, Mr. William Wykes made an elaborate
proposal for securing a complete water supply, which was accepted,
and full power was conferred on him of using the river, streams,
and springs as he thought best, and of utilising all old cisterns
and pipes throughout the liberties.
In 1720 the assembly assigned full control of the great and
little conduits, and transferred to him the duty of appointing
conduit master or masters, provided that none of the inhabitants
were to be hindered using the conduits until such time as the
main pipes were fully supplied, nor when they were out of order,
it was ordered that the waterworks should not be taxed to the
public or parish taxes.
In 1721 it was announced that the works were very far
advanced and nearly finished, and the assembly entered into a
further and stringent covenant with Mr. Wykes, whereby the former
grants were established, and particularly that of prohibiting any
inhabitant from drawing more than three gallons from the old
conduits in one day.
The mayor and aldermen, on November 25th, 1728, agreed to
the following preamble: —
" Whereas there often is and of late hath been a very great
Scarcity of water in the Conduits belonging to the Town of
Northampton So that the principal Inhabitants are put to great
Inconveniencys by their servants waiting so long before they can get
any Water occasioned chiefly by persons fetching Water to sell, and
for washing and brewing in great Quantity contrary to the ancient
Customs and Usages of this Corporation." The order based on this
preamble was to the effect that they requested Mr. Wykes to direct
his conduit keepers to prevent any one from fetching water from either
of the conduits for selling, washing, or brewing, and that he will
PUBLIC HEALTH 259
suffer the conduits to be open but three hours in the morning,
and the like space of time in the afternoon.
In 1751 the assembly gave leave to Mr. Henry Locock (the
mayor) and other subscribers to sink a well, and erect and enclose
a pump for their own use, and that of their heirs and assigns,
upon a piece of waste ground belonging to the corporation at
the top of the Drapery, provided that in case of any publick
calamity or misfortune by fire, the inhabitants of the whole town
are to be at liberty to have and fetch the said water towards ex-
tinguishing the flames thereof gratis.
In the same year like authority, with a like proviso, was given
to eight persons to sink a well and erect a pump upon the ground
in the open street near their dwellings, at the top of Bridge street,
provided also " that the passage of all the kings people as well
on horseback as on foot with their horses cattle carts and car-
riages goods wares and merchandizes be not stopped or obstructed
from freely passing and repassing at their free will and pleasure
and also that the said subscribers doe erect and set a Lamp
upon the said intended pump and keep the same constantly lighted
and burning in all dark nights till break of day between Michaelmas
and Ladyday for ever."
Leave was also given at the end of the same year to a small
number of subscribers to sink a well and erect yet another pump
in the open street ; it was situate in the Drapery against the lane
leading from thence into the Market Hill. It was to be furnished
with a lamp in like manner to the one in Bridge street.
In 1752 the assembly ordered that the governor and trustees
of the county hospital may have the privilege at their cost and
charge of conveying the water running waste from the great con-
duit at the lower end of the Market Hill to fill and supply a large
cistern lately made and fixed at the hospital, and intended to be
used as a cold bath.
In 1830 the committee for the erection of a wall and iron
rails round All Saints' churchyard petitioned the assembly for
leave to remove the little conduit at the south-west corner of the
churchyard. The petition was referred to the committee of survey
and they were requested to consider of the propriety of doing away
with the great conduit as well as the little conduit, constructing
one large tank.
S 2
260 NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
In 1831 the committee advised and the assembly approved of
the erection of a large tank capable of holding at least fifty hogs-
heads on the Wood Hill, at the south-east angle of the churchyard,
and that the corporation take down the little conduit on its
completion.
It was reported to the August assembly, 1831, that the new tanks
and pumps had been completed on Wood hill some months, and
answered exceedingly well, that there had been no water in either
of the conduits since the tanks were used, and that the public seemed
quite satisfied. The assembly resolved at once to take down the
little conduit, so that the wall and palisading round the churchyard
might be completed.
The following interesting entry of the last year of James I.r
relative to street noises, shows how frequent was the use of water
carts throughout the town. In order to prevent the noise and
the damage to the pavements done by the continual drawing
of diverse water carts " which are shod with neales and iron/'
it was agreed by the assembly on October i4th, 1624, that
405., to be levied by distress, should be the penalty on any
person within the liberties who had a water-cart thus iron-
shod. Half the penalty was to go to the poor, and half to the
chamber. Those who had iron-shod water carts were to have
till the day after the next fair day (when there would be
opportunity of buying new wheels) before the penalty was
imposed.
This Jacobean order is of much interest with regard to the
construction of carts. It is clear, from this order, that even at
that time the ordinary cart was simply possessed of plain wooden
wheels, called in the old farm inventories pianos or nudos to dis-
tinguish them from prepared wheels, which were termed ferrandoe
or rotos ad ligandum. The comparative dearness of iron made our
forefathers content, for a long period, to have their rougher kinds
of carts borne on solid wheels, made simply in one piece from the
section of a large tree, and bored for a rude axle. Such carts
constantly appear in medieval drawings of agricultural operations.
The occasional use of the solid wheel continued far later than this
period, as is shown by the Northampton traverse toll regulations
of the next century.
The town was at no time altogether dependent upon the conduit
for the water supply. In the time of Elizabeth there was at least
PUBLIC HEALTH. 261
one pump kept in repair by the town authorities, and soon after-
wards we find that various wells were similarly maintained.
In 1571, the chamberlains were ordered to see to "the makinge
of the pumpe in the market place. "
This pump in the chequer was frequently repaired during the
next twenty years, and at last the assembly, in 1593, decided to
abolish the pump, and re-establish a drawing well on the site.
Before long, however, a new pump must have been provided,
for in July, 1603, the assembly voted 2os. to be expended by the
chamberlains : —
For and towardes the repaire of the pompe within Checker warde nigh the
Corne hill there, soe as the inhabitants neare adjoyning or dwelling to the saide
pompe doe cause the same pompe fourthwithe to be well and sufficientlie repayred
in all thinges at their owne proper costes and charges over and above the said sume
of twentie shillings.
Yet a further change was made in 1605, when it was resolved
that the pump over the well near the market cross be removed,
so that it might once again be used as a draw-well. Soon after
this the well was enclosed after an ornamental fashion, and roofed
with lead.
In 1629 it was ordered that the wells at Mercers' row, in All
Saints' churchyard, near St. Giles' churchyard, and in St. Michael's
lane should all be repaired at the public charge.
In 1668 the two town pumps, one in the market place, and the
other by All Saints' church, were ordered to be repaired at the
town charge.
The mayor was ordered and authorised, in 1745, to put the
pumps on the Market hill, and by Mercers' row, adjoining All
Saints' churchyard wall, in proper repair.
As early as the thirteenth century there is documentary evidence
of the existence of a well, outside Northampton, dedicated to St.
Thomas a Becket. A modern would-be legend asserts that the
archbishop paused to drink here on his night flight from North-
ampton, on the morning of October igth, 1165, and that it thence
derived its name. The folly of this tale is obvious when we
consider that the archbishop escaped from the north gate, and
proceeded along the north road. Why, when making that secret
flight on horseback, he should have ridden all round the town to
get to this well on the south-east side, no explanation is offered.
Nor are we told what produced this sudden thirst, when he had
262 NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
but a few minutes before left the comfortable quarters of St.
Andrew's priory.
The fact is that this well, like many of a similar dedication, had
its origin in the small phials of " Canterbury water" almost in-
variably brought back by the Canterbury pilgrims in the early days
of the Becket shrine. These phials contained water mingled with
minute particles of the blood of the martyred saint, which was
supposed to be possessed of curative properties. Some of the
faithful pilgrims on their return shortly after the murder, obtained
leave from the local ecclesiastical authorities to empty their phials
into some pure spring or well, which was then solemnly blessed,
and assigned to the special protection of St. Thomas of Canterbury.
Long after the Reformation the well was held in special repute,
and guarded from defilement. The orders of assembly in 1629
strictly enjoined that no glover was to hang or lay any sheep
skins or leather upon the hedge of St. Thomas' well.
In 1718 an iron dish was purchased for St. Thomas' well,
at a cost of 2s. 6d., and a chain for the same at gd. This
is an unusually early instance of a drinking vessel permanently
attached to a well. In 1765 los. 6d. was paid for a ladle for the
same well.
The chamberlain's accounts for almost every year from about
this date to the end of the century, included a charge of 6s. for
the cleansing of St. Thomas' well. In the year 1800 occurs the
following charge : — " Cave and others for underdraining and work
at St Tho's Well, £4 3S 9d."
The present somewhat pretentious structure over the well was
erected by the corporation in 1843 at a cost °f £2I°-
Not far from the clear spring of St. Thomas' well an interesting
discovery of a spring of chalybeate water was made in the year
1702. It received the name of Vigo because its discovery syn-
chronised with the capture and sacking of the port of Vigo, in
Spain, by the combined English and Dutch fleets. The medical
men of the town and district were loud in praise of its medicinal
qualities, and several extraordinary cures were effected by its use.
Some of the more spirited inhabitants hoped that the town might,
ere long, become a watering place of no small repute.
In 1703 the assembly gave the mayor power to expend ^30 in
planting trees, making walks, " and other occasions and con-
veniences to be ornamentall and usefull To make good and preserve
PUBLIC HEALTH. 263
the New wells lately found in the Cow Meadow against the Clack
Mills."
In the following year the £30 was laid out in accordance with
the resolution, and the mayor's accounts for 1705-6 contain the
following additional items : —
s. d.
Payd Boone fetching 4 Trees for the Wells from Kingsthorpe ... ... I 6
Pd for 30 stakes and watering and taking care of the Trees 18 6
Pd for a man to help him 10 tymes to water the trees ... ... ... 15 o
Pd Mr Clarke for Thorns to fence the trees 6 6
Pd for Bands I 3
In 1784 the new walk, upwards of 300 yards long, connecting
the two wells, was laid out at considerable expense. The following
is the order of the court of alderman with respect to it, which was
passed at their meeting on October 2Qth, 1783.
That a Gravel walk be formed and made, and a row of Trees such as the present
Chamberlains Mr John Lacy and Mr Alderman Cole shall approve of be planted
as soon as the season will permit at the Corporation expense from the Turn Stile
at Cow Meadowe Gate near Thomas £ Becketts Well to range in a straight Line to
Vigo Well, and that the same be properly Fenced to preserve them from the Cattle
and incourage the Growth thereof in Order to form an agreeable shelter between
the said Trees.
SANITARY CONDITION OF THE STREETS AND HOUSES.
The orders relative to the paving and cleansing of the streets,
and the condition of the houses, are frequent and interesting. The
corporation of Northampton were well abreast of the times in the
various sanitary precautions that they took during the late Tudor
and early Stuart days.
In the first year of Elizabeth it wras ordered that " no man shall
make a stable of a tenement standinge in the High streete nor
put any such tenement to the use of a stable upon the peyne of
xxd to the chamber." The term "High" as applied to the street
in this order does not refer to any specific thoroughfare of that
name, but is a generic term applying to all the public main
streets, and corresponds to the term " highway " as still in
regular use.
At the same assembly it was ordered that " all men that breake
any pavement for any boothe stall pay xijd for every hole made,
or else shall leave it as good as they fynde it upon like paine
of xijd."
264 NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
In 1566 the assembly enjoined upon all those who followed the
occupation of " whittawers and tanneres " the duty of once every
year cleansing the towne of all manner of carrion and carrion bones
according to ancient custom, and forbade them killing any manner
of " murrian and carrion beastes " save in the appointed places.
At the same time the inhabitants were warned that any one de-
positing carrion or carrion bones in the streets, or anywhere save
in the appointed places would be fined los.
The following elaborate and stringent order was agreed to by
the assembly on September I5th, 1568 :—
That whereas heretofore there hath byn orders taken divers and sundery tymes
for the Reformation of the greate disorder of the Inhabitauntes of this towne in
Laying of ther swepinges of ther howses and other dunge and fylthe in dyverse
placis of this towne to the great annoyaunce of the inhabitauntes thereof, Which
orders beinge nothinge wayde, but all togither neglected by a number of disorderlie
and evyll disposed persones Contrary to the expectations of such as take pains in
making the saide orders, It is therefore thought goode and at this present assembly
yt ys established that no common dunghill shalbe made within the gates of the
towne but altogether at those placis apointed to wit without the west gate by the
Rivere side, and without the northe gate, and without the east gate on the right
hande, and other without the dearne gate, and for the southe parte at the breake by
the River side, and who soever shalbe taken layinge or knowen to lay any kinde
off swepinge dirte or dunge in any other place but only in theise five places
apointed shall forfeit and pay for every time so offendinge vijd (originally written
iiijd), halfe to the presenter and the other halfe to the pore mans boxe without
favor or pardon, or else imprisonement at Mr Mayors pleasure.
In 1579 the assembly decided not to leave the carrying out of
the just cited order to private informers, and appointed six
overseers " to look that the people in every quarter lay ther duste
and other fylthe at placis appoynted." Six such overseers were
chosen, who served respectively in " Checker and Newlande
Northe quarter theste quarter weste quarter sowthe quarter and
Kyngeswellayne."
On March 8th, 1580, owing to the great overcrowding of the
poorer houses of Northampton, it was ordered that henceforth not
more than one family shall inhabit one house, and that all those
who within the last three years had come into the town and taken
up their residence without having a house of their own, shall leave
the town before the next feast of St. John Baptist, upon pain of
expulsion. Every landlord permitting a house to be occupied by
more than one family was to be fined 6s. 8d. a quarter.
PUBLIC HEALTH. 265
In the following year the constables of the different wards were
ordered to see to the due observance of the above ordinance, and
to give notice to the landlords of any overcrowding by poor folk
who may have lately entered into the town.
In 1600 it was decided that no one should convert any dwelling
house or other building into diverse habitations or dwellings for
several families, except such separate habitations as were fit to be
assessed for royal subsidies at 2os. a year, under a penalty of £5
per quarter. It was at the same time ordered that no one should
receive any "inmate or undersitter" into his house.
In 1588 the assembly formally recited and revived the sanitary
order of 1568, and ordered it to be strictly enforced, imposing also
a fine of los. on all having muckheaps or dunghills anywhere on
their premises who did not instantly remove them to one of the
five appointed places. At the same assembly one William Wheeler
was permitted to build a porch to his dwelling house projecting
four feet into the street (leaving room for two carts to pass each
other), on the condition that he scoured and kept clean from all
filth the dyke lying over against his dwelling.
The old order of 1568 was again recited and revived in 1592.
In 1599 a more stringent and extended order took its place, whereby
all blocks of wood or piles of timber as well as all manner of filth
and refuse lying at the doors or backside of any dwelling or in any
orchard, garden or grounds within the town, were to be removed to
one of the five appointed places (the fifth is termed "the place
called the Breake in the Cow meadowe by the river ") under penalty
of the householder or tenant of such land being fined los. or suffering
imprisonment. Any one by himself, or through his children or
servants, depositing anything noisome or unseemly in any streets
or lanes or in any channel or gutter in the town was to be fined
a shilling.
By vote of the assembly in 1601 a town scavenger was first
appointed. His salary was £13 6s. 8d., paid quarterly, and raised
by a special assessment on the first distinctly sanitary rate. It
was his duty to see to the
Clensing conveying and carrying away weeklie everye weeke of all the mucke,
dounge, composse, sweepinges, and offal ordinarilie arising had or made within the
saide towne, to be swept and laide on heapes by everie householder his servauntes
or assignes weeklie before everie their dores and taken and caryed to the common
muckhille and places appoynted by the said skevinger, Provided allways and never-
theles that yt ys ment intended and ordered that the saide skevinger for the tyme
266 NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
beinge, shall not be charged or chargeable with the conveying and carryinge awaye
of any mucke, dounge, sweepinges, and offall out of anie other streete or
streetes other than such streete or streetes that are to be paved by thacte of par-
liament in that case provided, nor with the carrying of anie mucke rannell or offall
arising coming or being of by reason of anie buildinge or such like extra ordinarie
occasion.
In 1603 the last cited order was confirmed and re-ordained by
the assembly, the names of the streets and highways subject to
the weekly visit of the scavenger being recited. They were " the
highewayes from the gate of the saide towne in the North unto
the bridge called St Thomas bridge in the south, and in the waye
from the gate in the weste unto the gate in the east and also in the
streate called Beareward streate St Giles streate* .... Kingswell
streate St Maries streate and the waye called the Market place."
A later assembly of the same year raised the salary of the
the town "skevinger or raker" to £16, and somewhat altered the
list of roads for which he was to be responsible. The revised
order describes them as follows : — " From the southe gate to the lane
sheeting upon the farme in the north streete late Thomas Hopkyns
deceased and from St Peters churchyarde in the west soe farre as
anie howse ys in Abington streete within the East gate and all
the wayes and streetes chargeable by Acte of Parliament to be
paved except the lane called Kingswell lane and the lane called
College lane."
This refers to the paving legislation for Northampton for the
year 1431 fully described in the first volume of this work. It is
obvious that the two great roads through Northampton, north and
south, and east and west, were " highways," and that the town
was in a special sense responsible for the cleaning and paving of
these thoroughfares. The other streets, such as Bearward street,
and Kingswell street, take us back to the earlier Anglo-Norman
days, when the town was smaller, and these in their turn were the
main highways.
We have noted two references to the old custom of the part
paving of the streets by the respective householders in the earlier
orders of assembly.
The assembly of April igth, 1571, thus began their entries : —
Imprimis for the better maintenaunce and repairinge of the highe streetes in
paving of the same accordinge to the ancient custome therefor made, It is at this
* Blank in original. This blank should read " Swynwell," and after St Maries streate should
be inserted St. Martin's street. See Liber Custumarum.
PUBLIC HEALTH. 267
present assembly condicendid and agreed that the chamberlaines of Northampton
for the time beinge shall everie yere once in a quarter yerely go throughe the
streetes in every quarter of the towne, and shall serche and oversee the pavinge of
the stretes that every man do pave his dore accordinge to the ancient custome and
graunt made by the kinge and his progenitors ; And the saide Chamberlains shall
once in the quarter of the yere declare to the mayor for the time beinge the names
of those persones yt do the lacke pavinge and who they be that do dwell and
occupie the groundes. And for lacke of soche serche and answer to be made and
given once in a Quarter to the mayor every soche chamberlaine shall pay and
forfeit to the use of the chamber as treasure iijs iiij1* The names of the streets to
be duely pavid.
Imprimis the Checker with all the precinctes belonginge to the same.
The olde draperie with all the precinctes belonginge to the same.
The bridge streete the south quarter without the south gate and all the precincte
of the same.
The northe streetes the berward streete Saint Giles streete Habington streete
and the gold streete and all the precinctes of the same streetes.
In 1617 occurs the following : —
Whereas the High way leading from the North gate to the hether end of St
Seppulchres Churchyarde within this Corporation lyeth very undecent and unfitting
for the passage of His Maties subjects and in the winter time is to the great annoy-
ance and danger of his Maties said subjects that way comeing ; for prevention and
amendment whereof it is agreed and ordered that every person that hath or holdeth
any land about St Sepulchres Churchyarde to pave and mend so much of the same
way with pible as by lawe is appointed and the residue thereof to be paved and
amended at the charge of the corporation in like manner before the said feast day
of All Saintes.
Another entry, earlier in the reign of James, as to the sanitary
condition of a certain thoroughfare is noteworthy. In 1609 a
great complaint was made, and the corporation much blamed
for the condition of a lane leading from the backside of the
Lion (in the Drapery) down to the Horsemarket. It was described
as filthy and noisome, which was particularly vexatious, as it was
the usual passage to the castle for those attending the assizes and
sessions of the judges and justices of the county. Order was made
that the owners or occupiers of lands or tenements abutting on the
lane were at their own cost to amend, make, and level the ground
on both sides to the middle of the way in such manner as shall be
prescribed by the chamberlains, under a penalty of forty shillings.
It was ordered in 1629 that the day for cleaning and sweeping the
streets and grounds within the liberties should be Monday in every
week, that every inhabitant shall on that day sweep and cleanse the
shoots and ways against his house and grounds under pain of I2d.
268 NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
At the time of the siege (1642) special attention was paid to
sanitary matters. The continual annoyance of very many muck hills
in the streets was conceived to arise from the want of an official
scavenger. Accordingly, at an assembly held on November i5th of
that year, it was ordered that Nicholas Harman be appointed
scavenger at a stipend of twenty marks per annum.
Two years later there was a like complaint of very many muck
hills in the streets and lands within the walls, which were a great
annoyance and source of danger of infection. The assembly ordered
an assessment of £20 on all inhabitants to secure the immediate
removal of all filth. In September, 1645, £4° was raised by a special
cess on all of ability to pay a scavenger £10 a quarter to carry
away all muck hills for a whole year.
In the perilous times of 1642 it was enacted that every house-
holder taxed to the poor shall hang out, every dark winter evening
a lanthorn with a candle alighted in it, from 5 o'clock till 9, for the
lighting of passengers to and fro in the streets, excepting only such
nights as the moon shineth. In order that householders might know
the hour when they were to set up their lanthorns the bellman was
ordered to toll the great bell of All Saints every dark evening at
5 o'clock. The penalty for neglect was 2d., which was to go to the
bellman.
The assembly held on December 2oth, 1688, made a like order,
which was to hold good until March ist. The penalty in default
was 6d. This order was confirmed in October, 1689, and again in
1694.
In May, 1646, the assembly directed its attention to defaulting
individuals, particularly to the publicans. It wras ordered that all
muck hills, rubbish, dung, or other filth in the streets, or lanes, or
open grounds was to be cleared away within a week by the
innkeeper, alehouse keeper, or other person against whose houses,
lands, or dwellings such muck hills, etc., lie under pain of 203.,
and that henceforth any innkeeper, or alehouse keeper, or other
person depositing any kind of filth or rubbish in the streets, etc.,
shall be subject to a like penalty.
In July of the same year a further order was made for the
removal within a week, under a penalty of 2os., of any blocks lying
upon any street which is to be paved by Act of Parliament, that
is any of the high streets. This order hardly seems to refer to
loose pieces of timber or wood, but rather to heavy blocks placed
PUBLIC HEALTH. 269
by shops and houses for the convenience of horsemen and women,
or occasionally for trade purposes.
It was reported to the October assembly of this year that
several had refused to pay the scavenger cess of £40, and order
was made for distress to be levied on their goods.
In 1647 tne day f°r eacn householder to clean and sweep the
streets before his house and grounds and to remove all filth, rubbish,
or rammel was changed from Monday to Friday, so that all should
be clean before the chief market day.
An order of the assembly of 1652 provides that —
Whereas diverse Countrie people that bring corne to the markets to sell here
doe refuse to pay the accustomed due to the Cryer and Sexton which is called
Skavage due, It is ordered that there shalbe a prosecution in suite of some of them
that Refuse to pay the same, as Councell shalbe advised at the Chamber charge.
The phrase "scavage due" is of interest in reminding us of
the curious origin of the word scavenger. Scavagium^ in its various
Englished forms of shewage, scheauwing, and scavage, is deduced
by the best philologists from the Anglo-Saxon word Sceawe, a
show. The shewage or scavage was originally a duty paid on the
inspection of customable goods brought for sale within towns or
cities, as is obvious from the section " De Scawanga" of the
Liber Albus of the city of London. The scavengers, then, were
originally the inspectors, to whom the goods were actually shown,
and afterwards the inspection of the streets was committed to the
same officers. The labourers, by whom the cleansing of the streets
was actually done, were usually called, in earlier days, rakyers, or
rakers. This reminds us of " the man with the muck-rake," of
Bunyan celebrity.
The assembly kept a fair look out upon street encroachments.
In 1657 they ordered that the house of Mr. John Twigden (an
alderman), then building, be made equal with Mrs. Bott's house,
adjoining on the east, that the same come no further out towards
the churchyard, that the new building do not overshadow Mrs.
Bott's old house, and that it be built according to the old foundations
every way.
Boone, the town pinner, received orders from the assembly on
June 22nd, 1674, to pull down the wall built before Mr. Lovell's
door in Abington street, unless Mr. Lovell himself removed it
within ten days.
In 1684 the assembly ordered the " Pent howse" (porch) and
2JO NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
other encroachments built upon the north-east wall of All Saints'
churchyard to be forthwith pulled down at the chamber's charge
as a common nuisance.
In 1725 Mr. Knightley Dawes obtained the sanction of the
assembly to place iron pales in front of his house, on the west
side of Bridge street, eleven inches further into the street than the
old decayed wooden pales. He stated in his petition that the
street was very wide in that part, so that after the eleven inches
of ground had been taken in there would be room for the passage
abreast of four coaches, carriages, or waggons. Five shillings was
paid to the town to complete the bargain.
The day of the town cleansing was again changed in 1670, when
it was enacted that every householder in the Drapery should clean the
pavement before his house every Saturday night, and should cause
the dirt to be carried away on the following Monday, and all other
inhabitants of the town were to clean their pavements and carry
away the dirt every Monday, under a pain of I2d.
In November, 1728, in accordance with the statute of 2nd George
I., the justices of Northampton appointed John Woolston and
Joseph Daniel scavengers for cleansing of the streets. They accepted
the office, provided new carts for the work, and employed one
Wright, who kept a team of horses, to go constantly about the
streets with a cart and horses to remove the dirt. The town crier
gave notice to the inhabitants when to expect the scavenger's cart.
In about a year Wright continued to go about the streets with cart
and horses, though hindered by frost and snow, and somewhat
irregular when his horses were wanted elsewhere. At the close of
a year he brought in a bill for £40 for work done at i2d. per
day for each horse, and the like for each man. The providing
<:arts, etc., brought up the expenses to about £60, and on December
i6th, 1729, an assessment was made by the justices of 3d. in the
pound to cover it. Very few persons, however, paid it ; some who
lived "in back lanes and out parts of the Town which are not
pitched say that their dirt was never fetched away ; " others occu-
pying only lands or inclosures said that they had no dirt to be
removed ; others "out of stubbornness carryed away their own Dirt
to their Dunghills or backsides and would not let the cart take it
up ; others asserted that orders of the assembly already provided
for street cleansing, and that the act did not apply to Northampton/7
etc. Among the miscellaneous documents is an elaborate " case,"
PUBLIC HEALTH. 271
with nine queries, prepared for counsel's opinion, as to the legality
of the assessment and means of enforcing it, but the opinions have
not been filled in.
In 1745 the assembly gave leave to the inhabitants and occupiers
of houses at the bottom of the Market hill and in Mercers' row,
" between the yards of which houses there is a long narrow lane
called the Gutts," to fix a gate or door at each end of the lane at
their own expense, to prevent persons depositing filth there in the
night time ; the gates to be locked in the evening so soon as the
daylight is gone, and to remain shut till 6 a.m. in the summer,
and 7 a.m. in the winter. This passage still bears the same
euphonious name.
SECTION SEVEN.
THE TOWN TRADES.
THE PREVALENT TRADES OF THE TOWN — TRADE GUILDS IN NORTHAMPTON —
AMALGAMATED TRADES' CONSTITUTION OF 1574 — THE BAKERS — DIFFERENT KINDS
OF BREAD, AND HORSE-BREAD — THE BUTCHERS — DISPUTE AS TO THE BUTCHERS'
STALLS — THE CHANDLERS — FISHMONGERS AND FISHING — THE FULLERS — THE
GLOVERS— THE HOSIERS — THE IRONMONGERS— THE MERCERS — MlLLERS AND MILLS
— THE SHOEMAKERS — SHOES FOR THE ARMY IN 1642 — THE TAILORS AND WOOLLEN-
DRAPERS — WHITTAWERS AND TANNERS — INNHOLDERS, BREWERS, AND MALTSTERS —
LlST OF INNS AND ALEHOUSES — BENEFACTIONS FOR POOR TRADESMEN.
THE TOWN TRADES. 275
THE TOWN TRADES.
TN the long and highly interesting regal inquisition of 1275, as
to the town of Northampton, incidental mention is made of
the tanners, glovers, weavers, fullers, dyers, drapers, and braziers.
Only those who had some complaint to make, or were themselves
offenders against public rights, are mentioned in this inquisition,
so that it is doubtless accidental that shoemakers were not named.
The general trade of the town from the earliest known days
seems to have been chiefly in connection with leather, so that
tanners, whitawers, curriers, fellmongers, shoemakers, glovers,
point-makers, parchment-makers, saddlers, and harness-makers, are
constantly met with ; but of one special leather industry we can
find no trace in connection with Northampton, namely, the botelers,
or makers of leather bottles or jacks. Nevertheless, as leather
buckets were made on a large scale in the town in Elizabethan
days, it is possible that the same craftsmen may have turned out
the bottles of leather.
Dyeing, as has been already remarked in the last section under
Scarlet well, was another early and important industry of North-
ampton. The town was also an important centre of the wool
trade, as has been shown by its possession of a seal or stamp for
the royal subsidy on wool. As early as the time of Edward I.
Northampton possessed a wrool hall, of which occasional mention
has been found from that reign to the time of Elizabeth.
This hall was at the market square end of Abington street, on the
opposite side to St. George's hall.
It is no small temptation to branch off into a brief dissertation
on the gradual growth of craft-guilds or trade societies, and the
highly important bearing they had on municipal and even national
life. But the temptation must be resisted ; suffice it here to say
that the ancient guild of our towns was a fraternity of the whole
trade of all ranks and classes, employers and wage earners alike,
compulsorily bound together against all outsiders who might try
to infringe upon their privileges, The motives which thus drew
men together into these craft-guilds were practically everywhere
the same, namely, the desire to obtain monopoly and control of their
particular trade in their own locality.
T 2
276 NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
A fairly healthy commonalty, such as Northampton for a long
time was, did not suffer itself (as is remarked elsewhere in con-
sidering the freemen) to be overawed by great trade confraternities,
but insisted throughout in regulating and restraining if not
in initiating the bye-laws of the particular crafts. Towns such as
Northampton soon saw the advantage of these associations from a
public point of view, for the various fines they exacted from their
members for many offences not recognised by statute law or
general local bye-laws were made contributory to the public purse-
Draft rules once entered on the town records became an admitted
part of the municipal constitution, and the corporation of North-
ampton took good care that, as a rule, one half of the penalties
went to the common purse of the town.
Doubtless, too, Northampton saw in them another advantage,
namely, the securing the good and orderly behaviour of the greater
part of the townsmen through the officials of the crafts, who were
in no sense paid by the commonalty at large.
At the end of the fifteenth century not a few towns whose
crafts had not already organised themselves, were almost compelled
by the commonalty to do so. The action that the corporation of
Northampton took in 1444 (Liber Custumarum) in forming the
company of the tailors is just an example in point. The Liber
Custumarum also proves that the bakers, butchers, fishmongers,
shoemakers, glovers, fullers, tanners and whitawers, chandlers,
weavers, drapers, etc., were all organised.
In connection with that part of the borough records which this
volume touches, it may be remarked that Northampton maintained
its faith in these trade organizations to such an extent as to grant,
in some instances, new or revised constitutions so late as the
reign of Charles I.
Before proceeding to comment on distinctive trades, it will be as
well to give the regulations adopted by the town in 1574 for con-
trolling no fewer than nine different trades or occupations, which
would certainly seem at first sight to have but little in common. It
is conjectured that at this date none of these trades had formal
constitutions of their own, or else that their constitutions were in
abeyance : —
Orders and constitutions made in the time of the maioraltie of Henry Clarke maior
of the towne of Northampton for and concerning the occupations of mercers,
habberdashers, lynnendrapers, grocers, apothecaries, upholsters, salters, tryers of
THE TOWN TRADES. 277
honye and waxe within the saide towne of Northampton and confirmed at an
assemblie holden by the saide maior his bretheren and the comburgesses of the
same towne with the xlviijtie of the comminaltie of the same towne at the guildhall
of the saide towne the thirtith day of August in the Sixtenth yeare of the raign
of our Soveraign ladie Elizabeth by the grace of god of England Fraunce and
Ireland queene defender of the Faith etc.
These orders may be this epitomised : — That on the twenty-first
of October, or within six days after, the freemen of the aforesaid
occupations or crafts should lawfully meet at St. Katharine's hall
tl without any confederacie conspiracie mutinee or tumulte " ; that
they should then elect from among their number a master and two
wardens for the current year ; that any one refusing to accept these
offices should pay a fine of twenty shillings ; that no foreigner nor
unfranchised man should hereafter sell or offer for sale within the
town any manner of wares or merchandise belonging to the above
crafts, save during the fairs of St. Hugh and St. George, under a
pain of twenty shillings ; that no foreign chapman or unfranchised
person shall sell within the town " anie drinckinge glasses or
woollen cardes, under a pain of 6s. 8d. " ; that no persons whatsoever
not being free of the said town should sell any kind of merchandise
or wares belonging to the above trades within the towne to any
foreigner or unfranchised person, under pain of forfeiture of the
wares so bought and sold ; that no freeman of these crafts should
take any apprentice or covenanted servant to the trades under
eight years' service, under a pain of five marks ; that the
master or dame of any such apprentice or servant should within
the year enrol the apprenticeship in the town records, under a pain
of ten shillings ; that any apprentice or covenanted servant once
bound and setting up for themselves before the years of service
were ended should pay a fine of twenty shillings ; that every
apprentice or covenanted servant who had served the eight years
should pay on his being made a freeman two shillings to the trade ;
that every person of these trades buying his freedom should pay
133. 4d. ; that no freeman of these trades should teach anyone, save
his apprentice or his covenanted servant, his crafte or trade under
a pain of ten pounds ; that no freeman having any shop or house
"within the precincts of the draperie or checker of the saide
towne called the Foure corners of the draperie and checker should
set up any stall or standing within the market place, under pain of
IQS." ; that every freeman or freewoman having no shop or house
within these precincts may set up a stall upon market days and the
278 NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
fair days called " Ladie Dales," "and also two Seymsters with
made waire of Seymsters trade habberdashe ware and grocerie " ;
that the wardens of these trades, by their beadle, shall twice in the
yeare cause the freemen of their trades to assemble in St. Katharine's
hall to hear their orders and constitutions read, under pain of
6s. 8d. ; that they shall not meet oftener in the year without the
mayor's licence ; that the master and wardens have power to levy
assessment or yearly tax on the freemen of their occupations of
forty shillings, under a pain to the defaulter of ten shillings ; that
any one of the trades misusing or uttering evil language to the
master or wardens should forfeit 2od., and for behaving in the
same manner to their beadle should forfeit twelve pence ; that these
trades should make an annual payment of forty shillings to the
corporation, under a pain of five marks.
The trades now dealt with are exclusively those of which there
is definite mention in the later records of Northampton. They
are mentioned alphabetically, and not in accordance with supposed
or real importance.
THE BAKERS.
On one of the first pages of the first book of the assembly is
the following : —
Order for the Bakers tempore Georgii Coldwell Maioris Anno primo Marie
Reginse Forasmoche as the nomber of Bakers be encreasyd in the towne of
Northton and that they do take upon them to fine aswell the contrey as the towne
w* all kynd of Bred by Reason whereoff they for the finyng of their Customers in
the contrey do lye fore upon the market in the towne, And do bye every market
day great nomber of grayne to their own great lucre and advantage and to the
Raysyng of the price of grayne and to the great spoyle of fewell and enhawnsyng
of the price thereof whiche is ageinst the Commonwelthe, and of few yeres past
newlye invented by the saide Bakers : For Reformation whereoff yt ys agreed by
the Mayor and his Brethern, that so long as whete shalbe above vis viiid a quarter
and under xiis a quarter that no manner of Bakers of this towne shall Convey owt
off the towne by craft or collusyon above the wayte of two horsse load upon payne
of forfayting xs at every tyme that any of them shall so offend to the use of the
chamber of the towne And when that the quarter of wheat shalbe xiis and above
xiis then no baker shall convey out of the towne above one horsse lode, nor mare
lode, nor no mans loode, nor by eny other craft or collusyon upon payn to forfeit
to the Chamber x8 for every time so offending And if the Mayor for the tyme
beyng do not endeavour himselff to levye these same without favor then he shall
forffeit and pay for his negligence to the chamber of the towne xs for every time
that he shall omyt the same after due practice thereof had and knowen.
THE TOWN TRADES. 279
In the margin by the side of this order is written in a later
hand Vacat, implying that the order was discharged. A marginal
note also records that in 1570 " this order for the bakers was set
att libertie to go and carry bred at all times with ij horsys."
It 1605 it was ordered
That all Bakers doe make bake utter and sell halfepennie white bread, peny white
bread, halfe peny wheaton, peny wheaton bread, peny householde and twoe peny
householde loaves, and none of greater assize, and that noe baker or other person
doe make, bake, utter, and sell anie other kynde or sortes of bread, then symnel
bread, wastell white wheaton householde, and horsebreads, and that everie baker
and other person that doe or shall make bake utter and sell anie kyne or sortes
of bread aforesaid, that they keep the assize thereof at all times and from time to
time that shalbe given them by Mr. Mayor upon paine in that behalfe provided
and imprisonment.
The baker's loaf was changed in weight, not in price, according
to the price of grain. In earlier days than this, the assize of bread
only recognised three kinds, namely : Wastel, or white, well-baked
bread ; coket, or seconds ; and simnel, or twice baked bread, used for
the most part only in Lent. Horsebread was the common food for
stall-fed horses at this period. It was baked in very large loaves,
and differed materially in its composition, usually consisting of
different proportions of oats, rye, and pease.
The following entry occurs among the orders of 1617 : —
Whereas the tradesmen and company of the bakers fremen exhibiting within
this corporation have made great complainte to this assembly of many grievances
and damages which doe daylie arise and growe to them by reason of the continuall
Concourse of forrein bakers into this liberty upon markett daies and other daies
with divers sorte of bread And foreasmuch as the saide tradesmen and company of
bakers freemen and inhabitants aforesaide pay scott and lott within this corporation
and are at continual charge and burthen about the necessary affaires of this Cor-
poration, which the said forrein bakers are not nor cannot be compelled unto and
yet take benefitt of the markett within this Corporation, and for that the uncertaine
comeing and sale of bread of forrein bakers hathe bene an occasion of the not
weighing of their bread : It is now therefore for the better wele of the Bakers
freemen and inhabitants of the said town and liberty and to the intent that the
bread of the forrein bakers may be openly weighed that shalbe brought to the
marketts of this Corporation and a certaine time may be prefixed to them for that
purpose ordered by the Mayor aldermen and assemblie now present that everie
forrein or countrie baker that shall bring any sorte of bread to sell within this
Corporations Hbertie upon any market day or faire day shall not putt the same
his breades or any of them to sale but in the open markett and in the open
market onelie not until the houre of Tenne of the clock in the morning upon
paine of everie forrein or countrie baker comitting or doeing to the breach of this
280 NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
ordinance herein established that the said forrein or countrie bakers bringing any
sorte of bread to be sold as his or their breade or any of them then one of the
clocke in the afternoone upon any markett day or faire day and at one of the
clock in the afternoone of everie faire day and market day everie one of the said
Countrie bakers to be gone homewards with his breads that he shall not have sold
upon like paine of forfeiture of xs to be forfeited to the corporation upon everie
breach of this order also in everie respecte All the said forfeitures to be levied by
distres of everie offenders goods by warrant from the mayor of this corporation
directed to any officer which he shall appoint under the sealle of his office.
THE BUTCHERS.
The constitutions and orders regulating the company of butchers
of Northampton were renewed and revised at an assembly held on
December loth, 1558. The following is an epitome of the interes-
ting provisions then promulgated : —
That on Martinmas day or the Tuesday next after, the occupiers
of this trade shall yearly assemble at St. Katharine's hall, and elect
two of their number as masters, and two as wardens to rule and
keep the members in good order and to amend all manner of mis-
behaviour, defaults, abuses, and deceits, and that any one thus
elected and refusing to act shall forfeit 2os. to the chamber.
. That the master and wardens have full power to levy fines,
and shall retain the same until Martinmas, when they shall hand
over the sum of the fines of the year to their successors, under
pain of 403.
That the wardens shall twice or oftener in the year view and
oversee the company of butchers for any misdemeanour in their
occupation, and if there be any default shall fine the offender
(with the consent of the master) at their discretion 6s. 8d.
That all foreigners or strangers that may hereafter be made
free of the town, and desire to set up the trade of a butcher, shall
pay £10 to the town and not under.
That if any apprentice set up as a butcher and has not served
the full number of seven years, he shall be dismissed and sell no
more on commandment of the master and wardens under pain
of £6.
That every apprentice who has served his full time shall on his
setting up pay to the company los. in addition to duties paid to
the mayor at the time of his freedom.
That every freeman's child of the occupation born in the time
of his father's freedom shall pay at the time of setting up 2od. to
the company and 2od. to the mayor.
THE TOWN TRADES. 281
That any master taking an apprentice or covenanted servant
shall enrol them on the town books, to the intent to avoid all
sinister dealing or collusion, under pain of los.
That any freeman of the occupation teaching the trade to any
one save apprentice or servant bound for at least seven years shall
forfeit £3, whereof 2os. is assigned to the mayor, 2os. to the
chamber, and 2os. to the occupation.
That if any man not a freeman marry any woman of the occu-
pation, and desire his freedom, he shall pay 405. at the time of
his marriage or of setting up open shop, viz. : — 2os. to the mayor,
and 2os. to the occupation in addition to freedom fees.
That it be lawful for the occupiers of this occupation (after
licence from the mayor) to assemble at St. Katharine's hall, by order
of the master and wardens, so often as they think good, for the
purpose of conferring and talking upon matters affecting their occu-
pation, but " using noe confederatie, conventicle, tumult, or anie
other misdemeanors."
That one named the " Beedell " shall summon them to assemblies,
and every one absent without accepted excuse shall be fined 6s. 8d.
That the occupation have authority to make such further orders
for their own regulation as shall not be contrary to law, that such
orders shall be set down in a book, and that they have power to
fine defaulters 6s. 8d.
That any one abusing the master or wardens shall be fined 53.,
or abusing the beadle is.
That any of the occupation sueing another at law, either on real
or personal account, without first having leave of the master or
wardens shall forfeit 2os.
That no butcher nor his servants shall dress any kind of meat
within the precincts of the Butchers' row, under pain of I2d.
That no butcher within the town or in the county shall " kyll
any morte beaste " nor any other meat infected of any disease,
being warned by the master or wardens, under pain of 2os.
That none of the fellowship call his fellow knave in anger, nor
speak any other unkind or slanderous wrords, under pain of I2d.
That no butcher of town or county shall carry any meat hawking
to any inn, unless the good man of the house hath bought it, or
he be bidden to bring the same there, under pain of 6s. 8d.
That no man kill " noe pockyt sheepe, nor noe sowe that
282 NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
goeth to Brymmyng/' to the end of selling the same, under pain
of 33. 6d.
That no man kill any boar pig to lay upon the stalls instead
of pork, under pain of i2d.
That no butcher of the town or county shall lay forth to sell
any manner of flesh that is not man's meat, after the wardens have
condemned it, under pain of 33. 4d.
That none of the occupation, their wives, or servants, shall call
any person or persons that are buying meat at any other stall
until they be parted from the said stall, under pain of I2d.
That none of the occupation, their wives, or servants, shall sell
any manner of flesh in their stalls or shops on the Sabbath Days
(save on such days as have been used and accustomed in the time
of harvests), under pain of 35. 4d.
That none of the occupation shall have any man's servant
without his master's good will, under pain of 6s. 8d.
That any one of the occupation employing or hiring journeyman
of the occupation who has purloined his master's goods, to the
value of 4d. or more shall be fined 2os.
That no one of the fellowship shall take any house or shop
wherein any of his neighbours that is of the occupation dwelleth,
unless he first know that he is willing to depart, under pain of
35. 4d.
That any master or servant of the occupation running away out
of the town with any other person's goods, money, or meat, of the
same occupation, and the same be proved, that such offender shall
never again sell meat within the town, under pain of 403.
That any foreigner or stranger coming to the town to sell
flesh or meat, pay on the third day after his coming 135. 4d., to
the town, and on refusal that all the flesh or meat be forfeited.
That no foreigner or person not free of this occupation sell
any meat within the town save on the Saturday, and on the two
fairs of Saint George and Saint Hugh, under pain of 6s. 8d.
That none of the occupation nor their servants shall go or ride
into the country to bring home any kind of ware on the Sabbath,
under pain of 6s. 8d.
That no innkeeper of the town shall kill at any time in his
house to serve their guests any beef, mutton, veal, or lamb, under
pain of 6s. 8d.
THE TOWN TRADES. 283
That no one shall kill any pork after May ist until St. Dennis'
day, under pain of 6s. 8d.
That no one shall kill any ewe's flesh to sell after December
8th, being the Lady day before Christmas, till Easter Day, under
pain of 35. 4d.
That no one shall buy any portable ware of any foreigner to be
killed within the town, under pain of 6s. 8d
That no one shall set an)^ other man's wife or servant of the
same occupation to sell his meat in shop or stall, under pain of
6s. 8d.
That no butcher's wife keeping any stall or shop in Butchers'
row " shall fall out with anie other bocher's wyfe nor use nor
speake anie evill or slaunderous wordes of deffamation or other-
wyse revaile or revile one another uppon payne that everye woman
therein first beginning the quarrell the husbande of the wife to
forfeite for every tyme that his wyfe shall therein offende being
lawfully proved who was the begynner thereof three shillings and
fourepence."
In 1561 it was ordered that no butcher's wife should come into
Butcher's row to sell any meat save on market and fair days,
under pain of 6s. 8d. ; "provided it shalbe lawfull for every man's
wife to come to oversee ther servants that they do ther duties,
and to take the mony off the fleshe so solde by ther servant."
The following order was made on March i2th, 1568: —
" It is condicendide and agreed that no straunge botcher shall
stonde longer in the market called the Kytstalles* then three of
the Clocke in the winter and fowre of the clocke in somer accor-
dinge to the olde Order." In the following October this order as
to foreign butchers was recited with the addition " that the said
butchers shall stande and sell their meat or fleashe in the open
market called the Kitstalles every market or faire daies at ther
will and pleasures, paying yerely at the feast of St. Michell
tharchangell for ther saide liberties and liberties and fredome to
the use of the chamber xxxvj8 viijd."
By an order of 1593 the duties levied on foreign butchers were
still further increased, for it was then enjoined that, in addition to
*Kyt3talles, or kitstalles, is a name derived from kit or cut, and signifies the stalls for joincs
or cut-up butcher's meat.
284 NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
the rental to the corporation of 26s. 8d., each foreign butcher on
first entering the town to sell meat should pay 6s. 8d. to the
chamber, and 6s. 8d. to the wardens of the butchers' company.
At the meeting of the assembly on August iyth, 1637, a com-
mittee, consisting of the mayor elect and ten others, was appointed
to consider the application of the company of butchers to have a
new constitution according to ancient usage, inasmuch as the old
one had fallen into abeyance. It was ordered that the draft
constitution, which had been prepared for the butchers by council,
should be submitted to the committee in order that inconvenient
clauses might be struck out or amended. The committee was to
report to the next assembly, but the order books contain no
further allusion at this period to a butchers' constitution.
The great fire completely destroyed Butchers' row, or the
Shambles. On October 5th, 1676, it was ordered " that the Butchers
stalls upon the Markett hill be setled by the present Bayliffs and
regulated as before the fire, and sett out by a certaine measure
reduced to 7 foot and halfe."
In 1730 it was represented to the assembly that the right of
the corporation to the soil or ground whereon the butchers set
stalls or sheds for the weekly exposure of their meat for sale on
market days, known by the name of Butchers' hill, was questioned,
and even denied, by all or most of the freemen butchers. The
assembly, therefore, formally stated that they had never granted to
the butchers, whether freemen or foreigners, any legal right or
title whatsoever to the soil ; that these pretensions of the butchers
were never set up, or even heard of, until very recently ; and that
such claims might prove very prejudicial to the corporation, as
they have been lords of the manor by charter from time
immemorial. The assembly further ordered that the town clerk
should in their name make an entry upon such soil or ground
as the butchers claim, and discharge the person or persons
pretending a right thereto from erecting any stall or shed in
the future at their peril ; that if the person or persons so dis-
charged should presume to erect a stall that action should be
forthwith brought against the offender, in order to assert the rights
of the corporation ; and if any butcher whose stall should be thrown
down should be the first to bring an action, that then the cor-
poration would strenuously defend it, so that the issue should be
THE TOWN TRADES. 285
settled, whether it was the fortune of the corporation to be plaintiff
or defendant.
The next entry relative to this dispute occurs under date
October yth, 1731, when it was ordered that it be left to the
mayor to call an assembly in the following month " to receive
petitions from the butchers for leases of the stall grounds to which
they claim or pretend a title, and have the same read if any such
shall be entered or presented, before any fresh suit be commenced
against the butchers, and that publick notice in the mean time be
given to all the butchers of the day when the assembly will be held.5'
On November nth, 1731, the petition of John Law, butcherr
and of the widow of John Stanyan, for life leases of their respective
stall grounds on the Market hill, were read, and it was ordered
that the corporation seal to such leases be respited until the
matter in dispute between the corporation and the butchers be
decided, and that John Law (against whom the corporation lately
obtained judgment in an action for trespass) be permitted to stand
on the market day with a stall without any interruption and with-
out paying any rent or acknowledgment until further orders.
The same assembly ordered the town clerk to make an entry
upon the stall ground occupied by Thomas Cooper, Thomas
Gooding, and Henry Stanyan, all freemen butchers.
The corporation evidently won the day, for in 1735 we find
them making an order with regard to the quarterly payments and
other profits arising from the butchers' stalls on the Market hill
at fairs and markets. In 1739 a life lease was granted of stall
ground to Richard Lucas, butcher, of Creaton, measuring 8ft. by
6ft., for use on market and fair days, on payment to the corpora-
tion of a yearly rental of 425. The lessee was to provide his own
stallage and stall gear, and to set up, take down, and carry away
the same, the corporation covenanting to keep the ground in
proper repair.
The assembly, on December i5th, 1746, passed certain orders
against Richard Easton and Daniel Saunders, butchers (" known
and inveterate enemies of this corporation, and who acted as such
in the course of the several trials which this corporation have
lately had for the recovery and establishment of their rights to
the piece of ground known as Butchers' Hill or Butchers Row "),
serving them with notices to quit the shops that they respectively
held under the corporation.
286 NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
A thin folio contains "the accompts of the Collector of the
Rents and Profits arising from the Butchers Stalls erected weekly
on the Market Hill in the Town of Northampton in a certain place
there called the Butchers Hill or Butchers Row beginning at
Michus 1748."
For the year 1748-9 the receipts were £34 i8s. There were
thirty-nine butchers' stalls on the east side, three at the top of
the stalls, and forty-two on the west side. There was no charge
to the freemen butchers, of whom there were thirty-three. In
1766-7 the payments for the stalls varied from 45. 4d. to as much
as £2, dependent, we suppose, on their situation and size. In
1832-3 the corporation returned £go as the year's profits from
the butchers' stall ground and the general stallage of the market.
THE CHANDLERS.
There was a guild of wax chandlers in Northampton, but wre
find no reference to it in the later records. There are two entries
of some interest with regard to tallow candles.
In 1574 it was agreed that no man shall buy any tallow of any
butcher, either of the town or county, but that he himself shall
make and convert the same tallow into candles, upon pain of 2os.,
shoemakers only excepted. Half of the fine was to go to the
informer, and half to the chamber. The reason for this order was
the then strongly prevalent notion that every trade should exclusively
confine itself to its own business. The boiling down of fat into
tallow was work for the tallow chandler or the ordinary house-
holder, and not for the butcher.
In 1575 the assembly ordered that the chandlers should sell
their candles for threepence a pound, and the butchers to sell their
tallow for two shillings and twopence a stone.
FISHMONGERS AND FISHING.
It was ordered in 1585 that every fishmonger or other person
dwelling near to the fish stalls should make clean the pavement
before their stalls and doors every Saturday night, and at the same
time carry away all refuse, under pain of one shilling; fourpence
of which was to go to the informer, the remainder to the chamber.
A like penalty was imposed on all fishmongers who neglected to
carry in their stalls on Saturday night. The fish stalls were away
from the rest of the market, on the site of the present Fish street.
THE TOWN TRADES. 287
The corporation did their best to preserve and make profit out
of the fishing in the town waters.
In 1555 it was determined that no freemen or others cast nets
into the town waters, unless they farm the said waters, under pain
of 35. 4d.
One Style, of Kingsthorpe, had the honour of an order of the
assembly all to himself, in 1555, when it was enacted that he was
to be "expulsed off the town water upon payne of xld every time
he be taken to the Chamber." At the same time a penalty of
35. 4d., to be levied by the chamberlain by distress, was imposed
upon anyone casting dead dogs or other carrion into the town
waters.
It was enacted in 1605 that no man fish in the water within
the franchise save such as do farm the water ; and those that do
farm the water are not to use any kind of net " except the mesh
be as wyde as a groat in the breaste for safegard of the younge
frie and small fishes, and as broade as a twoepence in the pocket,
under pain of forfeiture of the net and imprisoment at the mayor's
discretion."
William Hopkins was elected gamekeeper for the manor of
Northampton and for Gobion's manor by the assembly, on May 28th,
1806, and the common seal was affixed to the appointment. William
Hopkins was requested to appoint two proper assistants, not to
kill game, but to assist him in detecting trespassers, and to par-
ticularly attend to the preservation of fish in the river.
It was at the same time resolved that the mayor, justices, and
bailiffs for the time being be a committee to adopt measures for
the discovery and punishment of trespassers and poachers, such as
co-operating with the lords of the manor on the opposite side of
the river, and advertising and paying rewards for the detection
of those infringing on the manorial rights and fisheries of the
corporation. The river was only to be dragged for taking fish at
such times as the committee thought proper ; no net was to be cast
into the river at any other time ; and no other fishing (save angling)
was to be permitted to any person whatsoever, not even to a
member of the corporation.
This order about not fishing was, however, soon repealed, so
far as the corporation was concerned. The assembly of August
27th, 1807, " Ordered that every Member of this House have full
and free liberty to Fish with Nets in the River Nine at Discretion,
288 NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
and that no member or members be permitted to give leave to any
other person to fish (except with angle), nor to employ any person
or persons not being Members to assist in taking Fish."
Mr. John Shaw was appointed gamekeeper in 1822 for the cor-
poration manors of Northampton and Gobion.
THE FULLERS.
The assembly in 1585 granted a new constitution to the fullers
and sheremen, at their own humble request, for the better ordering
of the master and householders of that occupation, and for the due,
diligent, and lawful using of their fellow townsmen, and neighbours
in the country, who had woollen cloth to be wrought. The following
are the principal provisions : —
That no fullers or shereman carry out of the town or fetch into
it any manner of work upon the Sabbath Day, under pain of 6s. 8d.
That any one refusing the office of warden of the company
pay i os.
That anyone not answering to the summons of the warden sent
by the proper officer pay 6s. 8d.
That if anyone of the company work any cloths to proof, and
do not send for the wardens to search and view the same before
it be delivered to the ironer, he be fined 6s. 8d.
That no stranger, not being free among the fullers and sheremen
of the town, take any work to do within the town, under pain
of 6s. 8d.
That no freeman of the town of any degree put out any cloth
to be wrought in the country or out of the town, under pain
of 6s. 8d.
That if any one of the company hire any man's journeyman
without the consent of his master, he be fined 6s. 8d.
That if any one of the company behave himself disorderly in
words or deeds at any assembly called by the wardens he be fined
6s. 8d.
That if any man of the country desire to be received into the
town and to be free of this company (without having served his
apprenticeship or being free born of the town) he shall at his
entrance make to the whole company of fullers and sheremen a
dinner at his own cost, and pay the company 135. 4d.
That any one being free born, or having served his apprenticeship
-with any freeman of the company, shall at his own entrance provide
a sufficient dinner and pay 6s. 8d.
THE TOWN TRADES. 289
That if any one of the company of fullers and sheremen do
misbehave contrary to law by picking, stealing, or filching men's
goods wrongfully, or do rob any " teyntors or fulling mylles," the
same being attainted by the law, he shall be expelled out of the
town from working any more therein.
That no fuller nor shereman shall work with no other manner
of stuffes than is appointed by the statute, under pain of 6s. 8d.
That on the feast of St. Thomas the Apostle, all fullers and
sheremen shall meet in the church of All Saints to elect two
wardens, under pain of 6s. 8d.
That all fines be divided between the mayor and the company.
THE GLOVERS.
It was ordered in 1556 that —
No glover washe noe skynes in the hyghe Ryver nor without the west brydge
nor drye any woll upon the Grasse in the Fote medowe, but shall washe ther
Skynnes in the pyt under the brydge next unto Dalington upon payne of xld, nor
shall hange no Skynnes upon the bridge upon the lyke payne.
At an assembly held on April 4th, 1594, it was recited that the
glovers had lately been discharged from this constitution, and
leave had been given to foreigners to come in to buy and sell,
but that—
Yt ys nowe agreed that the said glovers shall have their Constitution wholye
ageyne, and Forreyners to be put oute so as they paye to the Chamber iij11 in
hande, parcelPof Arrerayes of Syxe poundes and Twentie shillinges a yere to the
Chamber for the Yerely Rente of the same Constitution.
In 1629 it was agreed that —
Noe glover inhabiting in this libertie shall at anie tyme hereafter shall hang or
lay by himselfe or his servaunts anie sheep skins or leather upon St. Thomas Well
hedge or upon anie part of the towne commons, upon pain of every glover offending
herein in contempt of this present order to forfeit and pay vis viiid to thuse of the
Corporation for everie severall tyme he shall soe offend.
THE HOSIERS.
It is obvious from the following extract from the order book of
October 3ist, 1608, that the hosiers of Northampton were at that
time an important body of men.
It ys agreed and ordered That whereas there was a petition to the King's most
excellent majestic in his highnes with his noble Quene their progresse through this
Corporation, of which said petition as yet there is no answere or Reference : That
nowe the same petition shalbe thoroughlie folowed for answere or reference at the
costes and danger of the Corporation, And that Mr. Henry Chadwell, one of the
U
NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
Chamberlains of the said towne shall fourthwith travail and prosecute in this behalfe
untill answere or Reference shalbe obteyned ; And whereas the Lord Mayor of the
Citie of London and other his Maties officers there doe require a certaine kinde of
tolage of the hosyars of this Corporation, who weeklie doe make merchandise with
their hose, in neare or aboute the said Citie, from which tolage and everie other
suche kinde of exaction whatsoever, the freemen and burgesses of this Corporation,
by diverse grauntes and priviledges are to be freed ; It is likewise ordered that the
saide Mr. Chadwicke shall likewise at the charges of the Corporation deale as he
shalbe advised, for the mayntenance of suche our privileges in this behalfe
without delaye.
THE IRONMONGERS.
At the assembly held June i2th, 1562, it was considered that
the ironmongers' constitution was " not mete for a Common weale,"
and it was therefore discharged and set at naught.
Notwithstanding this condemnation, the constitution of the iron-
mongers lingered on for another fifteen years.
In 1577 it was agreed that —
Whereas the Ironmongers and others of this Companie within the Corporation
have for certaine yeares last past made defaulte in payment of their stipende
annuitie or sume of money due to be payed to thuse of the towne chamber by and
for their Constitution and orders, That yf they shall not before the first day of
Marche paye to Mr. Mayor to thuse of the towne chamber suche sume of money
as is by them oweing That then their said Constitution and all and everie article
therein conteyned shalbe clerelie frustrate voyde and of none effect even as thoughe
the same had never bene had nor made.
THE MERCERS.
An Elizabethan constitution, made in the mayoralty of Henry
Clarke (1573-4;, for the mercers and haberdashers, in conjunction
with six other trades, has already been recited at some length at
the beginning of this section.
A few months later, namely on August 3Oth, 1574, it was agreed
that the constitution of the mercers and haberdashers should be
accepted, engrossed, and sealed, and the fines thereof were to be
divided — half to the chamber, and half to the occupation. It
would thus appear that the mercers and haberdashers were then
separated from the rather curious amalgam of federated trades.
Their constitution was formally renewed and confirmed in 1588.
MILLERS AND MILLS.
It was resolved in 1586 that no person of the trade or occupation
of a miller should be made free of the town unless he pay 405.,
THE TOWN TRADES. 2QI
and if he had some other occupation or trade, in addition to that
of a miller, that then he should pay the customary £10.
In 1617 the freemen who owned mills within the liberties com-
plained to the corporation that diverse foreign and country millers
and their loaders were intruding into the town and carrying the
corn of the inhabitants to other mills. The assembly thereupon
ordered that no miller nor loader should hereafter thus intrude,
under a penalty of los. A saving clause, to check imposition, was,
however, added: ''Provided that the inhabitants may be as well
served at freemen's mills as they may be at any other mills."
In 1656 the assembly procured timber for the repair of Mar-
veils' mills, and ordered that the meadows belonging to the mills
should be planted with willows. The two chamberlains and four
other members of the corporation were at the same time appointed
trustees for the " improvement and advantage of the said Mills,
meadowes, and grounds to them committed." The trustees shortly
afterwards leased the Holme and Foot Meadows belonging to the
mills to Thomas Peach, for five years, at a rent of £24..
At a later date, in the same year, the trustees for Marvells'
watermills were ordered by the assembly to erect a windmill for
the use of the town, and to plant the same in the most convenient
place. In the following year Joseph Emerton was ordered to perfect
the windmill with sails and other implements that it lacked, and
also to make good the foundations to the satisfaction of the mayor
and aldermen. A sum of £8 was voted to defray these expenses.
On February 2gth, 1659, the assembly ordered " that Mr.
Woollaston shall receive out the chamber the sume of Five pounds
for the removeinge and Cappinge of the Windmill belonginge to
the Towne."
In May, 1660, the chamberlain was ordered to take into his
custody " The Nett and the Coggs and Rounds in the possession
of Curtis, that did lately belong to Marvells' mills."
In the following August the mayor and five others wrere
appointed as a committee to inquire what money was in arrear
and justly due to Joseph and William Emerton, upon their petition
concerning the windmill lately set up by them for the town's use.
It was ordered in October, 1657, tnat William and John Selby,
the persons entrusted with the receipts of Marvells' mills, do give
an account thereof at the next assembly, and that John Twigden
and Joseph Hensman be appointed collectors for the next year, and
u 2
2Q2 NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
pay the money and arrears to the master of St. Thomas hospital
as part of the Langham money ; and if there was necessity to buy
a mill horse, then the chamber is to lay down the money and to
be re-imbursed out of the mill profits.
In October, of the same year, a lease was granted Mr. John
Frend of his house of Marvell mills, together with the windmill,
at a yearly rental of £45, for seven years.
In March, 1667, the assembly consented to Mr. Rainesford's
desire to have " the Libertie of the Water runninge from his Clack
Mill at any time yearely from yeare to yeare for him and heires
for ever in the monethes of February March and Aprill for the
Wateringe of his groundes there adjacent And onely Twodayes in
each monethe of the monethes of May June and July for Twelve
hours at one time and to be debarred from any further usage
thereof to any purpose at any other time/'
In order to find money for an expensive lawsuit in which they
were engaged, the corporation, in September, 1671, obtained a
mortgage of £400 on Marvells' mills.
The following entry occurs in the orders of assembly for
November 22nd, 1671 : —
Nicholas Day the Miller of Marvells Mills being in arrears of Rent for the
Mills and making it knowne to this howse that he hath sustained loss for want of
the Wyndemill and Dallington Watercourse the whole matter is referred to Mr.
Thomas Atterbury and Mr. Edward Kingston for the towne and the Miller to choose
two persons of this howse and they to report their Arbitration the next assembly.
The result of this enquiry was that the town paid the late
miller the sum of £22 for his millstones and other materials left
by him.
In 1672 a lease for seven years was granted to Thomas Dent,
miller, of the Marvell mills and the windmill, at a yearly rent of
£38. At the same time it was ordered that the difference between
Anthony Buckingham, miller, and the corporation concerning the
windmill and its repair be referred to Mr. Recorder Lovell.
The chamberlain's accounts for 1680 show that the sails of the
town windmill were then recovered, and other repairs effected.
£. s. d.
Pd Mr. Agutter for cloth for ye Windmill 40 Ells at 8d the Ell i 6 8
Halfe a pd of thredd and id needles 013
Pd the millrights for work, timber, and sawing, For bolts, plates, and beere 2130
It is incidentally mentioned in 1685 that the corporation mills,
THE TOWN TRADES. 293
which had given all this trouble and caused so much expense for
fifty years, had been sold.
THE SHOEMAKERS.
At an assembly held in the Guildhall on January 3oth, 1551-2
(the earliest of which the minutes are extant) it was ordered : —
That every shoemaker that ys disposed to set upe Shoppe within this town and
hathe not ben prentys wtyn the same shall paye at his Setting upe xxxs, that is to
saye xiijs iiijd to the mayour for the tyme beinge, xiijs iiijd to the chamber of the
town, and iijs iiijd to the occupation.
That every shomaker yt hathe ben or shalbe prentys within this town that ys
disposed to set upe Shope and to occupye as Mr shall pay xvjs viijd, yt ys to say
Xs to the mayour for the tyme beinge for his fraunches and Settinge upe, iijs iiijd
to the chamber, iijs iiijd to the occupation.
That every shomaker that is disposed to sett upe Shope being born within thys
town shall pay for his fraunchys and Setting upe to the mayor for the tyme being
xxd and to the occupation xxd.
Iff any shomaker within the towne that is Mr and doethe occupye as Mr that
dothe set a other mans servant a worke being off the same occupation that hathe
wrought a fortnyght wl any one off them except he be lawfullye partyd from his
seyde master and wl his good wyll, that if any do offend in the same to pay vjs viijd for
every tyme, half to the mayour and half to the occupation.
Further if any jorneyman of the same occupation be detectyd off any untruthe
and thereof due proofe made that then the wardens of the same occupation for the
tyme beinge shall give warninge unto yt Mr with whome the seyde affender doethe
worke that he shall immedyatlye put him furthe off servyce, and that he be not set a
worke by any man of the same occupation withyn this town upon pain of every tyme
so offendinge to pay vj8 viijd that is to say iijs iiijd to the mayour and iijs iiijd to the
occupation.
That no shomaker withyn this town at any tyme set forthe shall in the market
place or before his shope to showe and sell any shoes or botes upon payn to iijs iiijd to
the mayour and iiijd to the occupation. And that no shomaker being not a fraunchized
man take upon them to shewe or sell any botes or shooes within the liberties off this
towne upon payn to forffet the same halff to the mayour and halff to the occupation.
Iff any jorneyman of the same occupation yt doethe come to this towne and
workethe w1 a Mr of the same craft by the space off a fortnight or longer, and so
departeth out of the town and within a quarter of a yere dothe Retorne againe, the
Seyde Jorneyman shall go to the same man that he wrought withall at his departure
owt off the town and after him worke, And if the saide Mr will not then set him a
worke, the seide Jorneyman then to be at his libertie to worke with whom he lyst, And
if eny maister of the same craft do Sett him a work contrarie to this order he to
forffett for every time so offending vjs viijd half to the mayour and halff to the
occupation.
That all the shomakers withyn this town yt dothe set upe and occupye as masters
shall assemble them selves together by the concent of the mayour for the tyme beinge
294 NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
yerlye upon the xxvth daye off October and then chuse ij discret men off ther occu-
pation to veweand serche all manner off hides being barkyd and solde within any place
off this town for thintent to knowe whether they be lawfully wrought or no, and that
no man put anye on sale before they be serchyd and sealyd upon payne of forfayture
of all soche hydes so put to sale halff to the mayor halff to the occupation, and then
being assemblyd shall yerelye chuse ij discret men off ther occupation to be wardens
to see good Rule and order kept in ther occupation for the yere followinge, and
they and the olde wardens and Serchers shall present the wardens and serchers the
next Court daye after the election before the mayour for the time being in the
Guyhall and ther to take ther other upon payne to paye as well the new serchers and
wardens as the old that do make default vjs viijd, half to the mayor, etc.
That the seide wardens shall yerlye collect and Gather all fynes and amerciaments
contayned in this ordinance and veld a trewe and clere Acompte unto the Mayor and
Chamberlaines for the tyme beinge upon the day called the Conversyon off Saynt
Paull upon payne for every soche of the seide Wardens to paie xs, half to ye mayor,
and halfe ut supra.
Further if any of the seide occupation be it Mr or Jornyman do Resist or wilfully
stond in any Contention wite the wardens of the occupation contrary, as master to
paye for every tyme offendinge vjs viiijd ut supra, and every Jornyman xijd
ut supra.
In Witness whereoff as well the comon Scale as the Scale of Office of the
mayoraltye of the town of North'ton to this present ys put the daie and yere
above writon.
Saxby, cois Clicus ibm.
In 1555 the company of shoemakers entrusted their funds to
the keeping of the town chamberlain.
Md That on the Conversion of Seynt Paule Robert Horsley and William
Saunders Masters of the Shomakers in the yere of or lord god mvcliiij brought into
Guyldhall to William Taylor mayor and John Brightman Chamberlayne as treasure
to the town Forr there funds of the holle corporation of corviers (cordwainers) craft
the Some of iiju iijs ijd Wch was delyvered to Thomas Grene Chamberlayne at the
makinge of Mr Taylor's Acompte the vth daie of December A° 1555.
In 1642 the shoemakers of Northampton received a large order
for shoes for the soldiers setting forth to Ireland. The Domestic
State Papers show that the account, after nine years, still remained
unpaid. On April i6th, 1651, Thomas Pendleton, and twelve other
shoemakers of Northampton, petitioned the committee for com-
pounding for an order on the Ladyday rents of the estate of
William Band, of Walgrave, a Popish recusant and delinquent, in
discharge of their account for furnishing the treasurers-at-war for
Ireland, in 1642, by special order of committee of parliament, with
4000 pairs of shoes and 600 pairs of boots for the soldiers. Owing
to the dangerous times, they were forced to have a grant of convoy
THE TOWN TRADES. 295
of horse to secure the safe delivery of the goods in London, and
they claimed to be £1000 out of purse. The House of Commons,
in 1648, authorised the Goldsmith hall committee to sell the estate
and pay the petitioners. The county committee thereupon let the
estate to the petitioners for £400 a year for three years, ended
last Michaelmas, but £200 ys. 6d. was still due to them.
At an assembly held on January i8th, 1655-6 " It was ordered
and agreed that the shoemakers shall have A Constitution amongs
themselves as other Tradesmen have, and as heretofore they
commonly have had." This is the latest mention of " trade
constitutions" in the town records.
Northampton again found shoes for our soldiers in Ireland,
during the unhappy conflict of 1688-9. A letter to William
from Dundalk, dated October 23rd, 1689, mentions that 4000 shoes
had been distributed among the troops, which had been made at
Northampton. " At first Lt. Gen. Douglas said they were the
best and cheapest he ever met with, but now he does not like
them, thuogh all the English colonels do."
THE TAILORS AND WOOLLEN DRAPERS.
The only reference we have found in the later records to the
company or guild of the tailors, established by the corporation in
1444 {Liber Custumaruiri] , is for the year 1588, when they are
named in association with the woollen drapers. At the assembly
held on June 28th, of that year, it was ordered that —
Whereas the companye of Taylors and woollen drapers have of long time had
Constitutions and orders amongst them established, by consent of the whole bodye
of the saide towne, as well for the expelling owte of Forrayners, as for the good
governement of their saide companyes and the common weall of her Maties loving
subjects : Which their saide constitutions and orders being nowe frustrated and
voyde, they have not onelie made their humble requeaste for the renewing of the
same, but also have tendred the same with other good orders concerning their saide
trades in writing, to thende they maie be confirmed by consent of this assemblie ;
It is therefore for diverse good considerations condiscended ordered and agreed by
consent, as ys aforesaide, that their saide constitutions and orders shalbe of force
and so contynued as other constitutions within the same towne accordinge to the
tenure forme and effect of the same.
THE WHITAWERS AND TANNERS.
The following constitution for the company of the whitawers
and tanners was enrolled in the town records in 1566.
296 NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
Imprimis it is ordeyned everie yeare uppon the sondaie next after the daie of
Sainte Luke the Evangeliste with the license of the Maior for the time being Then
the saide Craft and Occupacons for to come and meet together And by the Consente
of the whole Crafte they shall assemble themselves together And by the Consente of
the whole Crafte shall mete at the hall of Saincte Katherines or elswhere within the
same towne of Northampton And then and there shall nomynate and choose two
wardens of the same occupation afforesaide For to rule and governe the said craftes
and occupations the next yeare following And to redresse and remede all manner of
decites and defaultes that maie be founde amonge the saide Craftes and occupations
And yf there bee of the said two wardens that soe be chosen and will not stande to
pay xs withowte anie delaye The one halfe to the chamber and thother halfe to
thoccupation And soe to take another in his or their stede And the saide two wardens
to be sworne the court daie after the eleccon made And when the two wardens be
charged and sworne yf any fynes or proffittes happen to come within the saide
yeare Then they to receave yt and gather them into their handes, And to make a
true accompte of all suche thinges and reckoninges uppon the sondaie nexte upon
Saint Lukes daye to the newe wardens uppon payne of xxs for the defaultes
without remedie To saye x8 to the chamber of the towne and x* to the same occu-
pations And further it is enacted and agreed that the saide two wardens with the
consent of the whole crafte shall cess and lave amonge themselves of the same crafte
according to everie manne's habilitie to the use of the chamber of the towne the
some of xxs everie yeare once And the saide two wardens to paye the same to the
mayor and the chamberlaynes for the time being to the use of the chamber within
twelve daies next after the daie of the feast of Saint Luke the Evangelist next
following uppon payne of . . .withowte remedie or delaye to the chamber of the towne
Also it is ordeyned that yf anie of the saide crafte being residant within the towne
be summoned to come before the saide wardens by a bedill appointed and doe not come
when they are summoned he or they shall paye for everie tyme so doing xijd to the
same occupacion withowte remedie And further it is enacted and agreed that there
shall noe straunger nor furryner come into this markett within the towne of North-
ampton to buye anie hyde or hydes bullocke skynne or caulfe skynne but that he or
they shall bring in quantitie as muche lether readie tanned into this markett to sell
the same daye as he or they shall buye roughe hydes or skynnes the same daye in
the same markett by the saide straunger or forryner And not to buye anie hydes or
skynnes bullocke skynne or calfe skynne before the houre of xij of the clocke uppon
payne of everie straunger or forryner soe doinge to paye vjs viijd Item that no
forryner doe bespeake to anie butcher sor his hyde or hydes or anie other skynnes as
is aforesaide before the saide houre of xij of the clocke uppon paine of everie
straunger or forryner soe doing for everie hyde or skynne soe boughtt or bespoke
before the saide houre appointed yf it be proved by two witnesses he or they to forfett
vjs viijd thone halfe to the chamber and thother halfe to the companie of the taernars
withowte remedie And further it is enacted and agreed that noe manner of person or
persones buy neither hide bullock skynne nor calfe skynne nor noe kynde of neate
lether withowte the precinctet of the highe crosse called the markett crosse and the
pillarye on the market daye The Glovers of the towne and Butchers Rowe onelie
excepted And that noe manner of person shall stande to looke or watch for anie
THE TOWN TRADES. 297
hyde or skynne or skynnes as aforesaide butt onelie in the saide place appointed
before that ys to saye the highe crosse and the pillarye uppon payne of everie hyde
or skynne soe watched for or boughte to forfett vjs viijd thone halfe to the chamber
and thother halfe to the saide occupation withowte remedie And furthermore yt is
agreed that noe manner of person shall buy any Roughe hyde or hydes or skynnes
in the heare and sell the same again in the heare untanned shall forfett for everie hyde
or skynne soe bought and solde untanned xs thone halfe to the chamber and thother
halfe to aforesaide occupation And furthermore it is enacted and agreed that yf
anie person or persons of this occupation using the arte of tannying of lether on
whittavving doe refuse or denye anie of their orders before rehearsed or will stubbornlie
withstande the saide two wardens for leveing of anie fyne or fynes before expressed
yf due purpose thereof be made he or they shall paye for everie tyme soe offending
Xs thone halfe to the chamber and thother halfe to the saide occupations And further
it is enacted and agreed that yf anie of the saide two wardens soe being appointed
and elected doe neglecte their duetie in gatheringe upp their fynes yf anie happen
or chaunce to be or doe omitt anie person for payeing his fyne or fynes yf due proofe
thereof be made within their heare that everie such warden or wardens soe doeing to
forfett for everie tyme so offending xxs thone halfe to the chamber and thother halfe
to the saide occupation And farthermore it is agreed and enacted that there shalbe
noe forreyner or stranger of this occupation called the occupation of Tanners and
Whittawers come to this town to sell anie manner of cloute lether cutt into small
bendes or peeces but onelie at the two fairs as be assigned by the Charter of this
towne In Witness of the premises the Common Seall of the towne of Northampton
to this presente is putt daie and yeares above written anno regne Elizabethe octavo.
On Tuesday in Easter week, 1582, the following town consti-
tution was enacted for the governance of the whitawers : —
That two masters be yearly chosen to oversee that the hides
and other ware set for sale be lawful and sufficient, and that if
the master find any insufficient, the party offending shall forfeit
the thing so set for sale.
That none of the craft shall obstinately disobey or rebuke the
master under penalty of 33. 4d., with imprisonment until paid.
That no foreigner of the craft shall openly buy nor sell anything
belonging to the craft in the town, save at the fairs of St. George
and St. Hugh.
That no tanners shall cast any dead horse, mare, or gelding, or
any hog, dog, or other such carrion on the streets, ways, ditches,
or any ground of the town save in the Marehold, under penalty
of 35. 4d.
That the master shall yearly between March 6th and April 4th,
bury the bones that have been cast in the Marehold, under penalty
of 33. 4d.
298 NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
That any whitawer killing any horse, mare, or gelding, or
other beast within the streets, lanes, or common ways of the
town, or anywhere save in the Marehold, shall be fined 6s. 8d.
That the master shall pay yearly at the feast of St. Luke, to
the mayor 6s. 8d. for this their constitution.
That all fines be divided between the chamber and the craft.
At an assembly held in June, of the same year, it was agreed
" that the Whittawers shall remove their usuall standinges, and
shall from thenceforth with their stalles stande (in) the Channell
in the draperye as the glovers doe and begyn their stalles or
standinges close to the glovers stalles or standinges Provided
always that it shall and maye be lawfull to and for Henry Trott
of the saide towne of Northampton whittawer to have occupye and
use the shoppe which he now usethe being parcell of the tenement
in the tenure of Richard Bentley."
At the same assembly it was agreed that (although a consti-
tution had been granted to the whitawers for the expelling and
keeping out of strangers on market days) William Smythe, James
Stormer, and Henry Lacke were to be permitted for their lives to
use the markets, and to have liberty to buy or sell there, on each
of them paying to the chamber 2os. This precedent of special
exemption was followed by the assembly in 1596, in the cases of
Robert Stormer, of Dallington, and William Grumbley, of
Harleston.
In 1606 it was agreed and ordered by the assembly " That
the Tanners of this Corporation upon paiement of the sume of
fourtie shillings which they are in arrerayes shall have a newe
constitution with suche orders as they shall think fitt for the better
goverment of their companie and as their councell shall advise them
to be agreable with the lawes of this land for and upon the olde
Rent accustomablie paide for the same."
At the October assembly, 1669, it was stated that William
Knight, a tanner, of Althorp, a foreigner and no freeman, had lately
in open market bought on several Saturdays, several raw hides
of foreign butchers, contrary to the orders, customs, and consti-
tutions of the town of Northampton, and that these hides, being
both foreign bought and foreign sold, were forfeited, seized, and
sold by Mr. William Wallis and Mr. Edward Ivory, the bailiffs,
according to ancient usage and custom. It was further stated that
William Knight had commenced a suit at common law against the
THE TOWN TRADES. 299
bailiffs, and it was resolved by the assembly to support the bailiffs
in resisting the action.
The cause came on for trial at the Northampton assizes in 1670,
and the judge ordered the case to be referred. William Knight,
however, became " sensible of his error/' and instead of perse-
vering in the action, petitioned the corporation to be admitted as
a freeman. At an assembly held in September, 1671, William
Knight made due submission, and promised to purchase the hides
again of the bailiffs, whereupon it was ordered that he be admitted
a freeman at such rates as the mayor and alderman shall determine.
In 1708 the tanners petitioned the assembly to stop George
Morgan, of Slapton, and Joseph Toms, of Kings Button, country
tanners, from buying great quantities of cow hides in open market,
to the breach of the freedom of this town. The tanners stated they
had gathered £10 towards the legal prosecution of the offenders,
and asked the help and support of the assembly in prosecuting the
case. The petition was granted.
INNHOLDERS, BREWERS, AND MALTSTERS.
This sub-heading has been kept to the last, as it does not
technically refer to a trade of the same fashion as those that have
been already considered. The special nature of the undertaking
becomes obvious when it is recollected that there are not only
hundreds of national statutes for its regulation, but that at the time
when the local authorities had far more power than at present,
the selling of beer and the regulation of inns was more prolific in
producing ever-changing and fluctuating bye-laws than all other
town trades put together. Northampton is no exception to this
rule, and is a striking illustration of the summary suppression of
public houses for the public good that took place from time to time.
The first point, however, that comes out from these town
records with regard to licensing, has- no reference to popular
control, but, contrariwise, to the highly exceptional if not unique
exercise of royal will in overriding all statute or local law.
On January 2Oth, 1557, Mr. James Balgey, the mayor, enrolled
in the order book of the assembly, at the request of William
Symcotes, of Huntingdon, innholder, a remarkable royal charter or
letters patent. It is a grant by Philip and Mary, addressed to all
mayors, sheriffs, bailiffs, constables, and other officers, to their
300 NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
well beloved subject, William Symcotes, of Huntingdon, innholder,
of a ten years' license —
At his pleasure, in what Countie soever it be, to have use occupye and kepe a
Taverne or Tavernes by himselff or his servantes to utter and sell by Retail or in
Grosse any kynde of wine or wines at his most proffit comoditie and advantage to
be spent or dronk in his mansion howse or howses or elsewhear in any place without
any manner of let impediement losse forfeiture damage or penaltie to be had
demaunded or susteyned of him for the same The Act and Statute made in the
Seventhe yere of the Reigne off oure late dearest brother Kinge Edwarde the sixt
prohibitinge the havinge and sellinge of wines or any other thinge therein conteined
or any other act or law ordinance proclamation or Restraint by or progenitors
made or proclaymed to the contrarie notwithstandinge.
The patent is dated April 4th, 1555.
Further on, in the same book of orders, is a copy of like royal
letters patent, though of a more extended character, granted just
a year later by Philip and Mary. The license recites that " We,
of oure Graces especiall certaine knowledge and mere motion
and for that we be crediblye enformed that oure lovinge subjecte
Henry Manley of Northampton vintner is licensed by the mayor
of the saide towne to occupie and kepe a Taverne and to sell wyne
by Retaile and hathe not any other way of lyvinge but by
retailinge of wine," grant to the said Henry Manley for his life
free permission to trade in wine by himself or his servants in
any tavern or taverns or other places he pleases throughout
England.
It was enacted by the assembly in 1568, that uno Inholder
nor vyntener nor none that kepithe any tiplinge house mayteine
or kepe any Company in ther howses in the time of Common
Prayer or Sermones upon the Sabothe day or any other festivall
daies," under a penalty of I2d. to the housekeeper, and 2d. apiece
to any of the company. Any fines were to be divided into three
parts, between the poor man's box, the chamber and the informer.
A traveller's exception clause follows this order : — " Providede that
it shalbe lawfull for the Innholders and others to give intreteyne-
ment unto travelers that travaile by the way."
All ale brewers were ordered by the assembly, in 1575, to sell
their ale for 2s. 4d. a dozen (gallons), and the " typler " for 2s. 8d.
a dozen, by sealed measure. All that sold strong ale were to sell
a quart for a penny, by sealed measure, and all innholders to sell
their ale and beer a quart for a penny, by sealed measure. To
insure the carrying out of this, it was provided " that every man
THE TOWN TRADES. 3OI
that can and will present any defaultes shall have xijd for his
Labor and the pot/'
The orders for June i6th, 1570, recite that —
Whereas the greate bruars within the towne of Northton of late have fallen in
decaie by reason of the greate multitude of other bruars within the same called
pettit bruars, typlinge howses, or alehowses, who neither regard assyze nor any
other reasonable price nor goode order kept maintained in their howses by reason
of their stronge drinke, but rather maintain drunckards and Idle lycensious persons
to the displeasure of almightie god and annoyance of the common wealthe, For
Reformation thereof it is ordayned concluded that no person or persones keepinge
ale howse or typlinge howse within the towne of Northton shall sell any bere or ale
within their howsys to any person or persones of their owne bruing at any time or
times after the feast of S. James the Postle next ensuing, Provyded alwaies that it
shall and may be lawful for the alehowse keper to brue ale or bere and to tunne
owte and sell the same by the dozen or halfe dozen as the greate bruars dothe
And that such price and prices upon paine of every one making defaulte to forfaite
xxs to the use of the towne chamber and further punishment at the discretion of
the mayor.
This order was, however, discharged on February 23rd, 1571.
The privy council issued general orders throughout England, in
July, 1577, f°r fuM returns of the names of those who were licensed
as keepers of taverns, inns, and alehouses both in town and country.
The demand for these returns were addressed to the lieutenants
of the respective counties, and the Domestic State Papers supply
complete lists from many of the shires, including the boroughs.
Northampton was, however, sufficiently independent to decline to
make any returns save through her own chief magistrate. The
lieutenant of the county sent in his certificate on November 2nd,
giving a total of 8 taverns, 30 inns, and 400 alehouses throughout
the shire, " besides the Towne of Northampton wherewith we have
not medled for that the maior of the same Town answereth that
he by hymself will make certificate unto your honors of the true
nomber thereof." Unfortunately, the mayor's return is not to be
found either at the Public Record office or among the town records.
It seems, however, from other sources and comparisons, that the
probable number of inns and alehouses at this time in Northampton
and its liberties was about eighty.
The great brewers, in the spring of 1578, petitioned for a
constitution, and that the petty alehouses should not brew, but
obtain supplies from their bigger brethren. The assembly there-
upon consented to the great brewers' request for a constitution,
.302 NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
and at once prohibited the alehouse keepers from brewing ale or
beer in their houses after the feast of St. John Baptist next
ensuing. It is unfortunate that this constitution cannot be found,
but it seems from later entries that if such a constitution was ever
formally enrolled that it was ere long discharged.
An order, excellent in its tone, but singularly difficult to carry
out, was passed by the assembly in March, 1580, to the effect that
no manner of person, inhabitant, journeyman, or apprentice shall
at any time hereafter be a "comon goer to the Aylehouse, upon
payne that every one beinge ther taken to forfett for every
time xijd."
In 1582 it was enacted that no inhabitant of whatever condition
should resort to any inn, tavern, alehouse, or common house of
victualling, on the Sabbath day, there to spend their time at dice,
cards, or any other unlawful games, or there to continue eating or
drinking, under a penalty of I2d. The fine was to go to the poor
of the parish where the offence occurred, and if not paid the
offender was to be imprisoned by the mayor for three days and
nights. An easy loophole was, however, provided for setting at
naught this order, for it thus concluded : —
Provided alwayes that this Order shall not be hurtfull to anye honest man that
shall repay re to anye of the places above mentioned, there soberlye to eate or drynck
with his frende, or beinge invited as a neighbore or geste to dynner or Supper by
the goodman of the howse anye thinge above mentioned to the contrareye
notwithstondinge.
It was at the same time resolved that any " Taverner Inneholder
alehousekeeper or other common victualler " receiving any one
contrary to the above order, or keeping open house on the Sabbath
at the times of " dyvyne prayer or preachinge," should pay 33. 4d.
or be committed to prison for three days and nights.
In 1585 it was ordered by the assembly—
That the Sygne of the harte nowe commonlye called the hynde, the Lyon, the
Bell, the Swanne, the George, the Bull, the Aungell, the Dolphyn, the Sallett, the
harpe, the Katherene Wheele, the Talbott, and one called the Greene Dragon be
admytted as auncient Innes within this towne, and all other houses havinge sygnes
,at their dores, and useinge victualinge to be admytted as Ale howses and not as
Innes, and yearely to put in Recognizances for kepinge of good Rule in their
howses accordinge as heretofore hath bene used, or ells to be demissed at Mr.
Mayors and the Justices discretion which for the tyme shalbe.
One of the chief distinctions between the inns and the alehouses
of Northampton was, that the former were permitted to brew,
THE TOWN TRADES. 303
whilst the latter were compelled to deal with the big brewers, and
were thus to some extent " tied houses."
In 1586 it was ordained that no foreign maltster shall buy any
barley in the market, on market or other days, unless he bring as
much of any other kind of corn or grain for sale at the same time,
under a penalty of 2os.
Maltsters were not free to buy barley in the market until two
o'clock, when the bellman rang the hour.
In 1595, on October 3rd, the maltsters and millers were prohibited
buying any barley in the market until the Saturday next after the
feast of All Saints next ensuing, under a penalty of 2os. At the
same time the old order as to barley not being bought by maltsters
on market days until after the bellman had rung two o'clock was
renewed.
In 1606 it was ordained that every brewer brewing beer or ale
to sell by the dozen or half dozen should sell the best ale for three
shillings the dozen, and the best beer for three shillings the dozen,
the dozen to contain fourteen gallons at the vat side. It was also
provided that the ale or beer was to be good and wholesome,
under a pain of three and fourpence, to be recovered by distress.
It was agreed in 1612, that no innkeeper, alehouse keeper, or
victualler, should have or retain in his service as tapster, cham-
berlain, or ostler, any person who has not dwelt in the town for
the space of two years, save with the license of the mayor and
justice.
The following letter from the Public Record office, addressed
to the privy council, in 1622, by the mayor and justices of North-
ampton, with regard to the vain consumption of the grain of the
kingdom, the strength of the ale and beer, and the summary
suppression, without compensation, of ale houses, is of considerable
value : —
Our humble duties to yor honors premised. We received yor Ires dated the last
daye of December thereby requiring us in regard of the highnes of the Rats of
corne, and that quantitie of barley being the bread onlie of the poore ys unnecessarlie
consumed by the excessive quantities of strong beare and ale spent in alehowses,
that wee should take order for the suppression of all such alehowses as shall not
be needfull for the ease and convenience of his Maties people. And likewise to take
a strict course that in such Inns and alehowses as shallbee allowed the strength of
beare and ale, bee soe moderated and reformed as that there may be noe vaine
consumpcon of the graine of the kingdome. May it please yor honors to be adver-
tised that wee the Maior and Justices of this corporacon according to our bounden
304 NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
dutie and in obediens of yor honors Ires have suppressed to the nomber of eighteene
alehowses within this libertie, which nomber wee fynde maye bee well spared in this
corporacon and accordinge to the statute in that behalfe have bound some of thos
from victuallinge which sithence our such suppression have caryed them selves
obstinat, and alsoe have and doe our best and contynuall indevours to keepe the
other suppressed in obedience to theire such suppression, and herewith have procured
a generall moderacon of the strength of beare and ale of such Inkeepers and
victualars as doe still contynewe which we have labored to doe not onlie by giving
them expresse charge to doe soe, but also by imposing of fynes upon the offendars
accordinge to his highnes laws and statutes of this Realme. Of all which humbly
craving your honorable good acceptance with our hartie prayers for yor honors
healthe and happinesses, we humblie take our leaves, And rest,
Your honors most humble to be comaunded,
Richard Woollaston, maior.
North1 the 8 of Tho: Cowper
March 1622. Raphaell Humfrye
Although the reduction of the alehouses was brought about at
the instigation of the privy council in 1622, two years later the
town took strong action on its own initiative. If our estimate of
eighty for all the licensed houses of 1577 is correct (and it probably
errs on the side of understating rather than the contrary), it
follows that the second reduction of the houses, after making
allowance for their increase during fifty years, would considerably
exceed the reduction of 1622 ; it wrould propably mean that at least
twenty-five houses were then suppressed.
The following is a copy of the strongly worded order of assembly
passed on October i4th, 1624: —
Whereas notwithstanding many good lawes and statutes made against Alehowses
the number of them within this libertie are excessive, it being a common practise
that many inhabitants within this corporation having other commendable trades
wherein they are trayned and brought up, doe leave their saide trades, and by
meanes obtaine lycense of the Mayor and Justices of this Corporation to keep
Alehowses by reason whereof the number of them are so greate that they are very
burdensome and hurtfull to this Corporation, and thereby the horrible and loathsome
sinne of drunckennes doeth deylie increase to the dishonour of God, the impover-
ishing of this towne and common wealthe, and to the great abuse of Gods creatures
ordeyned for the necessary use of man, and thereby likewise the sinne of Whoredom
and Idlenes are much crepte into this Corporation, and the ancient Innes within this
libertie being anciently erected for the necessary use thereof and for the grace of
the saide Corporation are much decayed ; It is therefore for reformation of the
saide number of Ale howses and of the saide abuses ordered and ordeyned by the
Common Councell of this libertye that the Ale howses within this Corporation,
shalbe presently restrayned to the number hereafter specified, and that there shall
not be hereafter lycensed by the Mayor and Justices of this Corporation above the
THE TOWN TRADES. 305
number of fortye and fyve in the whole towne, And that noe Mayor and Justices of
peace within this libertie shall hereafter lycense or permitt, and or suffer any Alehowse
in any of the saide wardes above the saide number contrarie to the true meaninge of
this ordinance, And that yf any Mayor or Justices shall hereafter lycense above the
saide number, that then every suche Mayor and Justice of peace doeing to the
breach hereof, and shalbe thereof be presented and found faulty at any sessions of
the peace leete or Courte daye within this libertie shall forfeite to the Mayor
bailiffs and burgesses of this Corporation the sume of Fourtye Poundes, the same
to be by the saide Corporation imployed the one moietie thereof to the use of the
Chamber, and the other halfe thereof to such charitable uses as by the Common
Councell of this Corporation shalbe thought fitt, And that the burgesses that heretofore
hath bene Mayor or hereafter shalbe Mayor or any of the Bayliffes or Fortie Eight shall
at any tyme hereafter move speake to or persuade the mayor, Justices for the time being
of this libertie or any of them for the erectinge settinge up, lycensinge or allowinge of
any Alehowse above the nomber before lymited in this presente ordinance upon paine of
everie one that hath bene Mayor or everie Burgess beinge or which shall hereafter be
of the Common Councell doeinge to the contrarie of this Ordinance, and shalbe
presented and thereof found guilty as aforesaid to forfeit Fyve Poundes to the saide
towne to the uses aforesaid, And yt is also ordered that it shalbe lawfull for the
Chamberlaines of this Corporation by warrante under the Common Scale of this
libertie to levye the saide severall penalties ... by distresse ... And it is further
ordered that from hencefourth noe inhabitants keepinge or that shall keepe Ale-
houses within this libertie shalbe chosen into the Company of the Fortie Eight of
the Common Conncell of this towne, nor into anie office of Chamberlaine Bayliffe
Constable Thirdborough or anie other office within the said Corporation But that
all Alehouse keepers by vertue hereof shall from hencefourth be utterly disabled
from bearinge any office whatsoever within this libertie, And if any of the Fourtie
Eight shall keepe Alehouse then he shall ipso facto uppon presentment thereof by
the Constable of that warde to the Mayor be disabled to be any of the Fourtie
Eight ... And yt is finally ordered that noe alehouse keepers or victualler hereafter
to be lycensed within this libertie shall at any time hereafter erecte or sett up any
Signe without the consent of the Mayor and Justices.
This very stringent attempt on the part of the assembly to
fetter the action of the licensing authorities of the future is not a
little remarkable.
At the next assembly, held on November 4th, 1624, the question
of Sunday closing was discussed, with the result that the following
orders were enacted : — That no taverner, innkeeper, alehousekeeper,
or other victualler shall keep their doors open on Sabbath day
during the times of divine service prayers or preachings, under a
penalty of 33. 4d. ; and that none of the said taverners, etc., shall
hereafter suffer their gates to stand open at any time of the Sabbath
day until six o'clock in the evening, other than their wickets and
their gates to let in guests horses, under a like penalty.
V
306 NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
It was reported to the assembly on December i4th, 1644, that
Thomas Holland, landlord of the George, was much intruding on
the liberties of the town, inasmuch as he was not a freeman, and
was using the trade of a vintner, and keeping a tavern for the
retailing of wines without the corporation's consent, whereby he
had incurred diverse penalties. Thomas Holland, however, made
submission to the assembly, and he was permitted to continue his
trade until March 25th, when he promised to pay £10 for the
town's use.
In Hall's manuscript, under the year 1653, it is stated that the
mayor for that year " supprest many Victualling Houses, and all
Inns and Alehouses were compelled to sell their best Drink for a
Quart a penny both within Doors and without ; the Crier was sent
twice round the Town in one Day to cry the same."
In 1676 the assembly ordered that no person for the future shall
be permitted to sell ale, especially in the Chequer ward, unless
they own such houses as are able to entertain horse and man, with
stables adjoining, suitable for the entertainment of travellers. The
mayor and justices were to forfeit £5 each if they licensed houses
not thus qualified.
In 1764, eighteenpence was paid "for Beer for the Serjeants on
their going round to all the publick Houses and discharging
Gameing."
The following is a list of all those inns and alehouses (and only
those) that we have found in the sixteenth and seventeenth century
leases, and other records of the town. In two or three cases we
are unable to give the streets where they were situated. The
letter "a" prefixed to a sign means that it was one of the twelve
ancient inns of the assembly orders of 1585 : —
a Angel (Bridge St.) Crown (Woodhill)
Bear (Bearward St.) a Dolphin (Gold St.)
a Bell (Bridge St.) Dragon (St. Mary St.)
Bishop Blaize (Market Square) Drums (Drum Lane)
Black Boy (Woodhill) Duck and Drake
Black Lion (By St. Peter's church) Eagle and Child (St. Giles St.)
Blue Boar (Market square) Elephant and Castle (Elephant Lane)
Boot (College Lane) Falcon (Newland)
a Bull (next door to the George) Fleece (Abington St.)
Chequers (Market Square) Flying Horse (Market Square)
Cock (Abington St.) Forge (St. Giles St.)
Crane (South Bridge) a George (George's Row)
Cross Keys (North St.) Goat (Gold St.)
THE TOWN TRADES.
307
Golden Cross (St. Martin St.)
Golden Fleece (Bridge St.)
Golden Lion
Green Mount (St. Edmunds End)
Green Tree
Green Man (St. James End)
a Green Dragon (Bearward St.)
Greyhound (Woolmonger St.)
Griffin (Gold St.)
Guy of Warwick (South Gate)
Half Moon (Between South Gate and
Bridge)
Harp (Kingswell St.)
a Hart or Hind) Market Square)
Hen and Chickens (Abington St.)
a Katharine Wheel (Gold St.)
Kings Head (Horsemarket)
Lamb and Flag (Kingswell St.)
Lion and Lamb (Bridge St.)
a Lion (Drapery)
Magpie (Between South Gate and
Bridge)
Peacock (Market Square)
Quart Pot (Quart Pot Lane)
Red Cow
Red Lion (Horsemarket)
Rose (Gold St.)
Rose and Crown (Market Square)
Salters Inn (Abington St.)
a Sallett or Helmet (Cow Lane)
, Saracen's Head (Market Square)
Spread Eagle
Stags Head (Abington St.)
Star (Abington St.)
Swan (Derngate)
a Swan (Drapery)
a Talbot (Market Square)
Tabard (Woolmonger St.)
Tabard (Cotton End)
Three Pigeons (St. Johns Lane)
Three Tuns (Market Square)
Trumpet (Horsemarket)
Unicorn
Wheat Sheaf (Bridge St.)
White Bear
White Horse (Marehold)
White Lion (Abington St.)
Woolpack (Bridge St.)
Ram (Sheepmarket)
BENEFACTIONS FOR POOR TRADESMEN.
The great share that Northampton had and still has in the
loans of the munificent Sir Thomas White, is described at some
length in another section.
Two other intended helps of a like character, on a much smaller
scale, for reduced tradesmen of Northampton are cited in the first
order book of the assembly.
The following extract from the will of Edward Cluier, citizen
and grocer of London, proved on July nth, 1593, is copied into
the order book.
Item I give and bequeathe the sume of fourtie powndes more to be paide and
delivered to the maior, bailiffs, and burgesses of the towne of Northampton wheare
I was borne, within sixe monthes next after my deceasse, for the maintaining of
poore Handy craftesmen in the said towne, that ys to saye Cordwainers, taylors,
plomers, carpenters, smithes, sadlers, bricklaiers, and weyvers that ys to saye the
said sume of Fourtie powndes to be divided into eight equall partes of fyve powndes
a peace, and to be sent and delivered unto eight poore housholders, handycraftes-
men and of the occupations aforesaide, that ys to saye, to one suche poore man of
everie the same occupations the sume of five powndes a peece for the tyme and
space of two yeares upon their sufficient bondes, with sureties for the repaiement of
V 2
308 NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
everie suche five powndes at the saide two yeares ende, And that after of everie
of the same two yeares shalbe ended to be lent and delivered to eight other suche
poor housholders that ys to saye to everie one of them five powndes a peece for
other two yeares, And soe after that sort and order to continue for ever for the
benefitt and relirfe of poore men of the saide occupacions, within the saide towne,
upon suche bondes and sureties to be given and put in by everie suche poore man
in forme aforesaide, and for want of sufficient choice of poor handecraftesmen of
the saide occupacions, within the saide towne, then to be lent to poor handi-
craftesmen of anie other occupacions within the saide town at the discrecion of the
maior bailiffes and burgesses, for suche tyme and upon such bondes and sureties
as ys aforesaide, and the saide eight poore men to paye to the saide maior, bailiffes,
and burgesses at thende of such two yeares five shillings a peece towards the reliefe
of the poore of the saide towne.
There is no record whether this charity was ever distributed,
and at all events it has long ago disappeared.
Immediately following the extract from this will is the transcript
of another will, dated May 29th, 1607, by which Richard Elking-
ton left to the corporation of Northampton £50, for the purpose of
lending £10 apiece to five poor artificers or tradesmen of the
town for the term of one year. The vicar and churchwardens were
to nominate on Saint Andrew's day, and the loans to be made on
St. Thomas' day, and entered by the town clerk in the book
of orders.
Accordingly, the following entry comes after the will : —
Theis persons whose names and sirnames hereafter ensue, John Balgaye, hosier,
John Fisher haberdasher, William Dukes cardmaker, William Stansey tanner, and
Thomas Osmond haberdasher, all poore tradesmen and inhabitantes within the said
towne of Northampton were nomynated by Robert Catlyn minister of the parish
Church of All Sainctes in the saide towne, Henry Toad and Henry Sillesbie
churchwardens of the same parish to the right worshipful Edward Hensman maior
of the saide towne in and uppon the feaste daye of St. Andrewe the appostle Anno
dni 1607 to have Tenne powndes apeece of the saide legacie of Fiftie powndes for
one yeare according to the tenor of the last will and testament of the saide Richard
Elkington deceased.
In 1608 the loan was made to two shoemakers, a hosier, a
haberdasher, and a cardmaker; in 1609 to a hosier, a haberdasher,
a glover, and an apothecary ; in 1610 to two shoemakers, a tanner,
a baker and a glover; and in 1611 to two shoemakers, a haber-
dasher, a glover, and a pewterer. Entries continued to be made
of the names of the recipients of this loan, year by year, down to
1627, but the trades to which they belonged are not cited after
1611. This charity for poor tradesmen has also long ago
disappeared.
SECTION EIGHT.
FREEMEN AND APPRENTICES.
GENEROUS CONDITIONS OF OBTAINING THE FREEDOM — ORDERS OF 1553 — VARIOUS
ELIZABETHAN REGULATIONS — LIST OF FREEMEN FROM 1561 — FEES FOR THE TOWN
FREEDOM — A QUAKER FREEWOMAN OF IJ22 — THE SCANDAL OF 1733 — BURGESS
BOOKS — THE NEW CHARTER OF 1796, AND RENEWAL OF FREEDOM — FREEDOM FEES
IN 1834 — APPRENTICES AND COVENANTED SERVANTS FROM 1561 TO 1593 —
IMPLEMENTS OF THEIR TRADE — EARLIER ENTRIES IN ORDERS OF ASSEMBLY —
ORDERS OF 1625 — LATER REGULATIONS.
FREEMEN AND APPRENTICES. 311
THE FREEMEN.
conditions of obtaining the freedom of an English town or
city, and being thus enrolled among the burgesses differed
to some considerable extent in the various boroughs. In several
towns, notably Norwich, the crafts insisted that the only way to
the municipal franchise should lie through their trades' societies.
Hence if the craft masters of a special guild rejected the applicant
for admission to their trade, it was quite in vain for him to attempt
to obtain the general rights of a burgess.
Happily in Northampton this tyrannical system did not prevail ;
the commonalty throughout remained masters of the trades, and
not the trades of the commonalty. Stern as was the treatment by
Northampton of all " foreigners " (the householders of Kingsthorpe,
Hardingstone, or Abington being as much foreigners as Frenchmen
or Turks), there was no borough in England where the opportu-
nities of obtaining the freedom were greater or less restricted.
The freedom of the borough of Northampton could be acquired
in five ways : by birth, by marriage, by apprenticeship, by purchase,
and by gift.
All sons of freemen born within the liberties after the enfran-
chisement of their father, were entitled to the freedom on coming
of age. Freedom by apprenticeship was acquired by servitude to
a freeman for seven years within the borough. Marriage with the
daughter of a freeman, born after her father's enfranchisement,
conferred the freedom on the husband. Any person dwelling in the
town could be enfranchised on payment of a sum to be fixed by
the corporation ; this sum varied much at different periods.
Occasionally the freedom was conferred gratuitously, as an honour,
or as an equivalent for some service rendered.
At certain times in the late history of the town, it was also the
practise to admit, as freewomen, widows or daughters of late free-
men ; not that the degree of freedom conferred any voting power,
but it entitled them to participate in municipal charities.
The first references in the extant orders of assembly as to
freemen are for the year 1553.
312 NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
The first of these refers to the means used for the recovery
from freemen of any dues or fines imposed by the town authorities :
Item if the chamberlaynes take any distresse for any dutie due to the chambyr
of a franchised man, or the bailys likewise for any dutie due unto them and suche
distresse be nott sett and the mony or dutie paid within a monthe after suche
distresse taken the distresse to be praysed and sold and if any more then the
dutie do remayne of the oraysing and sale, it to be delyvered to the owner, and
that like lawe to be for distresses taken for any duty due to the maior for and
consernyng his office.
The next entry shows that the crown in the time of Queen
Mary was levying a special tax on the town by the clever device
of calling upon them to substantiate their liberties, and show on
what warrant they were held. The production of their charters,
and the fees demanded cost £36, and this was levied on all the
freemen.
Item at this assemble was assessement of all fraunchised men for to fine unto quene
mary for our liberties and to answere a quo warranto that was brought agaynst the
liberties whiche assessment amounted above xxxvj11 this quo warranto was begon in
the tyme of Harry Neel mayor and begon agayne before this assemble and
contynuyed styll.
The third reference to the freemen in 1552 is not quite so easy
to understand, but this seems to be the explanation. In common
with other towns, Northampton was particular in insisting on the
burgesses wearing no lord's or lady's livery, but only the town
livery, exception being always made of any royal servant. This
order was probably intended to prevent any freeman assuming
some neighbouring lord's livery, such, for instance, as that of
the Earl of Northampton, and thus escaping his share of the
quo warranto fine then being levied.
Item that no franchised man shuld wear any other mans or womans lyvery to fyne,
and to leve the towne unfyned in tyme of nede upon payne of losyng of his
Fraunchis, except ytt be the kinge or quenys lyvery.
In the first year of Elizabeth there was an evident desire to
encourage the residence of good tradesmen and even musicians
within the town, for at the assembly held on October I3th, 1559,
it was agreed that all manner of craftsmen, that be good workmen,
such as "weytes, fulleis, tinkers, carpenters, hilliars and masons"
should be made free of the borough for the modest fee of 2os. In
the margin the list is amplified by the addition of " and curriars
and joyners."
FREEMEN AND APPRENTICES. 313
/
In 1564 a restriction was imposed upon all who followed more
than one handicraft ; the franchise fee being in such cases quad-
rupled:—
It is agreed that all masons, curriers, fullers, carpenters, joiners, and cutlers shalbe
made free of the liberties for xxs yf they occupie that arte onely, or if he occupie eny
mor occupations then one then he to pay for his fraunchize iiij11.
On April 22nd, 1568, the two following resolutions were
passed : —
That every Freeman sholde arrest one a other for det or otherwise, by prorsus (sic)
and after that to have their delays accordinge to the olde Custome off the towne, to
wit three weekes and no more.
That every Freeman shall paye the olde Fees accustomyd, to wit a penny to the
Clarke, and ijd to the serjant. And the deffendaunt beinge free and arrested shall pay
iiijd to wit ijd to the baylys and ijd to the serjant.
At the next assembly, held in the following August, occurred
.an instance of a butcher, who was a freeman, being struck off the
roll because he had run away and forsaken the town. At the same
time John Ventris, gentleman, is admitted to the freedom, " on
paying but xls to the Chamber" because he was "a profitable
member of this towne for brewinge off bere and also doth entende
to serve the towne off goode holsome beare for man's body."
In 1568 is an interesting entry, which goes to prove that the
commonalty, represented by all the freemen, were still expected to
yield full obedience to the summons of the mayor for any kind of
municipal duty, although no longer summoned en bloc to general
assemblies. On September i6th, of that year, the following
resolution and preamble were entered in the order book : —
For as muche as dyvers obstinate wilfull and disobedient persons (contrary to ther
othes taken at the time of their admission to the fredome of this towne) do neglecte
ther duetie toward the mayor in absenting themselves obstinatly from his presence
beinge warnyd by an officer, and upon a payne to come before the mayor by a certen
tyme apointed, and specially towards mychelmas, when the mayor is neare owte of
office, Then they absent themselves tyll the newe mayre be entryd, more lyke
banckrowtes* then honest townesmen, to the hinderance of Justice and great Slaunder
of the towne.
For Reformacion whereof yt ys condicendid and agreede That if Any man from
liensforthe beinge Free of this towne of Northampton Shall obtinatlye wylfully and
stubernlye absent hymselff From the mayore for the time beinge havinge Lawfulj
somons as ys aforeseide he shalbe Acompted as an obstynate and a disobedient per-
sone, and shall paye for his dysobedience vjs viijd to the use of the Chamber and to be
*The early form of the word bankrupt—" banckrowte "—will be of interest to philologists.
314 NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
Comytted to the gaole and ther to contynue without bayle or maynprise tyll the same
vjs viijd be paide.
The penalty for absence, as originally written in the order, was
that the defaulter was to be disfranchised, and only to be readmitted
on payment of £4, and the correction, as it stands above, was
made at some later date.
This order was evidently intended to be no dead letter. It was
only made a town bye-law on September iyth, 1568, and on Sep-
tember 28th it was put in operation. On the latter date it was
announced at an assembly that one Thomas Bishope, weaver, for
his stubbornness and disobedience to the mayor's summons, was
" by Mr. John Bryan Mayore hereby disfraunchized from the
fredome of Northampton, and not to enjoye any liberties of the
same towne, but to be accompted as a forryner in all Respects,
any fredome or lyberties heretofore graunted to the seyde Bishope
in any wise notwithstondinge."
In 1577 it was enacted —
That all men that be franchesed or do claime any freedome within the towne of
Northton shall come and dwell within the towne and be downe leveinge and upe
rysinge upon payne to be expulsed and excluded for ever and shall pay x1' for a fyne
if he be able and if not then at the discretion of the maior and his brethren.
This last order was evidently only of temporary duration, in
the margin is written vacat.
The first list of freemen is bound up with the first series of
apprentice indentures, which begin in 1561.
The list of freemen, however, does not begin till 1606, during
the mayoralty of Roger Higham, when twenty-one were admitted.
An apprentice who had fulfilled his time paid los. ; the son of a
freeman, 33. 4d. The full payment by an outsider of £5 was made
once this year to the mayor, and in four cases the part payment
of 2os. A few years later the payment by an outsider was raised
to £10. The entries are made year by year in Latin until 1654,
when a new commonwealth town clerk rendered them in English.
Occasionally, the Latin scribe, with all his readiness in the com-
position of low or dog Latin, encountered a word that he could
not render in the dead language, e.g. — "parchment maker" in
English occurs several times in the midst of a Latinised sentence ;
"button maker" and "coach harness maker," also, had to remain
in the vernacular. When a freeman's son took up his freedom,
he was said to do it "jure natali," or " by birthright." Latin was
FREEMEN AND APPRENTICES. 315
again used by the clerk on the Restoration, in 1660, and was
continued to the end of the volume, in 1728.
The following trades are represented among the older entries of
the freemen: — apothecary, baker, barber, blacksmith, bookbinder,
butcher, button maker, carpenter, chandler, clothier, cook, cooper,
cordwainer, cordwinder, currier, cutler, dyer, fellmonger, fuller,
glover, grocer, haberdasher, hilliar, hosier, jerseyweaver, innholder,
ironmonger, joiner, labourer, linendraper, maltster, mercer, miller,
musician, ostler, parchment maker, peruquier, pewterer, point
maker, ropemaker, saddler, shereman, shoemaker, smith, tailor,
tanner, upholsterer, victualler, weaver, whitawer, woollendraper,
woolwinder, and yeoman.
From the first volume of the orders of assembly we find
that as much as £15 in 1611 and 1614, and even £20 in 1612
was paid in exceptional cases for admission to the freemen's roll.
On the other hand, we find the freedom granted gratuitously
to the recorder and the town counsel ; to the parish clerk
of All Saints, for teaching the children ; to one who had in-
terested himself in the repairs of the town wall ; and to the
master of the grammar school. There are also several instances of
men marrying the widows of freemen being admitted at half the
usual fee, viz., £5.
A curious case occurred in 1634. One Henry Folwell, a tanner,
pretended that he had served apprentice to Mr. Kingsworth, but
the pretence being discovered, he was denied his freedom. How-
ever, he obtained the good influence of Mr. Justice Crooke, who
wrote on his behalf to the corporation. Therefore, at the judge's
request, his freedom was granted, but at the full fee of £10, and
after he had made the following curious written submission, which
he signed in the order book : —
I formerly petitioned to this Assemblie for my freedome supposing I had some right
to it by reason of the composition I had made with my Mr. Kinsworth but when the
matter was well debated in this howse it proved otherwise That my Mn agreement
with me would have bene a greate prejudice to the libertie and Corporation by suche a
president and alsoe have produced to much damage to me Wherefor I appealed to the
Reverend Judges in hope to have obtained it another Waye, but they well perceaving
my drift would not suffer soe much wronge to the Corporation, but made it their
requeast to make me free especially Mr. Justice Cooke whoe by himselfe did intreate
for me to Mr. Maior and some of his Brethren that for his sake you would bestow my
freedome upon me which was not denyed me and as I am fullie satisfied was graunted
me by the Maior and Aldermen till it came to their eares that I had given out some
316 NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
saucey and insulting speaches against the Maior that I doubted not but I should Cocke
him but they knowing well what grounds they stand upon denyed me Afterwardes I
have againe and againe petitioned to Mr. Justice Crooke whoe hath intreated Mr.
Recorder to wright to them that it is his requeast it may not be charged only upon
my humble submission and akcnowledging my faults which finding to be soe palpable
and gross that I am hartilye sorrey and ashamed most humbly beseeching you Mr.
Maior and your Bretheren the Aldermen with the Bailiffs and xlviij Persons to forgive
me this grosse faulte and to admitt me a freeman of this Corporation for which I shall
acknowledge myself ever bound to pray for you all and doe likewise promise to
carrie myself an obedient member of this bodie with all reverend respect to my
governors. In witnes whereof I have caused this my submission to be publikely read
oute and have hereunto set my hande.
Henry Folwell
In 1672 the assembly ordered that the Earl of Banbury be
sworn a freeman according to his request, if he please to accept
of the same.
In 1675 the assembly conferred the freedom of the town on the
various county gentlemen who formed a committee of aid after the
distressing fire.
One Henry Bazly, goldsmith, was admitted freeman in 1680, on
payment of twenty marks, the order for a stranger paying £20
notwithstanding, on account of " the usefullness of his Trade in
this Towne, there being noe other person of this Towne that is a
working Goldsmith."
It was solemnly reaffirmed by the assembly in 1693, that no
person whatsoever shall be suffered to follow or exercise any
trade, art, mystery, or manual occupation within the liberties
before he be sworn and admitted a freeman, under the heavy
penalty of £20.
The order against persons who were riot freemen trading in any
way whatsoever within the liberties, was restated in a more elabo-
rate and legal form in 1700, as a charter-sanctioned bye-law, and
again in 1704.
On December I2th, 1722, Anne Hopkins, widow, being " one
of the people called Quakers," who was exercising the trade of a
maltster in the town, was ordered to be admitted a freewoman
upon payment of £10, with the accustomed fees, and in case she
refused to take up her freedom on those terms, she would be
forthwith sued for an infringement of the charter. Due notice of
this order was served upon Anne Hopkins, who treated it with
contempt, and continued to exercise her trade. A case was sub-
mitted to the deputy recorder, Mr. Cuthbert, and he advised that
FREEMEN AND APPRENTICES. 317
action should be taken under bye-law, 1704, which was duly
witnessed, in accordance with the charter, by two of her majesty's
judges.
On March 2gth, 1739, the assembly ordered that James William-
son, mercer, be admitted a freeman according to his petition. In
his petition he offered £20 for his freedom, but the assembly
ordered that he should pay £50, together with the accustomed fees,
and that if he should presume to open shop or expose for sale any
goods within the town before he was a freeman, he should forth-
with be prosecuted. Williamson was served with the order, but
he refused to take up his freedom at £50, saying it was an
exorbitant price. He opened shop, and speedily drove a consider-
able trade as mercer, woollen draper, and haberdasher of small
wares. The town books showed that the sum of £50 had only
once been paid for a freedom, but that £40 had been paid two or
three times.
The assembly stated a case to their deputy recorder, Mr.
Danvers. Mr. Danvers' reply was somewhat equivocal, though, on
the whole, he advised the corporation to proceed with an action.
He concluded as follows : — " Though I have given my thoughts as
plainly as I can, this being a matter of such great consequence, I
would not have my opinion onely be depended upon because I
know my Lord Chief Justice Holt (that Oracle of the Law) hath
often set himself against such exclusion of foreigners, saying it
was against the liberty of the subject, and that it was a grievance
that there were any Corporations in England that should pretend
to exclude any person who have been bred up to a trade ; but wrhat
hath been the opinion of the Judges of Exchequer I cannot say
having so long declined any attendance at the Bar/'
The second book of the enrolment of freemen begins in 1730,
and extends to 1797. It is arranged under the different mayors;
the first two years are in Latin, and the remainder in English.
The usual fee for an outsider was £10 ; whilst the fees paid
by apprentices and children of freemen on admission were los. and
33. 4d. respectively. In the latter part of the book, the fee was
occasionally £20, and often £13. 6s. 8d.
In 1733 occurred the great scandal, which resulted in the
freemen being declared ineligible, as such, for the parliamentary
franchise. This question is entered into under the heading of
parliamentary burgesses, but it may here be stated that the cor-
318 NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
poration at this juncture decided to secure a victory for their
candidate by the wholesale manufacture of non-resident freemen at
three guineas apiece. The total number of gentlemen of the
county and neighbouring shires, thus admitted to the Northampton
burgess roll, between February i2th and April gth, 1733, was
actually 396 ; of this number 35 were clergy.
At an assembly held on June igth, 1740, forty-nine freemen
were struck off the roll, and formally "disfranchised and ousted of
his and their several and respective freedoms." The list begins
with Sir Edmund Isham, of Lamport, and is chiefly composed of
country squires and gentlemen, but also includes thirteen of the
tradesfolk of Northampton.
No reason is assigned for this action, and we can only suppose
that it was for some technical default, for the assembly of October
2nd, of the same year, reinstated forty-four of those disfranchised
on June I7th, " upon application in that behalf by them respec-
tively made." The application was evidently a personal one, for
though readmitted gratis, each one of the applicants had to retake
the oaths.
Amongst the corporation books is a third volume containing
enrolments of freemen. It begins in 1768 and ends in 1835, and,
consequently overlaps its predecessor by some 30 years. After
1789 no freemen's payments are entered, and the book is simply a
record of names.
There are series of thin burgess or freeman books, seven in
number, containing simply the names of the freemen on their
admission entered against the embossed stamps (two of one shilling
each), according to act of parliament.
The first book contains 208 names, all enrolled during the
mayoralty of Thomas Peach, 1714-15.
The second book has 209 names of the year 1726-7.
The third book has 452 names, all enrolled during 1733-4, the
year of the notorious election.
The fourth book shows an excessive reaction, and covers the
next two years. In 1734-5 there were six new freemen, and in
1735-6 there were eight.
Book five covers the next eleven years, down to 1746-7, having
an average of about twenty a year.
The sixth book is for the next six years, down to 1752-3.
The seventh and last carries the series down to 1759-60.
FREEMEN AND APPRENTICES. 319
At the October meeting of the assembly in 1767, it was ordered
that any one, not being entitled to the freedom of the town by birth
or servitude, might be admitted to the freedom on payment of £10
in cash, or if married to the daughter of a freeman, on payment
of £5. Several persons were soon after admited to the freedom
by payment, by the mayor and town clerk, on taking the necessary
oaths. " Certain ill disposed persons " objected to this, and said
that there should be a petition to the assembly before any freedom
could be granted, and they applied for a quo warranto against
the mayor and town clerk in the court of king's bench. In January,
1768, the assembly instructed counsel to defend their officials,
stating that the mayor and town clerk, in thus acting with regard
to freedoms that were purchased, were merely following ancient
usage and custom.
The assembly resolved, on April 2gth, 1796, that as the new
charter was only binding upon those who think proper to
accept it, it was necessary that those who had taken out
their freedom under the former charter and were desirous of
possessing the benefits and privileges of the corporation under the
new charter, should testify their acceptance by taking the oath of
office of a freeman as heretofore. Twelve days were appointed for
the administering the freeman's oath to those desirous of taking it,
the days and hours to be advertised in the Northampton Mercury.
At this first assembly after the new charter, Hon. Spencer
Perceval, then a candidate to represent Northampton in parliament
was made an honorary freeman.
It was first resolved that any man resident in the town could
purchase his freedom for £10, and any woman for £5, and that
any one marrying a freeman's daughter, could gain his freedom
for £5 — in all cases in addition to the customary fees.
At the next assembly (May 24th, 1796), Mr. William Walcot,
and Hon. Edward Bouverie, the two other parliamentary candidates,
were also made honorary freemen.
In 1804 it was ordered that the purchase of freedoms be £15
instead of £10, and £7. IDS. instead of £$ on marriage of a
freeman's daughter, also that the usual fees be increased by one-
third of the former amount.
On November 7th, 1823, fifty-two persons were admitted at
the assembly to the freedom of the town by purchase.
320
NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
On August gth, 1827, twenty-six persons were added to the
freemen's roll after a similar fashion.
The assembly of December, 1833, added one-hundred-and-two
names to the freemen's roll, all by purchase.
The commissioners of municipal corporations, who reported in
1835, give the following list of fees that were then paid on ad-
mission to the freedom ; they had grown materially during the last
few years of the life of the old corporation.
By birth.
£.
s.
d.
To
the mayor
0
4
6
M
,, town clerk ...
0
16
2
n
,, macebearer ...
0
i
4
By marriage.
To
the corporation ...
7
o
0
,,
„ mayor
0
4
6
„
,, town clerk ...
0
18
2
>'
„ macebearer ...
0
i
4
By apprenticeship
To
the corporation ...
0
13
4
,,
,, mayor
0
4
6
,,
„ town clerk ...
0
16
4
M
„ macebearer ...
0
i
4
£.
Fee on admission
d.
2 o
Fee on admission
8 4
Fee on admission
15 6
If the indentures are inrolled with the town clerk, he is entitled to
an additional fee of i8s. 8d.
£. s. d.
£.
d.
By purchase.
To the corporation ... 14
„ „ mayor ... o
town clerk
macebearer
o 18
Fee on admission
15 4
APPRENTICES.
Before giving the following extracts and references as to North-
ampton's regulations as to apprentices, a very brief comment must
be offered on the general question. From the attention that we
FREEMEN AND APPRENTICES. 321
have been able to give in the past to the town apprentice question,
in many other boroughs, we have no hesitation in saying that
Northampton, of Elizabethan and early Jacobean days, stands out
most favourably in the treatment of her young handicraftsmen.
Many other boroughs, through the jealousy of the leading
merchants and manufacturers, and in order to have a larger supply
of raw labour, passed severe local laws, strictly limiting the number
of apprentices ; whilst the heavy fines before they could enter a craft
or obtain their freedom, caused many a man, when he had finished
his apprenticeship, to fall back with the rank and file of the
ordinary hired labourers. The small degree of limitation in numbers
imposed at Northampton, seems to have been mainly in the
interests of the apprentice, so that no freeman should have more
of these youths than he could comfortably support in his own
house. The stringent regulations as to the enrolment of the inden-
tures, carried out, as a rule, most faithfully in this borough, as the
books prove, were a great safeguard against the apprentice being
meanly shaken off shortly before the end of his term, and in
favour of his securing his freedom as a certainty at a most
moderate fee.
In many other towns it was quite the exception to find in the
covenant any stipulation as to the youth receiving, when his service
ended, the implements of his trade, but at Northampton this was
the rule, and not the exception.
A general fact with regard to town apprentices of the fifteenth,
sixteenth, and seventeenth centuries, which is often forgotten,
should also be remembered, namely, the extreme youth of these
budding townsmen. Children were apprenticed constantly as young
as seven, and never older than twelve.
Great care was taken, too, at Northampton, with regard to
covenanted servants, as apart from apprentices, the covenant being
personally witnessed by the mayor, with both parties before him.
The case of little Agnes Matthews, in 1593, should be noted, as
an early instance of a humane covenant in comparatively rough
days.
Book number xiii of Mr. Stuart Moore's catalogue, contains an
interesting series of memoranda giving all the salient points of the
covenants entered into with covenanted servants and apprentices,
before the mayor from 1561 to 1721. A few of the earlier
examples are here given of these various agreements :—
w
322 NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
Md the fyrst dale of July in the fourthe yere of the Reigne of Quene Elizabethe,
Henry Cowper the son of Henry Cowper of hakelton in the county of North'ton
dicessed hathe put himselfe Couvenant Servant ut John Jonson of North'toh Corvicer
from may day last past for the terme of vij yeres, and at the end of seven yeres shall
give him xxs in mony, and honest apparrell dowble, and the three first yeres a jd a
quarter and the foure last yeres ijd le quarter, etc. and meate and drinke.
Md the sevinthe daie off July in the Eight yere off the Reigne of our Soveraine
Lady Quene Elizabethe, William Wallys the sone of William Wallis late of Thindon
deceased hathe put himselff apprentice to Richard Twickton of Northampton glover
from the feast of pentecost last past unto the ende off sevin yeares fully to be complet
and endide and at the end of the sevyn yeres shall make him Free off the towne of
Northton and to give him apparrell bothe For holly day and working day. Item it is
agreed betwene the saide parties with the consent of thomas Wallis his brother, that
the said Richard Twickton shall or may Receyve of the tenaunt off the landes and
tenementes off William Wallys his aprentice yerely upon the monday in whitsonweeke
called witson Monday Fortie shillinges untill the some of tenne poundes be payde for
the repayment whereoff the saide Richard Twickton standithe bounden the saide
Thomas Wallys by his obligation bearinge date the daie of the date above writon.
Md that Miles Muckhill the xxixth day of September in the yere of or Lord God
1563 in the fyvethe yere of the Reigne of or sovraine Lady quene Elizabethe dyd
become Covenant servant to Wm Fytcher shomoker for sevyn yeres from thence next
folowinge to be fully complet and ended and in the end to give him xs in mony and
apparell mete for him.
Richard Wharloo maior.
Md at the feast of Chrismas 1565 boniface Digwyde hath put himselff Covenaunt
servant with Richard Emston of Northton taylor him to serve from the saide feast For
the term of vij yeres, and at the ende off vij yeres the saide Richard Emston to gyve
boniface his servant xx8 in mony And doble Apparell Witnes Symon Charlton
serjeant and George Newe taylor.
Mr. Balgey then beinge maior.
Md at the feast of all saintes 1568 Giles Amasko the son of John Amasko of
Cartmell in the Countie of Lancashire hathe put himself Covenaunt servant with
Roger Haskyn of Northampton taylor for ix yeres with doble apparrell a paire of
sheres and a pressinge yron and pleege, Giles Slatier Cristofer benloos of Kendall.
Md Henry Stokes the sone of John Stokes, of Kettilby in the Countie of Lecetor
husbondman put himself Covenaunt servant to George Harrison of Northampton
shuesmith with him to dwell from the feast of Seynt John baptyste 1567 unto the end
of vij yeres, and at the Ende of vij yeres to give Henry Stokes a sledy, a buttres,
a paire of bellos, a paire of pynsons, iij hammers, a vice, a byckhorn, and at every
of two of the last yeres shall give him xijd a quarter in monye. Mr. Edward Manley
then beinge Maior of Northton.
FREEMEN AND APPRENTICES. 323
Md that the first day off August A° 1575 Katharine Hynde the doughter off
Thomas Hynde off Northampton shomaker and chymney sweeper off Northton have
by the consent off Mr. Edwarde Manley then beinge maior of Northton put hirselff
Covenant servant to John Yonge of Northton marcer and Alyce his wiff for the terme
and end of vij yeres, the terme to begyne from Michaelmas next followinge, And the
seyde John Yonge and Alyce his wiff shall fynd Katherin Hynde their servant meate
drink lynen and wollen duringe the seyde terme off vij yeres, and at the last ende of
vij yeres shall give hir doble Apparrell for holly daie and workinge day, and vjs viijd
in mony.
xxiij die Decembr A° xxvj Eliz. 1593 Johs M'cer maior. Md that Henry Moseley
of the towne of Northampton Moltaker hathe promysed to kepe one Agnes Mathewes
for the terme of Twelve yeres from Mychelmas laste fyndinge the saide childe meate
dryncke Apparrell Lodgeinge learneinge, and to use the saide chylde well and to
kepe yt Cleane.
Md that Henry Sherley sone of William Sherley of Lodington in the countie of
of Northampton Taylor hathe by indenture bearing date the Sixthe daye of October
in the fyve and thirteth yeare of the raign of our soveraigne Ladye quene Elizabethe
putt himselfe apprentice with Richard Chambers of the towne of Northampton,
musician for the term of Eight yeres from the feast of St. Michaell tharchangell then
last past before the date of the same Indenture, The saide Henry Sherley dothe
covenante to doe his saide Mr true and diligent service during the said terme, And the
said Richard Chambers dothe covenant to fynde him all things necessarie during the
saide terme, to teach him the said art misterye or science of a musician, and to give
him at the ende of the saide terme double apparrell, fyve shillings in money, and a
treble violene.
In addition to the implements of their trade handed to appren-
tices or covenanted servants at the end of their term by a tailor
(which was general), a blacksmith, and a musician, as mentioned
above, we find stipulations made that a glazier should provide a
vice to frame lead in ; a joiner a set of tools such as would make
a bedstead and a cupboard ; a barber a comb, a pair of barber's
scissors, and a case of barber's knives ; and a cutler twelve suitable
files and a vice. Some stipulate for linen and woollen raiment,
hose, and shoes, and bedding throughout the term ; others for meat,
drink, washing, and lodging ; and almost invariably the double
apparel at the close of their servitude. The master frequently
covenants to teach the trade or occupation ; and in the case of a
glover to teach both " water work and shop work." Another
frequent proviso with apprentices was to pay the fees for the town's
freedom when the term was completed. The double apparel proviso
W 2
324 NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
ceased about 1665. The mother of the youthful apprentice oc-
casionally undertook to provide her boy's hose, and now and again
his shirts ; but unless specially provided against, the master found
all clothing.
In the assembly order book, under the year 1554, are brief
entries in Latin of the indentures of eight apprentices.
There are also several entries in English of the years 1559 to
1560 with regard to apprentices and covenanted servants, of which
we give two examples : —
John Stockdale the sone of John Stockdale of Northampton, Carpenter, hathe put
himself aprentice to Edmund Archebold of Northton and Elizabethe his wyff,
Clotheer, for the term off eight yeres from the feast of the purification of or Ladie Ao
Dni 1559, A° Regine Dni Elizabethe Scdo.
Edward Downes the sone of John Downes of Northton, Glover, hathe put himselff
covenant with John Coyne of Northton, Poynt maker, with him to dwell to lerne
Glovers craft, skynners craft, and poynt makinge, the term began at the feast of Saynt
John Baptist A° 1560 for term of seven years, and the four last yeres four grotes, and
at the last year 6s/8d, with honest rayment both for holli day and working day.
Owing to certain irregularities, the assembly ordered, in 1609,
that apprentices who have served within the liberty for at least
seven years, shall be admitted freemen without any charge as here-
tofore, provided that the apprentice can show that he was duly
enrolled in the book of records of apprentices.
It wras ordered in 1619 that no tradesmen should have or retain
in his service above three apprentices at one time.
There having been great laxity with regard to the enrolment of
apprentices, whereby many had been admitted freemen irregularly,
and at too early a date, it was ordered by the assembly in 1624, that
every inhabitant hereafter taking any apprentice was at the next court
of hustings, held in the guildhall after the binding of his apprentice
to bring his apprentice with the indenture, and there present him
to the mayor to be enrolled in open court, paying for the present-
ment I2d. to the chamber, and for the enrolment 6d. to the town
clerk.
At another assembly, in the same year, it was stated that an
abuse had arisen, whereby divers apprentices had not continued
out their full term with their first masters, but had been turned
over corruptly and deceitfully to others for the rest of their term.
It wras therefore ordered that no freeman should hereafter take
any apprentice who had been formerly bound to some other free-
FREEMEN AND APPRENTICES. 325
man, unless the turning over was duly enrolled at the court of
hustings, under a penalty of forty shillings ; and that any apprentice
opening any shop, or using any trade, craft, mystery, or manual
occupation before his time had expired, was to be fined twenty
shillings a week for every wreek that he so offended.
That there were disadvantages as well as advantages in the
exceptional laxity with regard to apprentices according to North-
ampton customs, customs which had become more vague and lax
as time went on, is evident from an order of 1625.
On August 4th, of that year, the assembly resolved that —
Whereas by the multitude of Apprentices taken into this Corporation out of the
Countie or other Counties within this Realme it appeareth that much hurt and damage
cometh to the same and the childeren borne and bredd within the said Corporation,
forasmuch as manie of the saide childeren as well those which are less destitute of
parents and meanes of maintenance, as others, cannot by reason hereof be preferred
to anie apprenticeship with anie freeman of the same, whereby they might be educated
and brought up naturally in the place of their birth, but divers of them by reason of
apprentices are promiscuously and unnaturally taken as is aforeseide are driven to
wander abroad, begging, and to be disorderly for want of employments For remedy
hereof it is agreed and ordered that no freeman shall at anie time hereafter take
any person or persons to be his apprentice or apprentices but such whose parent or
parents shalbe towne dwellers then if they be hiring or have bene towne dwellers
by the space of one yeare at the least before their decease, if they be then dead,
or shalbe freemen of some city or town corporate within this realme, upon payne
that every freeman taking an apprentice otherwise and thereof convicted shall forfitt,
loose, and pay for every apprentice soe taken Three Pounds to the Chamberlains.
The following orders of the seventeenth century were all
directed against foreigners, and with the intention of bolstering up
the town trade in the interests of the apprentices as well as the
freemen.
It was ordered in 1629 that the constables and thirdboroughs of
each ward were every month to present to the mayor the names
of all newcomers, tapsters, chamberlains, and others, and the
receiver or receivers of them, and that any constable or third-
borough negligent in this duty was to be fined 6s. 8d.
In 1637 a stringent order was passed prohibiting woollen
drapers, mercers, innholders, victuallers, shoemakers, tailors, and
all other persons using any art, mystery, occupation, or science
whatsoever, from employing as a journeyman (and not as an
an apprentice) any one coming out of the country, or from any
foreign place, without the previous leave of the mayor and justices.
326 NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
A view was ordered to be made in 1639 °f a^ menservants
and maidservants within the liberties, and of all maids who worked
with their own hands. Those already hired were to be entered
with their wages, others not in service to be put to service, and
foreign menservants to be discharged the town.
In 1641 a former penalty of £10 upon any one in Northampton
entertaining any inhabitant out of the country or any foreign place
to dwell there, was strictly reimposed, and ordered at once to be
enforced on any offenders within the last two years.
The assembly in 1674 ordered that any one taking any stranger
into his house as sojourners or tenant to his land, whereby they
may gain a settlement, without the previous permission of the
mayor and justices, shall forfeit £5. The town crier was instruc-
ted to give notice of this order.
In order to prevent the growing evil of the fraudulent and
colourable evil of the binding of apprentices, both men and women,
so as to secure their freedom and consequently a settlement,
without their really having been apprentices at all, the assembly,
in 1702, provided that henceforth no freeman shall bind any
apprentice save in the mayor, recorder, or one of the town justices
that the indentures be made out by the town clerk, and no one
else ; that the term shall be for not less than seven years ; that it
be indorsed on the indentures that the apprentice shall serve bona
fide or else lose his freedom ; and that for every neglect of these
rules the binder or master shall forfeit £20.
There are several other books containing the indentures of
apprentices from 1730 dowrn to 1835, but they are not of sufficient
interest to warrant any comment on their contents.
SECTION NINE.
CHARITABLE FOUNDATIONS.
HOSPITAL OF ST. LEONARD — A PAROCHIAL CHAPEL — THE MAYOR'S OATH — ST.
LEONARD'S FARM AND THE LAZERMAN — SEAL OF ST. LEONARD'S — HOSPITAL OF
ST. JOHN — COMPLAINTS AGAINST THE MASTERS AND THEIR NON-RESIDENCE —
ENDEAVOURS OF CORPORATION TO SECURE CONTROL— SEAL OF ST. JOHN'S — HOSPITAL
OF ST. THOMAS — ITS MANAGEMENT BY THE CORPORATION — REMOVAL OF LUNATICS,
1854 — DEMOLITION OF BUILDINGS, 1872 — LANGHAM'S CHARITY — SIR THOMAS
WHITE'S LOAN CHARITY — FREEMAN'S CHARITY — THE FREE GRAMMAR SCHOOL AND
ITS MASTERS — THE CORPORATION AND EDUCATION — TABLES OF BENEFACTIONS IN
TOWN HALL — REPORT OF CORPORATION COMMITTEE IN 1783.
CHARITABLE FOUNDATIONS. 329
THE HOSPITAL OF ST. LEONARD.
A MONG the corporation records there is a valuable collection
of early evidences with regard to the lands pertaining to the
hospital of St. Leonard on the south side of the town. The first
of these, about 1150, is a grant from Adam, son of Nigel, son of
Mervin to God and the Hospital of St. Leonard of Northampton
and the sick men serving God there, of his shop in Whimplers
Row in the market of Northampton, which is near the shop of
the said sick men towards the east in the same row.
The next one is a charter of Henry II. granting protection to
the lepers of St. Leonard's, Northampton, and permission to receive
alms. Mr. Stuart Moore considered that this charter was probably
granted at the time when Henry II. called his great council at
Northampton at which Thomas-a-Becket was arraigned.
During the reigns of Richard I. and John there were many
gifts to the hospital. A grant of land at Pitsford, in the latter
reign, assigns it to " The Blessed Mary and the sick brethren and
sisters of the house of S* Leonard at Northampton serving God,
S* Mary, and S* Leonard there/'
A grant about 1250 pertaining to this house makes mention of
"le cowmede," which is the first mention we have met with of the
Cow Meadow.
Another grant of 1294 devises land to the master, brethren,
and sisters of the lepers of St. Leonard, without Northampton.
In 1295 mention is made of the parish of St. Leonard without
Northampton. All the rites of a parochial church seem to have
been administered to the inhabitants of the district in the chapel
of St. Leonard from the time of the foundation of the chapel.
In 1281 the vicar of Hardingstone claimed offerings and tithe
from the residents in the liberty of St. Leonard. Evidence, however,
was given that the inhabitants, from time immemorial, had wor-
shipped in the chapel of St. Leonard, and had the offices of baptism
and burial performed by the chaplain.
330 NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
The Bishop of Lincoln decided in favour of St. Leonards, but
ordered that every future chaplain presented by the mayor and
burgesses of Northampton should also obtain the consent of the
prior of St. Andrew's, and of the vicar of Hardingstone.
It is a remarkable, and, possibly, a unique arrangement for
the chapel of a lazar house to be used for parochial purposes.
St. Leonard's, however, is traditionally stated to have been founded
by William the Conqueror, and if so, was established some time
before any special provision was made for lepers in England. It
seems therefore probable that parochial rights preceded the settle-
ment of the lepers in connection with this chapel, and that the sick
brethren and sisters had either a small detached chapel of their
own, or else used the quire, securely screened off from the parts
devoted to general worship.
During the reigns of the first three Edwards there were
numerous small grants of land to the hospital. From this date
the documents are chiefly leases.
A deed of about the year 1300 is of interest. It is a grant
from the master and brethren of the house of St. Lazarus of
Burton (Burton Lazars) to the master and brethren of the
hospital of St. Leonard, in Northampton, of a toft in the suburb
of Northampton, opposite the hospital church, which they were
to hold of the house of St. Lazarus by rendering a yearly
payment at Michaelmas of I2d. ; and if it should ever happen that
the house of St. Leonard should fail in this payment, that then the
brother or messenger sent to collect the rent was to be ministered
to at the expense of the master and brethren of St. Leonard's till
the rent was fully paid.
The Lincoln episcopal registers contain a variety of institutions
to the chaplaincy of St. Leonard's, of which an incomplete list is
given in Bridge's History. The first is that of John de Tutbury,
in 1282 on the presentation of R. Fitzhenry, mayor of Northampton,
and the rest of the burgesses, with the consent of the prior of St.
Andrew's, and the vicar of Hardingstone. The hospital was tech-
nically in Hardingstone parish, and the prior of St. Andrew held
the rectory and nominated the vicars. The consent of the prior
and vicar is also recorded in an institution of 1293, but in all
subsequent cases the mayor and burgesses are entered as the sole
patrons without any qualifications. In the Valor Ecclesiasticus the
CHARITABLE FOUNDATIONS. 331
mayor of Northampton for the time being is termed the master of
the hospital.
In the fifteenth century the town adopted the unhappy expedient
of leasing the hospital of St. Leonard's, with all its lands, tene-
ments, rents, etc., making the lessee responsible for all the duties
that really pertained to the mayor as master. An instance of this
has been given in the customary (vol. i., pp 402-5) for the year
1472, when the corporation let the hospital on a life lease to John
Peck, of Kingsthorpe. The lessee covenanted to pay the chaplain
eight marks a year (or four marks, with food and drink and three
yards of cloth) ; to pay five pence a week to each male or female
leper who might be there ; and once a year two gammons of bacon
and a bushel of oatmeal ; and to keep the houses, buildings, and
church in good repair. The object of a lessee would thus obviously
be to keep down the number of the inmates.
The arrangement proved, however, to be a conspicuous failure ;
probably a heavy fine for the lease was paid to the corporation,
though that is not stated. In 1505, most likely on the death of
John Peck, the assembly determined not only to retain the man-
agement in their own hands, but to insist on their mayors, when
they entered on office, taking an oath to manage the hospital
personally, in conjunction with a committee elected by the cor-
poration. This most interesting oath is written out in full in the
older of the two town customaries, which is now in the British
Museum : —
SACRAMENTUM HOSPITALIS Sci LEONARDI.
Ye shall swere that ye shall well and treuly kepe and governe the hospytall of
Seynt Leonardes the Abbott in Coton bysydes Norhampton Which hath byn mysse
used and evyll governed and gevyn awey contrary to the Fyrst graunte therof in
tymes passed Therefore hit is provided and ordeyned by Robarde Shefforde meyre
of the seide Town of Norhampton and the Comburgesses and Comynalte havyn
assented and conducended of an hole mynde and aggrement by the Corporation of
the seide Towne That in no maner of wise From this tyme Forwarde that
the seide hospitall of Seint Leonarde shalbe gevyn graunted or to ferme sette to
eny man persone or persones in tyme comyng, But that it shalbe allweys remyane
for evermore in the meyres hondes for the tyme beyng Comburgesses and Comynalte
accordyng to their Fyrst graunte, And also that they may chose and elect of theym-
selves ij of the meyres Brethern to have the Rule oversight and good governaunce
of the forseide hospitall, Also underneth them one Bailly to rase levy and receyve
thereof all maner Rentes anuytees with all and singuler other appurtenaunces to the
forseide hospitall apperteynyng and belongyng, And that the seid Wardens and
overseers with the seide Bailly once in the yere within one monyth after the Fest
I
332 NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
of cure Lorde next commyng that they do make their due and lawfull accomptes how
they have reulid and governed the goodys of the seide place for that yere beyng and
how they byn employed to the universall weale of the same to your connyng and
power so helpe you God and all seynts, and by that boke.
Though the use of the chapel (which had long served as a parish
church for the suburb of Cotton end) was abandoned during the
plunder period of Henry VIII. and Edward VI., the brethren and
sisters supported there apparently dispersed, and the devises of
land connected with masses seized by the crown, the corporation of
Northampton was sufficiently powerful to prevent everything going
to the king and his rapacious courtiers.
In 1550 there was an award in Chancery between the mayor
and burgesses of Northampton and Francis Samwell, who claimed
to have purchased the chapel of St. Leonard's of the crown,
in the third year of Edward VI. The award assigned the
chapel and the churchyard to the mayor and burgesses and their
successors " to such use and intent as they shall think meet and
expedient by their discretion/' on a certain payment to Francis
Samwell. It was further ordered that if the mayor and burgesses
should happen to sell any lead of the chapel of St Leonard, that,
the said Francis should have one fodder of it, paying to them £5
The chapel has long ago disappeared. It had evidently van-
ished before the Elizabethan terrier of 1586 of the corporation
possessiqns was drawn up, when the town possessed a meadow there
called St. Leonard's hook. On the site of the hospital, and com-
prising some of the secular buildings, a farmhouse was erected,
which after various vicissitudes of flood and fire, finally disappeared
about the beginning of this century. It was known as St. Leonard's
farm, and was situated immediately to the left of the road on the
further side of the south bridge, after passing the Midland Railway
gates. It is somewhat to the credit of the corporation of those
days that they did not appropriate all the rents from this ancient
hospital to mere town uses, for they built a small cottage or tene-
ment on the site, called the Spittle or Lazerhouse, which was
occupied by a single poor man rent free. The almsman also
received a weekly allowance of two shillings, together with a suit
of clothes and a load of firewood once a year. The appointment
of this corporation bedesman, usually termed the lazerman, rested
with the mayor and aldermen.
The following are some examples of references to St. Leonard's
and the lazerman in the town records.
CHARITABLE FOUNDATIONS. 333
In August, 1663 the assembly ordered that speedy care be taken
for rebuilding the " Lazermans House, the same having been driven
down by the late great flood."
In April 1665, Mrs. Wilson, the tenant of the dwelling houses
and outhouses called St. Leonard's farm, received notice to " build
anew the Barne then lately ruyned by a great Flood."
The court of aldermen, in 1731, ordered that " William Batman,
mason, who is very old and lame, be according to his petition
placed in the lazerhouse belonging to St Leonard's farm, in Cotton
end, in the room of John Shortgrave, lately deceased, and do receive
the weekly pay and other provisions settled for the maintenance
of the said lazerman."
On the death of William Batman, in 1740, Robert Cox,
gardener, was placed in the lazerhouse in Batman's room.
In 1724 it was ordered that the chamberlain for the time being
do yearly provide apparel for the " Lazerman " to the value of 153.
over and besides his weekly pay and load of wood, the apparel to
be such as the lazerman shall desire and choose.
The seal of St. Leonard's hospital, given on plate VI., fig. 5, though
of much interest, is a late and somewhat poorly executed example
of about 1450. A full length figure of St. Leonard is represented
beneath elaborate canopied work, whilst below St. Leonard is a
gateway surmounted by a crown. The gateway is, in all probability,
intended to represent the town gate on the south bridge close to
the hospital, whilst the crown may be taken to signify that it was
a royal foundation of William the Conqueror. The legend round,
in small black letter is : —
J , coe • fcomue . 0cf . feonarfci , tu;cf a . nor$fttn?f on .
HOSPITAL OF ST. JOHN.
The exact date of the foundation of this hospital is uncertain,
as well as the name of the founder. The patent rolls of 1306
confirm certain grants that were made to the hospital by Henry II.,
and it seems probable that the actual year of the foundation was
1138. In Dugdale's Monasticon it is stated that the hospital was
founded by Walter, archdeacon of Northampton, for the reception
and maintenance of the infirm ; but there was no archdeacon of
Northampton of that name at that period. One William was arch-
deacon of Northampton in the reign of Stephen, and Walter is
334 NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
probably an error. Bishop Grossteste (1235-1254) drew up a con-
stitution for the hospital which was to be read three times a year
before the master and brethren. These injunctions were confirmed
and extended by Bishop Buckingham (1363-1397).
These orders enjoined upon the brothers to keep silence within
the church, dormitory, and refectory ; to wear a uniform and humble
habit of one colour, with a black cross imposed upon it ; to admit
no woman within the precincts ; to make weekly confession of fou-
cesses and sins before the chapter, together with other regulations
such as usually pertained to a religious house.
Two centuries later, when the Valor Ecclesiasticus was drawn
up, in 1535, the regulations of this hospital seem to have been
considerably changed.
At that time a certain number of aged poor were maintained in
the hospital, the names of three men and five women who were in
receipt of twopence a day being given.
A certificate of this hospital at the time of the general survey
in 1546, describes it as founded to find one master, two priests, and
eight poor folk, and to keep hospitality. The hospital is described
as no parish church, but only for the company there inhabiting.
The church pertaining to the hospital had its burying ground
from an early date, for in 1286 a vacant piece of land is conveyed
to the brothers of St. John for enlarging their cemetery.
An elaborate charter of Charles I.; granted in 1631 purports to
quote from the original foundation deed, from which it appears
that the practice that existed in the time of Henry VIII. and was
continued down to recent days, when two co-brethren or chaplains
held annual stipends, and eight almsmen or almswomen had a
weekly allowance, was not a part of the primary intention of the
foundation. The object of the hospital in its earlier days was to
afford temporary entertainment and refreshment for the infirm poor
and for orphans ; whilst the " languidi vel leprosi " were excepted
as being likely to prove a permanent charge upon the establishment.
The Bishop of Lincoln was, from its first origin, the patron of the
hospital, and had the presentation of the master. Grave charges
of mismanagement and monopolisation of the funds by non-resident
masters were made before the Reformation, and these evils ma-
terially increased when the formation of the diocese of Peterborough
removed all connection of the town with Lincoln. The mastership
CHARITABLE FOUNDATIONS. 335
of St. John's, Northampton, came to be regarded as a lucrative
sinecure to the disgrace of all concerned.
In the days of Elizabeth, about 1573, Bishop Cowper, of Lincoln,
presented Mr. Arthur Wake, M.A., to the mastership. The
domestic state papers show that this master of St. John's, North-
ampton took himself off, almost immediately after his preferment,
to the island of Jersey, and there lived with his friend, the captain
general, Mr. Paulet. After he had been absent from the kingdom
for more than a year, formal complaints were lodged with the
bishop, and he felt constrained to remonstrate. Whereupon Mr.
Wake, in the spring of 1575, wrote to the Earl of Leicester, asking
him to procure a license, that he might enjoy his living, notwith-
standing his absence, as he had no intention of coming home. The
earl seems to have lacked the courage to ask the privy council or
his royal mistress for such a license, but contented himself with
writing a letter, sadly characteristic of the times, wherein he
bitterly complained to the bishop of his efforts to remove his friend,
Arthur Wake, from the hospital, concluding by writing that if he
(the bishop) wished to find the earl in the future favourable to any
of his desires that he would suffer Mr. Wake to retain the North-
ampton mastership in quietness !
In 1584 William Westgate was consecrated bishop of Lincoln,
and some of the most influential men in the town and county of
Northampton again endeavoured to obtain some amendment with
regard to the scandals pertaining to the hospital. Failing with the
bishop, they lodged their complaint with the privy council. The
following is from the state papers for that year : —
There hathe bene dyvers Justices within the Countie of Northampton with dyvers
other persons of good creditt that hathe taken vewe of the said Hospital! that the
said hospital! togeather with the Revenewes thereof were not imployed nor used
according to the first foundacion as did then manifestly appeare But were converted to
the great benefit and Commodity of suche persons as the orders of the house would
not warrant And that hardly the xxth parte of the said Revenewes were at any time
given to the releife of any impotent aged or feeble persons.
One Mr Wake that pretendethe hymselfe to be master of the said hospitall would
not permitt nor surfer the said Justices to take any vewe of the Evidences belonginge
to the said Hospitall.
The cause wherfore the said pretended Mr would not permitte the said Justices to
to tak vewe of the said Evidences was afterwards discovered by certen credible
persons who affirmed that the most parte of the Evidences of the said Hospitall were
burnt of Late yeares by one Mr Lowe that was last Mr thereof who affirmed that if the
336 NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
said Evidences should come to light that they would overthrowghe the wholl state of
the said Hospitall.
And lastly the said Justices did fynde that the said Hospitall was greatly decayed,
and the Cheefe howse belonginge to the same was pulled downe and made a pryvat
dwellinge howse, And the late masters of the said Hospitall have taken upon them
of theire owne Authorytie to make leases for mony yeres of the said Lands and tene-
ments belonginge to the said Hospitall not reservinge the olde and accustomed Rentes.
And to dyvers they have made grauntes of the saide Landes in Tayle to them and
to theire heires males, and for want of such yssue male for foure score yeres after to
theire assignes And to some they have solde a waye dyvers of the said landes to them
and to their heires for ever preservinge some small Cheefe Rente or almost noe Rent
at all So as if these and dyvers other persons be suffered within verie short tyme the
wholle Revenewes of the said Hospitall wilbe cleane confiscate.
Neither is he yt pretendeth himselfe Mr suche a person as he ought to be neither
yet lawfully called or preferred to that place for it is apparent he is eligable by the
fellows and brethren of the said house And there was non at all present at the election
of him.
Mr. Arthur Lowe, mentioned in this complaint, was appointed
master in 1544, on the resignation of Richard Burdsall.
Upon Mr. Arthur Wake's resignation in the time of James I.,
a succeeding bishop presented William Wake, who held the
mastership until his resignation in 1638, when Bishop Williams
presented George Wake, fellow of Magdalen College, Oxford, and
Master of Arts, and chancellor of the diocese of Peterborough.
George Wake was several times dispossessed, his tenure of office
giving rise to considerable litigation, but he died master in 1682,
and was buried in the chapel of the hospital.
When the supporters of the Commonwealth gained the upper
hand in Northampton, the town was anxious to secure the large
revenues of this hospital and to administer it solely for the benefit
of the poor. They made the excuse of Mr. Wake's presence in
Oxford at the time when the king made it a garrison town, to
secure the sequestration of the hospital estates. But on the
surrender of Oxford to Lord Fairfax in 1646, Mr. Wake entered
his name as a compounder at Goldsmith's hall, and put in a
particular of his estates, the greatest part of which was the
mastership of this hospital. The corporation of Northampton
thereupon formally exhibited articles against the master, alleging
that he had for a long time neglected having two co-brothers ; that
he had not duly preserved the deeds and evidences in a three-
locked chest ; that he had embezzled or lost various evidences
whereby much of the rents and revenues had been lessened ; that he
CHARITABLE FOUNDATIONS. 337
had withheld from the co-brothers and poor of the hospital thirty-
five loads of wood ; that he had allowed the houses and
buildings belonging to the hospital to become long ruinous, and
some to fall down ; that he had illegally sold some of the property
of the hospital ; that he had granted divers unwarrantable leases
without the concurrence of the two co-brothers ; and that when he
was requested to make discovery of such houses and lands as had
been unwarrantably sold, that he " the said George Wake did say,
affirm, and swear that he would not discover the same, but would
rather beg for his livelihood, with a dish under his arm, than make
any such discovery."
The committee, in the following December, decided against his
being admitted to compound for the mastership as it was an office
of trust. Early in 1647, the poor of the hospital petition the
knights and burgesses for the town and county of Northampton,
and the committee of Goldsmith's hall, that as the hospital has
time out of mind belonged to George Wake and his predecessors,
who have been worthy benefactors, that he may be continued
master ; that he has never wronged the poor of the house ; and
that William Wake, his predecessor, was rather a founder of the
house than a master, having spent more in lawsuits to maintain
his rights than the revenue of the mastership.
On April 5th, 1647, Wake begged to compound for the master-
ship excepted from his composition, as the House of Commons
had adjudged it real estate; and that three persons who had been
put into the hospital more than the estate allowed be not displaced,
but their maintenance as supernumeraries be accepted in lieu of
a fine. In June the committee suspended his sequestration on
payment of half his fine, and he was to be allowed the hospital
profits beyond what was used for the poor, provided he sued out
a pardon.
The mayor and corporation of Northampton addressed the
committee in April, 1648, begging that if Wake's title be held
good, they may pay him £35 a year whilst master, and employ
the rest of the hospital profits for the poor. The two last mayors
had been entrusted with the whole profits, but they were now
required to pay the rents to Wake, who, as they conceived, had
no good title to the mastership. They stated that the town and
adjacent places were very full of maimed soldiers and poor widows,
and begged to be heard. Whereupon the committee ordered both
X
338 NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
parties to appear before them, with the result that the case was
referred to the House of Commons, and the house referred it back
to the committee.
In July, 1648, two of the aldermen had their expenses defrayed
for journeying to London to follow up the cause of St. John's
Hospital on behalf of the town. It was at the same time agreed
that the mayor and Mr. Gifford shall at once proceed to London
to follow up the case in Goldsmith Hall, where it would be heard
on Friday next, and to present a petition on behalf of the corpora-
tion that the management of the hospital and its lands may be so
disposed of that the income shall wholly go to the support of the
poor.
In the following September the assembly resolved to desire the
sequestrators of delinquent's estates in Northampton to join with
Aldermen Rushworth and Sergeant in managing and ordering the
hospital of St. John for the present, and that there shall shortly
be a petition presented to parliament for obtaining a grant to the
corporation, giving them power to yearly nominate two masters
for St. John's Hospital, and to superintend its accounts for the
good of the poor, as they already do with St. Thomas' Hospital.
The corporation, however, were not successful, for Mr. Wake
was admitted to compound for the mastership on payment of his
full fine and on allowing the supernumary almsmen to remain.
The sequestration of the hospital was taken off on November
27th, 1648.
Litigation was resumed in 1653, and was not settled at the time
of the Restoration. Serious charges of irregularity were made
against Dr. Wake in 1665, and a£am *n 1678, but he managed to
retain the mastership till his death in 1682. At each of these
later dates, the corporation records show that renewed efforts were
made to obtain town control over the revenues.
The following is a list of the masters of St. John's after the
death of Dr. Wake, with the year of their appointment : —
John Skelton, M.A. (Archdeacon of Bedford) ... 1682
James Gardiner 1704
Anthony Reynolds, Esq I741
John Kerrick, M.D I752
Robert Dowbiggin, B.A. 1762
George Hubbard, gent 1795
Richard Pretyman 1814
CHARITABLE FOUNDATIONS. 339
Three of these last seven masters were laymen. The revised
charter of Charles I. did not absolutely prescribe that the master
should be in holy orders, but only "persona graduata." The
bishops of Lincoln were, however, quite unscrupulous in their
appointment, three in the above list being non-graduates. Not
one of these masters ever resided in the commodious and ancient
master's house, but let both the building and gardens. Master
Pretyman, one of the sons of Bishop Pretyman, of notorious
pluralist fame, himself canon and precentor of Lincoln, etc., suffered
the buildings, particularly the master's house, to get into dis-
graceful decay, notwithstanding the oath to maintain them at the
time of his institution. He died in 1866.
The master's lodge or house lay about 60 yards to the
east of the chapel and domicile. It was separated from the
rest of the buildings by a public lane, called " Crakebellestrete,"
but the master and brethren obtained a royal licence in 1266 to
include this old right of way in their grounds. In 1274 the town
jury, at the great inquisition, charged the hospital with having
wronged the community of this right of way, apparently ignorant
of their having obtained due legal permission. This decayed house,
which was full of interest, was unhappily pulled down in 1872 in
connection with the Midland Railway scheme. The old chapel and
chief domicile still remain, having been fortunately re-purchased
by the Roman Catholics of the town.
Sir Henry Dryden printed a good paper descriptive of the
architectural features of St. John's Hospital in the journal of the
Associated Architectural Societies for 1874.
The convalescent home at Weston Favell now absorbs most of
the revenues of this ancient and sadly-abused charity.
The hospital is usually spoken of as dedicated to St John
Baptist, and occasionally to St. John the Evangelist. Both are
wrong, the hospital having the highly unusual co-joint dedication
to these two saints. The old hospital at Sherborne has a like
dedication. The quaint and interesting thirteenth century seal
(Plate VI., fig. 2) shows the two SS. Johns side by side. The
legend in Lombardic capitals, is : —
SIGILL - HOSPITAL - SCI • JOHIS • BAPTISTE • ET • S • I • EWANG • DE
NORHANT
In order that that there may be no mistake between the two
figures, it will be noticed that the lettering over their heads reads,
respectively, BAP and EWN.
x 2
340 NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
There are some rather remarkable references to the use of the
chapel of St. John's Hospital, in Bridge street, both in the St.
Sepulchre and All Saints' registers. The chapel of this old
foundation was used from time^ to time, contrary to all usual
custom and ecclesiastical law, for matrimonial as well as occasional
burial and baptismal purposes. Not having any register of its
own, it became necessary that these ecclesiastical incidents should
be recorded elsewhere.
The St. Sepulchre registers record the marriage of John Gibbs
and Katherine Welsh, both of Welford, " at the chapel of St.
John Baptist in Northampton," on July 3ist, 1670. On September
roth, 1690, John Mansell, of St. Alban's, Wood street, London, and
Ann Rawlins, of Cosgrave, were married at the same place. A
parishioner of St. Sepulchre's and one of All Saints' were married
in that chapel on March igth, 1699, and there were two other
marriages in 1706 and 1707 respectively.
The following entry occurs in the same register in 1700, wherein
St. John's is erroneously described as a parish : —
1700. Mr. John Skelton of the parish of St. John Baptist in
the Towne of Northampton and Isabell Hoare of the
same Towne was married by me in the Church or
Chappel of St. John Baptist, January ye ist day.
Among the burials occurs this entry :—
1704. Mr. John Skelton Archdeacon of Bedford was buried in
the chappel of St. John Baptist in the Towne of
Northton April the 5th day.
In Bridge's Northamptonshire the following inscription is given
as being on a free-stone near the altar : — " Here lyeth the body
of John Skelton, Archdeacon of Bedford and Master of this Hospital,
who dyed the 3rd of April, 1704." This stone is now covered up
by modern encaustic tiles.
The following entry (in the handwriting of Mr. John Whitwham,
Vicar of St. Sepulchre's) serves to explain the connection between
St. John's Hospital and that church : —
" 1702. Thomas Dickens of Passenham and Mary Gudgeon of the
same was married in the chappell of St. John Baptist, in Northton,
April ye 23rd day by me co-brother there." It shows that Jonas
Whitwham, besides being vicar of St. Sepulchre's, was also
chaplain of St. John's.
PLATE VI.
Fig. i.
£• 2.
Fig. 4.
Fig. i.— SEAL OF ST. ANDREW'S PRIORY. Fig. 2.— SEAL OF ST. JOHN'S HOSPITAL.
Fig. 3.— SEAL OF FRATERNITY OF THE ROOD-IN-THE-WALL.
Fig. 4.— SEAL OF ST. JAMES' ABBEY. Fig. 5.— SEAL OF ST. LEONARD'S HOSPITAL.
CHARITABLE FOUNDATIONS. 341
HOSPITAL OF ST. THOMAS.
It is generally believed that the hospital of St. Thomas the
Martyr was founded about 1450 by the burgesses of Northampton.
It seems, however, certain that this was but the re-founding on a
larger scale of an old foundation. St. Thomas a Becket was
canonized in 1173. A separate chapel in his honour was soon
afterwards built at Northampton, which was of sufficient im-
portance to be confirmed to the priory of St. Andrew by Bishop
Hugh of Lincoln (1209-1235). There was also a fraternity of St.
Thomas the Martyr in the town in the reign of Henry III. The
hospital of St. Thomas was situated in Bridge street, on the east
side, immediately outside the town walls and gate, and in that
part usually termed the south quarter.
From the middle of the fifteenth century the house was under
the charge of the mayor and burgesses as trustees. It was founded
for the support of twelve poor persons (men or women) as inmates,
who were to receive a weekly allowance, with clothing, firing, and
washing. The earlier records of the corporation show that the
management of the hospital was deputed to two masters or
wardens. One was elected each year, his period of office being
for two years, during the first of which he was termed minor
master, and during the last senior master.
On October 3rd, 1572, the assembly chose Mr. Nayles and Mr.
Frear to be " masters of Thomas house/'
In 1584 it was agreed that the poor people of St. Thomas7
house should have yearly during the continuance of Duston lease
a " peece of meadowe lying in the Abbotts meadowe called by
the name of Mrs. Sharpolles Hook." At the same time entry was
made that Mr. John Bycheno hath bestowed on the poor of the
said house twenty shillings towards the buying of them a cow.
In 1592 the assembly resolved that no person should for the
future be placed in St. Thomas' house without the good will and
consent of the mayor and his brethren had been first obtained,
together with the consent of the alderman and masters of the house.
On April 28th, 1603, the assembly elected Thomas Potter,
tanner, master of the hospital of St. Thomas for the next two
years, being the younger master for the first year, and the elder
master for the second and last year.
From thj^ date onwards there are frequent entries of the
appointment by the assembly at their October meeting of the
342 NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
alderman of the hospital, who was generally continued in office
from year to year, together with the appointment of the younger
of the two masters for a period of two years.
At the October meeting of the assembly in 1604, Mn Thomas
Humfrey was appointed —
Alderman of the almeshouses or hospitall of St. Thomas, and that Mr. Hughe
Coles shall contynue and be one of the masters of the said almeshouses or hospitall
for one yeare next ensueing to wit thelder master, and that Mr. Abraham Ventris shalbe
thother master for twoe years next also ensueing to wit the first yeare the younger
master, and the second yeare thelder master, the saide masters to be accomptable either
of them respectivelie, as hath bene accustomed.
Instead of a chaplain, as in pre- Reformation days, the corporation
was content to have prayers read by a layman, paying him a most
mean salary.
William Browne, schoolmaster, who read daily prayer to the
poor people in St. Thomas' hospital, had his annual stipend raised
in 1617, from i6s. to 2os. !
A bequest by Sir John Langham in 1654, of six hundred pounds
to the corporation of Northampton, enabled the trustees of the
hospital to relieve six poor widows, in addition to those already
provided for ; these six widows were to receive one-and-eightpence
each weekly, and every second year a gown of broadcloth or
kersey. A sum of three pounds thirteen and fourpence was to be
yearly expended in a common fire for these six almswomen ; one
pound six and eight pence was to be paid to the vicar of All
Saints or some other godly person, to instruct them in matters of
religion ; and the mayor and aldermen were to expend twenty
shillings on June 6th on a collation of cakes and wine.
In 1635 power was given by the assembly to the alderman and
wardens of St. Thomas' to contract leases of the property, and
to transact other business.
The almswomen of St. Thomas petitioned the assembly in 1645
to be permitted to receive their weekly allowance in money instead
of bread, so that they might " buye their bread at the best hand
for their owne advantage." The petition was granted. At the
same time Lawrence Cooke was approved and appointed to "the
office of prayeing in the said howse everie day, and he to have
the same allowance yearlie Mr. Young had."
" At an assemblie of the Maior Bailiffs and Burgesses holden the
xxxith of Maye, 1649, ^ 'ls ordered upon the petition of the poore
CHARITABLE FOUNDATIONS. 343
of St. Thomas Hospitall whoe want lynnen shifts, That for this
tyme they that are most in need their shalbe furnished with
necessarie shifts in lynnen by the master out of the Hospitall Rente
and moneys. "
There are various entries in the eighteenth century among the
chamberlains' accounts of diverse small payments made towards
the maintenance of this hospital, of which the two following will
suffice as examples : —
s. d.
1700 A kettle for ye alms house 17 8
1713 Hanging the Almes house bell 2 i
In 1711 it was enacted that the almsfolk of St. Thomas' hospital
wear their gownes when they came up into the town ; the chamber-
lains to refuse those coming to him for their money, if they were
gownless.
The court of aldermen ordered, in 1714, that the inmates of St.
Thomas' hospital wear their gowns, go to prayers, and reside and
sleep in their rooms in the house. Any inmate refusing to obey
the above orders was to lose the weekly allowance.
The poor women of the hospital were ordered, in 1716, to
constantly attend the prayers of the house. Any one absent (save
through sickness) to forfeit the weekly allowance.
In 1725 the warden was enjoined to be most strict in the
enforcement of orders and rules, particularly with regard to the
invariable \vearing of the habit of the house.
In 1731 widow Hocknell was placed in "St. Thomas' Hospital
abovestairs, on Mr. Langham's foundation, upon condition that she
doe attend and frequent the weekly prayers in the Chappel of the
said Hospital, and the publick Service of the Church of England
on the Lords day, and ordered that the first time the said Widow
Hocknell shall goe to any Conventicle or place of worship other
than the aforesaid Chappel or Church of England that she be
thereupon forthwith turned out of and removed from the said
Hospital and that her pay doe from thereforward cease."
In the year 1800 ten extra out-pensioners (widows) were added
to St. Thomas' Hospital at £6 each, and it was resolved to expend
253. annually in clothing the almswomen in the house in lieu of
the allowance.
In the same year it was ordered that the chaplain to the alms-
344 NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
houses be allowed £5 per annum for his clerical duties, instead
of the 503. allowance, to be paid him by the warden.
Part of the walls of St. Thomas' Hospital were taken down in
1808, in order to make the adjacent road more commodious.
In 1810 the six almswomen above stairs had an increased
allowance of sixpence a week granted them, so as to make their
allowance equal to that of the almswomen belowr stairs.
During the following year the 19 almswomen of the corporation
all received an extra allowance of one shilling a week.
The assembly, on October yth, 1818, ordered an additional
allowance of thirty shillings per annum to be paid to the thirty-
six almswomen out of the house, and that an increase of seven
widows be made to the establishment.
In 1822 seven additional almswomen were added to the number
of the out-pensioners of St. Thomas' Hospital.
The hospital of St. Thomas occupied the site of the Plough
Hotel and the approach to the new cattle market, opposite Weston
street. This foundation was, most unhappily, removed to St. Giles'
street, in 1834, the new buildings accommodating eight inmates, who
each receive 6s. a week, besides firing, and an allowance for
clothes. The charity also supports sixty-one out-pensioners, who
receive 53. a week.
The old buildings and the chapel remained secularised for some
forty years ; the new cattle market, which was opened in 1873,
necessitated their removal. The only relic of the old chapel of St.
Thomas now extant, with which we are acquainted, is some
remnants of old stained glass in the centre light of the small west
window of the nave of St. Sepulchre's church. These were rescued
by Mr. J. T. Irvine, clerk of the works for the restoration of that
church, at a time when the old chapel of St. Thomas was used by
a carriage builder.
The charity commissioners visited the buildings shortly before
they were abandoned, and reported that the hospital (in addition
to a chapel and a common room) contained apartments for nineteen
poor women, namely, twelve by the original establishment, one
upon the foundation of Edward Elmer in 1592, and six provided for
by Sir John Langham's endowment of 1654.
There is a good illustrated paper descriptive of these buildings,
by Sir Henry Dryden, in the journal of the Associated Architectural
Societies for 1876.
CHARITABLE FOUNDATIONS. 345
LANGHAM CHARITY.
In 1652 John Langham, esquire, an alderman of London, born
at Northampton, expressed his desire to give the corporation £500,
provided they would undertake to spend £30 annually for some
charitable use. The assembly resolved to accept the £500, and
covenanted to make the £30 an annual charge on any land of the
corporation as counsel might advise, and to spend the £30 as
Alderman Langham might direct.
In August, 1653, " Mr. Recorder of this towne, Mr. Richard
Rainsford Esquier Councell at law for this towne, Mr. John Gifford,
Mr. Francis Rushworth, Mr. Joseph Sargeant, Mr. Peter Whalley,
and Mr. Daniel Reding Attorney for this towne, or anie fouer of
them" were appointed a committee to confer and agree with Mr.
Alderman Langham as to his proposed gift and the security to
be given.
The result of this conference was that Mr. Langham increased
his gift to £600, and the corporation undertook to pay £6 per
hundred (£36) yearly for the maintenance of six poor widows of
the parish of All Saints, in the hospital of St. Thomas. At the
October meeting of the assembly, 1654, twelve members of the
corporation were appointed feoffees for the due disposing of the
money. The same twelve were also appointed feoffees to administer
the £500 heretofore given by the late John Evans, a member of
the corporation.
SIR THOMAS WHITE'S CHARITY.
By far the most important of the town charities is that of
Sir Thomas White. The following is the origin of its elaborate
provisions.
On July 6th, 1547, an indenture was made between the cor-
poration of Coventry and the wardens of the merchant tailors of
the city of London (the corporation having purchased certain lands
of the value of £70 per annum with £1400 given to them by Sir
Thomas White, merchant tailor), whereby the corporation covenant
with the merchant tailors, immediately after Sir Thomas White's
death, to pay £jo yearly in form following :—
To twelve poor men of Coventry, £24.
Yearly, after one year after his death, to deliver in free loan
for ten years £40 to four young men of Coventry, to use by £10
346 NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
a man for nine years, and so to others from nine years to nine
years for ever.
After those ten years, then during thirty years to deliver £40
to two young men by £20, and so to other two from nine years to
nine years for ever.
After the thirty years, then for one year £40 pounds to one
young man for nine years, and so on.
During the second year after the end of the thirty years, the
corporation of Coventry were to pay £40 to the corporation of
Northampton, who were to lend the same by equal portions to four
young men of their town of good name, fame, and condition for
nine years.
At the end of the nine years to four other young men, and so
on for ever.
Then it is appointed to Leicester, Nottingham, and Warwick
for one year in order.
Then again in order to Coventry, Northampton, Leicester,
Nottingham, and Warwick, one after another, until a hundred years
be expired.
After one hundred years, then the whole £40 to be put out in
order as aforesaid, to one man for nine years, and so on for ever.
Sir Thomas White died February nth, 1566, aged 72.
The general estate of this charity, of which the corporation of
Coventry are the trustees, in course of time increased considerably
in value, with the not unnatural result that the complicated plans
for its division amongst different towns led to much litigation.
The question as to whether the surplusage of the rents and
profits above the £jo per annum should go to the city of Coventry
or to the general benefit of the charity, was referred to chancery
in 1695, and it was not until 1712 that it was eventually settled
in favour of the charity. The corporation of Coventry were bound
to pay over to the corporation of Northampton every fifth year
four-sevenths of the clear rents and profits. From 1712 the amount
of each loan was £50, till the year 1805, when the rents and accu-
mulations had so much increased that chancery gave permission
for the amount of each loan to be raised to £100.
Throughout the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, the
references to this charity in the town records are numerous.
In 1703 two aldermen and the mace bearer went to Coventry
CHARITABLE FOUNDATIONS. 347
to receive the White money, and ran up a bill amounting to
£7- IS- 3^
An attorney's bill of £42 95. yd. was paid by the mayor in 1706
"to clear the account of ye suit with Coventry."
In 1707 the mayor paid 2s. to " Mr. Britton's man bringing Sr
Tho: Whites Picture." This portrait of Sir Thomas White, who
was lord mayor of London in 1553, now hangs in the museum.
Why is it not in the town hall ?
In 1717 the journeys to and from Coventry of officials about Sir
Thomas White's money are put down in the mayor's accounts at
£j los. 6d. But the corporation officials or members did not
trouble themselves with the actual custody of the money, for that
very year £i was given to Abel, the carrier, for bringing £240 of
White's money from Coventry.
In 1738 the mayor, two justices, the chamberlains, and one of
the bailiffs, the town clerk, and mace bearer went to Coventry to
receive the money, at a cost of £15 153. The expenses increased
to £20 A.S. in 1742.
In the mayor's account book, beginning in 1745-6, the accounts
of Sir Thomas White's charity are kept separately, the mayor
acting as treasurer. In 1746 the expenses to Coventry were £16
IDS. rod ; and in 1752, they amounted to £15 us.
In 1762 the mayor, five aldermen, one of the bailiffs, and one
of the sergeants-at-mace, rode on horseback to Coventry, whilst the
town clerk travelled in a post chaise, to receive the money. The
expenses of this jaunt, charged to the charity, were £ij os. 7d. It
included a payment of 53. " to the Sword and Mace bearer of
Coventry according to custom." The total for the Coventry visit
in 1773 amounted to £iS 33. 3d.; in 1787 it had actually grown to
£23 143. 7d. In 1792 the expenses were £22 i6s. 8d. ; whilst in
1802 they had increased to £30 us. yd. This steady growth was
duly maintained, for the total reached in 1807 was £40 6s. yd. ; in
J8iy, £43 i5s-5 and in l826, £56 2s.
In iy45 eight loans of ^"50 were granted; in iy46 fifteen of
£50; and in 1747, eighteen of ^50
In October, 1747, Alderman Charles Lyon, an ex-mayor, was
accused by the assembly of having kept in his hands of Sir
Thomas White's money the sum of ^"45 los. above the space of
three years and nine months, and £22 123. lod. above the space
of three years and four months, and further of detaining £40 due
34-8 NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
from him to the corporation ever since he was mayor, for which
sum he had been from time to time asked, and promised but failed
to pay. He was warned that unless he paid at once what was due
from him as mayor and treasurer of Sir Thomas White's loan
money by Martinmas, that action at law would be taken against
him without further notice.
The applicants for Sir Thomas White's money were frequently
considerably in excess of the number of sums that could be granted.
There are various incidental references to this natural condition
of things in the various earlier orders, etc., relative to this charity.
It is not, however, until 1771 that we meet with any lists of
candidates. Among the miscellaneous documents is " A List of the
persons to whom the 17 £50, part of Sr Thomas White's money
were granted at an Assembly held before the Worpu Sam1 Sturgis
Esqr Mayor the 23d May, 1771." On this occasion there were
twenty-seven applicants. The assembly seems to have voted on
almost every name, the highest of the successful candidates candi-
dates received 63 votes, and the lowest 37. Two of the successful
applicants received no votes, but the word " member " is written
by the side, from which it appears that the evil, if not illegal
habit then prevailed of accepting without a vote the application of
those who were members of the assembly.
In 1793 there were thirty applicants for the twenty-three £50
then to be granted. The highest on the poll of the successful
candidates received 58 votes, and the lowest 39. At the bottom of
the town clerk's poll sheet is the following : — Wm Sutton being a
Member of the Corpn it is granted to him of course exclusive of
the above 23."
Three years later there were forty-five £50 to be lent, but as
six members of the corporation applied, the number for which the
assembly polled was reduced to thirty-nine. For these loans there
were as many as one-hundred-and-ten applicants. The highest of
the winning candidates received 70 votes.
It was agreed on August loth, 1797, to defray the expenses of
the mayor and town clerk's journey to Coventry, there to receive
the proportion of Sir Thomas White's money due at old Ladyday,
1796, from the corporation of Coventry, and to affix the common
seal to a bond for the due application of the money.
In 1799 the town clerk was requested to write to the town clerk
of Coventry, stating the desire of the corporation to put out Sir
CHARITABLE FOUNDATIONS. 349
Thomas White's charity in £100 loans instead of £50, and asking
if Coventry will join with Northampton in taking the necessary
steps to effect such a change. At another assembly of the same
year, the town clerk was directed to state a case on this subject
to the deputy recorder, and to obtain his opinion. In 1802 the
corporation decided to take steps in the court of chancery to
obtain the desired alteration, the opinion of the deputy recorder
(Mr. Perceval), the attorney general, being favourable to such a
course. After the usual legal delay, the corporation obtained their
desire, and thirty-two loans of ^100 each were granted in April,
1806, " in pursuance of the Decree of the Court of Chancery dated
the yth December last."
In 1833, when reform was in the air, a corporation committee
of audit urgently recommended the cessation of a party of the
Northampton corporation going yearly to Coventry to receive
the money, and when there entertaining the corporation of Coventry
to dinner at the expense of the charity. They recommended that
only the mayor, mayor-elect, and town clerk attend, and that the
dinner to the Coventry corporation be discontinued.
The commissioners on municipal corporations, who visited
Northampton in 1834, commented most adversely upon the adminis-
tration of this charity. After stating that the loans are granted
by the majority of votes in the common hall, on application by
the freemen desirous of obtaining them, it is added that sufficient
notice of the distribution was not afforded, the only notice being
a circular to the members of the corporation, and none to the public.
They further stated that the loans were considered entirely a
• matter of patronage ; that although the founder directed his charity
to be applied to the benefit of " young men of good name fame
and condition," the loans have not been limited to young men or
those setting up in business ; that they have been granted to
persons settled in trade, to men advanced in life, and in opulent
circumstances ; that recently loans had been granted to an attorney
in good practice who kept hunters, and to an alderman who was
a coach-builder ; that when members of the corporation apply they
receive loans as a matter of course ; and that, on the other hand,
very poor persons in receipt of parish relief have had the grants.
They further reported that the White charity was flagrantly and
openly used for political ends ; that the number of White loans
granted from 1822 to 1834 was l82 J and that only nine of that
35° NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
number voted against the Tory or corporation candidate at parlia-
mentary elections.
FREEMAN'S CHARITY.
The orders of the assembly contain two references to the
Freeman charity.
It was reported to the assembly in March, 1637-8, that £500,
part of the £1000 given by the late Mr. Ralph Freeman, lord
mayor of London, to set the poor on work had come to hand. It
was agreed to employ it in (i) " spinninge for cloathes," (2) " bond-
lace makeinge," and (3) " knittinge," " the same to be put into good
sufficient undertakers handes."
In 1640 the assembly voted 405 to Mr. Thomas Martin to defray
his expenses in presenting a petition to parliament against Sir
George Sandes for the £500 detained of the late Alderman
Freeman's gift of £1000.
THE FREE GRAMMAR SCHOOL.
The Northampton free grammar school was founded by Thomas
Chipsey, grocer, of Northampton, in 1551. He conveyed to
Lawrence Manley, and nineteen other persons, as trustees, all his
lands in Holcot, Coton, and Pitsford, under condition that after
his death they should provide a fit master to teach grammar within
the town to such boys who might desire to learn the same, without
any charge ; that they should pay a yearly stipend of £g to
the master ; and that they should pay los. a year to such of the
boys as should be nominated by the wardens of the fraternity of
the Blessed Mary to sing at mass in the chapel of our Lady
within the church of All Saints. The residue of the revenues, if
any, were to be used for the repair and maintenance of the pave-
ment of the market place.
Lawrence Manley, the chief trustee, was at that time the fore-
most burgess of Northampton ; he had already been twice mayor,
and twice again filled that office after this date.
The appointment of the master to the school was vested in the
mayor, bailiffs, and commonalty, with the power that if the school-
master should be at any time negligent in his duties, and did not
after warning within a month amend his conduct he should forfeit
2os., and that if he did not amend within two months it should be
lawful for the mayor and commonalty to remove him from his office.
CHARITABLE FOUNDATIONS. 351
The school was first held in a small tenement belonging to the
fraternity of St. Mary on the west side of Bridge street, known
by the sign of the Lamb, or the Agnus Dei.
In March, 1557, Cardinal Pole received a petition from the
mayor and parishioners of All Saints and St. Gregory, wherein it
was stated that the parish church of St. Gregory had become
dilapidated, and not worth repair ; that divine service had not been
performed therein for some time ; that a townsman had given part
of his substance for the use of a schoolmaster to teach the youth
morals and learning ; that a place was wanting in which the school
might be kept ; and that it would be of utility to the town if the
church, with the site and materials, could be applied to the building
of a school. The cardinal granted the prayer of this petition, and
assigned to the mayor and parishioners all the structure of the
church of St. Gregory then remaining, with tower, bells, and lead,
together with the site, for the purpose of building the school, and
also a house belonging to the church of the yearly value of six
shillings as a dwelling for the master. It was stipulated that the
mayor and parishioners should keep the school and the house in
repair at their own expense, and should also provide a fit priest,
to be kept at their charge, to assist the vicar of All Saints ; to
which parish the old parish of St. Gregory was to be henceforth
annexed.
In the first book of the orders of assembly entry was begun to
be made of the price of lead and other materials of the church of
St. Gregory, but most unfortunately, just at this place, some leaves
have been torn out. The school premises in St. Gregory street,
which occupied the site of the old church and churchyard, covered
half an acre of ground ; the schoolmaster's house, which closely
adjoined, opened into Gold street.
In 1624 Sir George Sondes, and Jane his wife, who was
daughter and heiress of Ralph Freeman, formerly of Northampton,
and afterwards alderman of the city of London, increased the
school endowment by the conveyance of three messuages in Gold
street and one in St. Giles' street.
In 1677 Paul Wentworth charged his estate in Lillingston
Lovell, Oxfordshire, with an annual payment of £20, to provide
an usher to act as an assistant to the master of the Northampton
free school in teaching of the Latin tongue, and also good writing
and arithmetic.
352 NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
The first reference that we have met with to the free school
in the orders of assembly is in the year 1565, when it was agreed
that Mr. Thackary, schoolmaster of the free school, and his
successor, should be paid yearly £10 — payment to be made quar-
terly by the chamberlains out of the free school rents. The
chamberlains were to collect the rents and place the overplus to
the use of the chamber.
The school was then sufficiently appreciated to require the
services of a second master. The assembly that met on March
I2th, 1568, resolved to chose certain men out of their number to
" enquire and aske of all men as well off the towne as off the
country their benevolence towardes a ussher for the Free scole."
The first business transacted by the assembly on July I3th,
1584, was an order " that there shalbe a letter directed to the L.
Bishoppe of Peterborowe for the procureinge and getteing of the
vicaredge of St. Mareis towards the maintenance and kepeinge of
one ussher for the Teachinge of Chyldren at the Freescolle under
Mr. Saunderson, But yff the same vicaredge cannot be obteyned
at the Byshoppes handes, then yt ys agreed that Saunderson shall
provyde a Sufficient ussher, and he to have Twentie Shillinges a quarter
paide hym owte of the Chamber of the Towne Towardes his mayn-
tenance." It does not appear that the vicarage of this decayed
church was secured for the school, for in 1598 its small endowment
was annexed to that of All Saints.
In 1598 there was no usher at the free school, and consequently
a usual payment from Duston manor of 535. 4d. for the maintenance
of an usher ceased.
The free school was repaired in 1605 at the charge of the
corporation, and the walls about the schoolyard were mended, and
doors with locks provided, so that the yard could be shut up every
night after sunset.
The freedom of the town was granted for 2os., in 1607, to
Symon Wastell, master of the free school, "at his earnest suite
and for some special respects."
It was ordered by the assembly, in 1612, that Mr. Wastell
should have the same allowance made him for an usher to assist
him in teaching the farmers' children as was granted to his pre-
decessor, Mr. Saunderson.
CHARITABLE FOUNDATIONS. 353
The next entry is an order of assembly on Dec. I5th, 1631 : —
Imprimis wheare Mr. Wastell nowe schoolemaster of the freeschoole in this
towne in respect of his weakenes and Sicknes wherbye he is unable to supplie his
place doeth give waye for the choice of a new schoole-mr to succeed him, Provided
he may have the proffts thereto belonging while he liveth, It is agreed and ordered
that Mr. Shorland Recorder Mr. Lane the Towne Conncell and Mr. Ball Minister
of All Sts shalbe moved to inquire out a sufficient schoole Mr and to prefer one
to this assemblie to be by them liked of and approved.
Mr. Wastell had made his will in the previous August, be-
queathing his body to be buried at All Saints, and his small
property to his wife Elizabeth, and to his children Samuel, Simon,
Hannah, and Mary. He did not live long after the assembly had
granted him a pension, his burial appearing in the All Saints'
registers under January 313!, 1631-2. His son Simon, born in 1603,
was appointed vicar of Daventry in the year of his father's death.
On April 6th, 1632, the assembly appointed Daniel Rogers, M.A.,
master of the free school in the place of Mr. Wastell, deceased.
The following order was made on March 2yth, 1634 : —
Item it is agreed that the floore and benches and deskes belonginge to the
freeschoole shalbe forthwith repaired at the chamber charge and that at the same
charge all other necessarye repairacons there remayninge to do for the deckinge and
beautifying of the schoole shalbe forthwith done at the same charge.
It was ordered in 1635 that the sum of £8 allowed for the main-
tenance of an usher in the free school should cease ; but in 1636 this
order was reversed, and a yearly grant of £8 made.
In 1640 the assembly decided that for the future the master of
the free school should repair his own house, and that it should no
longer be done at the expense of the chamber.
In 1641 it was ordered that " there shalbe a new schoolmaster
thought upon for the towne before the Anunciation of our Ladie next
and that Mr. Rogers in the meane tyme shalle provide for himselfe
otherwise."
At a later assembly of the same year it was agreed that Mr.
Martin, minister of Horton, who had been elected master of the free
school, was not to be debarred from the execution of his ministerial
office, notwithstanding any previous order to the contrary. At the
same time it was ordered that the free school and houses belonging
to the school should be forthwith repaired at the town charge, but
that the schoolhouse was henceforth to be kept in sufficient repair by
the schoolmaster.
354 NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
Although formally elected, Mr. Martin does not seem to have
exercised the office of schoolmaster even for the briefest period,
probably finding it incompatible with his ministerial duties at
Horton. Meanwhile Mr. Rogers, who was appointed rector of
Wootton in 1647, f°r a short interval resumed the work
In April, 1642, Mr. Goodricke, minister of Houghton, was
appointed free school master in the room of Mr. Rogers, provided
that he shall not at any time preach or use his ministerial office,
but whollie lend his Studdies to the proffit of the Schooled
In 1643 it was ordered that a yearly payment of £8 be made
to the usher of the free school.
On December i4th, 1646, it was " agreed and ordered that
Ferdinando Archer being wortherlie commended by men of bearing
and judgement shalbe free schoolemaster of the freeschoole of this
towne, and that a letter shalbe sent to him to hasten him downe to
take the schoole upon him."
In April, 1648, the assembly voted ^f 10 to the needful reparation
of the dwelling house belonging to the master of the free school,
and ordered that the master, Ferdinando Archer, should have yearly
paid him out of the chamber towards the maintenance of an usher,
from the time he had one, as high an allowance as has ever been
made to his predecessors for a like purpose. It was further ordered
that he have the same common rights for cattle as if he were a
freeman.
Though not so stated in the town documents, Mr. Archer was
a master of arts, and no mean scholar, as is proved by his spirited
rendering into English of Dr. Ford's Latin poem on the great fire
of Northampton. It is called " The Fall and Funeral of North-
ampton," and is modestly said to be written by " F.A., M.A , a sad
spectator of that frightful scene."
After forty years of service, Mr. Archer became incapacitated,
and the assembly, on January 3rd, 1695-6, accepted Mr. Styles as
usher, on the nomination of the Wentworth trustees, undertaking
that he should succeed Mr. Archer as master when a vacancy
occurred. The resolution is thus worded : —
Upon a motion made at this assembly for the Electing a Scholemaster for the
Free Schole of this Towne of Northton And a Note being read in these words
following, viz*. Wee do consent and agree (if Mr. Styles the Schoolemaster of
Buckingham shall be Elected by Mr. Wentworths Trustees to be Usher of the
Freeschole of this Towne of Northton) That the said Mr. Styles be Scholemaster
CHARITABLE FOUNDATIONS. 355
of the said Freeschole after the death of Mr. Archer, and the matter being fully
debated It is the unanimous desire of this house That the said Mr. Styles bee
Invited to come to the Towne and accept of the Schole as now it is.
In 1698 the chamberlain's accounts show a payment of £10 to
Mr. Styles, the schoolmaster. In the same year a bill of £i 2s. lod.
for glazing the windows of the free school was discharged.
The free schoolyard walls were much damaged through the
severe weather of the winter of 1702-3, and parts fell down. The
aldermen's court ordered the chamberlains to repair and build them
up at the town's charge, and also to attend to the " colering of the
Schoole as soon as tyme serves."
In 1710 it was ordered that the two bills of Mr. Styles, school-
master, for making a doorway into the free school out of the south
lane be paid this time by the chamberlain, but to be no precedent.
Mr. Styles resigned in 1719 ; he had been appointed vicar of
Little Billing in 1717.
In 1720 the chamberlain was instructed by the court of aldermen to
pay to Rev. Robert Styles, late master of the free school, £4 8s. 7d.,
being money expended by him from time to time in repairing the
school windows during the term of his mastership.
To Mr Styles succeeded Rev. John Clarke.
At an assembly held in September, 1748, Rev. Richardson Wood,
M.A., was elected master of the free school in the room of the Rev.
John Clarke, deceased.
Mr. Wood was followed in 1764 by Rev. W. Williams, who
gave but little satisfaction.
The assembly, in October, 1765, dismissed Rev. W. Williams from
the grammar school mastership for non-residence and wholly
neglecting his duties. In the following month they elected Rev.
Samuel Rogers as his successor " as long as he shall behave well
and conform to the Rules of the said School." Mr. Rogers
resigned in 1769, whereupon the assembly elected in his place
Rev, Thomas Woolley.
In 1797 the assembly secured a good man for the mastership
in Rev. John Stoddart, who held the office for thirty years, and
proved a conspicuous success, notwithstanding his blindness.
In October, 1812, a committee was appointed to examine into
the dilapidations of the free grammar school, the school house, and
all other buildings belonging to that foundation.
Y 2
35^ NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
In 1817 the corporation committee for superintending the manage-
ment of the free grammar school were requested " to publish the
rules of the said School, and the endowments settled for the report
thereof."
The mayor, in 1818, presented a petition on August 6th, from
the Rev. John Stoddart, respecting the repairs of the free grammar
school. The petition was referred to the next assembly, and Mr.
Stoddart was requested in the meantime to make out an account
of the receipts and expenditure of the establishment, together with
a list of the names of the boys who have been there educated.
At the next assembly a committee of eleven members of the
house was appointed to confer with the Rev. John Stoddart. The
committee presented their report in January, 1819, and after it had
been read it was ordered ''that every further search be made for
the deed of gift of the scite of Saint Gregory's Church for a Free
School, and that the Town Clerk do employ such person or persons
as he may think proper to make such search in London, and that the
committee do report their progress to some future Assembly."
After the death of Mr. Stoddart in 1827, the school fell into
much disrepute so far as its original foundation was concerned.
When the charity commissioners held their inquiry there were
actually only three free scholars, and the average number for some
years had been only eight ; but there were many boarders, and
about thirty paying scholars.
The commissioners on municipal corporations in 1834, reported
that the annual rental of the estate was £113, and that an annual
gift from the corporation of £4 55. (which can be traced back so
far as the chamberlain's accounts go) brought up the assured
income to £117 5s. Of that sum £20 a year went to the usher,
and the remainder to the master. The master was thus receiving
nearly £100 a year, as well as a rent-free house from the original
endowment, intended solely for free education, but the number of
free scholars was limited to twenty-five, who were admitted by a
committee of the corporation. The commissioners further reported
that between 1828 and 1832 (both inclusive), fifty-two boys had
been admitted as free scholars, and that only ten of the fathers
of these boys had voted against the corporation candidate.
THE CORPORATION AND EDUCATION.
In addition to their management of the free grammar school,
CHARITABLE FOUNDATIONS. 357
the corporation interested itself in other ways in education. A
few references of this character are scattered throughout the records.
In 1557 the assembly agreed that John Flowers, parish clerk
of All Saints, should have his freedom upon condition "that he shall
serve diligentlie in the churche and teache children and no longer/'
This order may refer to teaching children in the church on the
Sunday. It is of special interest as being the first, of which we
have any record, in connection with All Saints, after that church
had been placed in the hands of the corporation by Cardinal Pole.
There are several charity schools of which the corporation are
trustees. They are united together in one trust.
The Dryden and Herbert free charity, or Orange school, was
founded in 1710, and augmented in 1734, for the clothing, educating,
and apprenticing of twenty boys.
The Blue Coat school, now held in conjunction with the above
was founded about 1753, chiefly by the handsome donation of
£1200 from James, earl of Northampton. Several smaller sums
and legacies being added, the corporation purchased an estate at
Bugbrooke. This estate was conveyed in 1755 to the mayor,
bailiffs, and burgesses, upon trust that they should pay one-third
part of the rents to the treasurer of the charity school, and expend
the other two-thirds in clothing such a number of poor freemen
on May 2gth, as the rents would allow, giving to such poor freemen
i os. in money. The indentures further directed that the selection
of the scholars and the poor freemen was to be left to the court of
aldermen.
To this trust was also united, in 1761, an annual rental of £26,
issuing out of lands in Leicestershire, the gift of Gabriel Newton,
and intended for the clothing and education of twenty-five poor
boys, to be called Green Coat boys, in the corporation charity school.
On November 2nd, 1796, the assembly
Ordered that the Charity School Boys and poor Men Clothed annually on the
2Qth of May have in future good ground Lamb Leather Breeches not exceeding
fourteen shillings a pair, and that they be clothed in good Cloth at 35. 6d. a yard
and flat yellow Mettal Buttons thereto.
The amalgamated corporation charity school was in Bridge
street; it was taken down and rebuilt in 1811.
Mr. Philip Constable in his mayoralty (1811) gave notice of
moving that a piece of ground belonging to the corporation be
granted to certain trustees, for the purpose of making a school
358 NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
house for educating poor children, "upon the plan invented by
Joseph Lancaster, and patronised by Her Majesty and the Royal
Family." The motion was, however, eventually withdrawn.
In the following year Mr. Justice Smith proposed that the
house should co-operate with the Northamptonshire society in
conceding measures for affording accommodation in the charity
school, in Bridge street, for the introduction of the Madras system
of education, for instructing the poor in the principles of the
established church. But a ballot was demanded, and the propo-
sition negatived.
The salary of the master of the Bridge street charity school
was, in 1813, increased from £50 to £84 per annum.
Amidst the very grave fault found with the corporation by the
municipal commission of 1834 as to much of their administration,
it is satisfactory to find that they are commended for their generosity
with regard to the charity schools, although only six boys had been
admitted whose parents had voted against the corporation candidate
between 1828 and 1833. The corporation had recently spent
£2300 of their own funds on new schools and school house, and
they contributed about £jo a year as subscriptions.
Among the separate papers of the town muniments is a curious
and interesting proposal for furthering education by some would-be
benefactor, which is unfortunately unsigned and undated. It seems
to us, from a variety of reasons, to be about the date of 1725. It
is here given verbatim : —
To the Magistrates of Northampton.
Gentlemen,
Having considered with myselfe that there are many Free Schools for the
teaching of the Latin Tongue, and none that I can hear of to teache poore mens
children to read English, And that they must first read English before they can learn
Latin, I have therefore, according to my small Tallent, intended to have Twenty
children taught gratis in yor Towne, And therefore you to gett some auncient woman
of yor Towne to teach them, and I allow her 4U per Annum for her paines, not tying"
her to teach noe more, but that she may gett as many as she can, and bee paid for
them. Only that she shall teach those 20 which you shall send to her Boyes or
Girles of the poorest mens as you shall appoynt. And if any of these 20 dye or goe
away that you supply the number, that soe 20 may still be taught, and therefore shall
send Bookes for them to Learn in viz*
20 Home Bookes 20 Bibles
20 Primers 2o Caterchises
20 Psalters 20 Writing Bookes
CHARITABLE FOUNDATIONS. 359
I desire that they may not be given them all at one time but as they shall be
fitt for them, for else they will spoil them before they come to learn them. I desire
alsoe that these 20 Children be taught to write. That halfe an hour after Tenn
o Clock they goe to the writeing schoole and continue there till 12. And he to
have for his paines 5os per annum, 12" 6d the Quarter.
I desire also 20 poore men and women such as ye shall appoint may have each
Sunday a loafe of Breud if they come to Church or be not hindered by Sicknesse
or Age.
And that it may be the better Bread for them I desire that when wheat is best
cheape, there may be soe much bought as may serve them for the whole yeare,
and that it be Baked for them (but not at the Bakehouse) that soe it may be the
bigger, not to be sifted for I hope Poore People will not desire better Bread than
is made of Wheate. That I present these things to yor consideration and if you
thinke fitt to take soe much Paines as to see them done I hope God will reward
you for it and I shall be very thankfull for yor Paines and pray God to give his
Blessing to it.
I desire that the Children may be taught their Catechises twice a weeke Tuesdays
and Thursdays when they are fitt to Learn them, Alsoe when they can read in the
Bibles that they may have them to Church with them and that they read them at
home before their Parents at least 3 times in the weeke, for Parents are ofttymes
taken more with their Children reading, than with that they hear at Church.
And because I live out of London and know not where to send to the Carryers
that you would appoint somebody in London to call for the Bookes and money at
my Sonnes Shop at the Black Boy in Lombard streete at St Clement Lane End
a Wollendraper his name Mr Joseph Smart, and that they give an Acquittance that
they recd soe many Bookes and soe much money for yor Towne. And when you
have recd it That you send a writeinge under yor Town Seale that you wilbe carefull
to see it disposed off according to what I have writt.
The Bookes are as before, and the money you shall receyve 4" for the Schoole-
mistriss and 4U 6s 8d for to buy Corne for the Poore for Bread viz4 2od a Sunday
wcb comes to 411 6s 8d a yeare at 2Od per weeke 52 weekes.
I have not sent money for the writeing Master because he cannot begin till they
can reade, And then if you will write to me I will send it by whom you shall
appoint to receive it.
And thus shall I doe every yeare as long as God shall continue my life, and
doubt not but my Sonn, if you be carefull to see it done well, will continue it.
And thus, gentlemen, I leave all to God's Blessing and yor Care and say as
David in the first of the Chronicles 29 Chap 14 verse of thine owne have I given
thee etc.
On March I3th, 1817, a special assembly was called by a
requisition from twenty members of the house, for the purpose of
considering the advisability of electing a fit and proper person as
master of the corporation charity schools, in the place of Mr.
Elkington, the present master.
NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
A motion to appoint another master in the room of Mr. Elkington
was, however, negatived on ballot, by a majority of 48 to n.
TABLES OF BENEFACTIONS.
In the upper lobby of the town hall are a series of benefaction
boards ; the following is a transcript of the oldest : —
A Catalogue of those who have bine Worthy Benefactors to the Town of North*
Made in the yeare of the Right Worthy Tho. Martin Maior, being the Secod time
of his Maiorality Ano Dni 1625.
Mr. Thomas Chipsey thrice Mayor of Northampton was the Fovnder of the
Free schoole of the same Towne and gave Landes to maintaine a Schoolmaster to
teach Gramar Freelie to Freemens Childeren. And to maintaine the new Pauements
And to the Maior of North1 for the time being Fovre Shillings to see the same
pformed yearlie for euer. Sir Thomas White knight Marchant Taylor of London
hath previded that there shalbe paide by the Maior of Coventrie out of
Landes euery fifth yeare Fourtie Powndes to be lent amongst foure young
men freelie for Nyne yeares And from Nyne yeares to Nyne yeares for euer untill C
yeares be expired And after C yeares the xl1 to be paid still euery fifth yeare And then
to be put out to one man for Nyne yeares And so from Nyne yeares to Nyne yeares
for euer. Mr. John Quarrior gaue out of his Landes Thirteene Shillings fourpence
p. annum to the poore of this towne for euer. Mr. Thomas Wheatlie late Alderman of
the City of Coventrie deceassed did giue this Corporation One Hundred Pownds to
be lent amongst the poore Artificers here by Ls to a man or under yearlie at 6d
P1 (? per pound) for euer. Mr. Edward Elmer late Citizen and Grocer of London
gave fortie Pownds to be lent to eight tradesmen by v1 a man for two years upon
allowance of vid in the Pownd yearlie for ye poor for euer, and gaue landes to the
value of iiij1 p. anum to ye Hospitall of St Thomas for euer.
Mr. Lawrence Baylie gave Land to the value of xls p. anum to the Freeschoole
for ever. Mr. Thos Craswell foore times Maior of this Towne gave Fiftie Pounds
to be lett out and ye encrease thereof is to goe to ye mariage of a poore Maid
yearlie he gave xiiid a weeke to ye poore for ever And xx" p. anum to ye Schools Mr
out of his Landes for ever. John Freeman Esquire gave one Hundred Pounds to
be lent freely amongst xxvi honest Tradsmen by v1 and iij1 a man yearely for ever.
Blessed are the dead that die in the Lord Euen soe saith the spirit for they
rest from their labours And their works folow them. Revel. Cap. 14. Vers. 13.
MrU Agnes Chipsey widowe gave an Annuitie of Eight Poundes per annum to
goe out of her Landes for ever towards payment of fifteenes and other charitable
uses. Mr. John Neale once Maior of this towne gave Twoe pence a peice to
Thirteene poore people evrie Sunday weekly for ever. Mr. Henrie Prior gave out of
his Landes Thirty shillinges p. annum to the poore of this towne for ever And was
confirmed by Steven Harvie Esquire deceassed. Mris Agnes Hopkins wife of Mr
Tho. Hopkins twice Maior of this towne, gave Landes to ye value of iiij1 or there-
abouts p. anum to goe to ye poore of this towne for ever.
Mr. Raphe Freeman now Alderman of London gave land to the Free Schoole
ever to ye use of the Free School Mr.
CHARITABLE FOUNDATIONS. 361
Mr. Ralph Freeman aforesaid gave alsoe land and ye profits and Rents thereof
are to buy ijs worth of Bread weekly for ever to be given to fourteene poore folks
Mr. Richard Elkington of Shawell in ye countie of Leicest gent, did give fiftie
pounds to be lent in loane to five poore Artificers here by x1 a peice from yeare
to yeare upon allowance of xijd in the pounds to charitable uses for ever. Mr.
John Bryan thrice Maior of this towne gave Landes to ye value of xxxs p. anum
to St. Thomas Hospital for ever.
Mr. Thomas Burton gave One Hundred Pounds to be lent in loane yearlie to
Tenne poore Artificers by Tenne Pounds a man upon allowance of xijd in the
pound yearlie to charitable uses for ever. Mr. William Andrew of Denton gave
an Annuitie of iij1 for ever for the burying of poore prisoners.
The second benefaction board records the following bequests : —
A Catalogue of those who hathe Worthy Benefactors bin tothe Towne of Northt
Made in the yeare of the Right Wor11 Tho Collins Maior Ano Dni 1660. Sir
Ralph ffreeman Merchant and Citizen of London gave to the Towne of Northt ye
sume of One Thousand poundes for ye use of ye poore of St Tho Hospitall in
ye said Towne Whereof there were But only 5oof Received by the said towne.
Cuthbert Ogle Esq. gave loo1 to this corporacion to the end they should pay
upon every St. Tho day yearely for ever to xxx poore peeple the sume of vi
pounds by 4s a peice.
Mr. William Knight Alderman of this towne gave 5O1 to pay £ yearly for ever
to xx poore widdowes by 3" a peice.
John Evans of this towne Sadler gave ye sume of 5OO1 to the intent yl 30
yeares after his wifes decease the Towne should pay yearely for ever ye Sume of
3O1 for ye placeing of sixe poore children to be apprentices
Mrs. Beatris Ogle of this Towne gave ye sume of 41 to be payed yearely for
•ever upon Shrove Tuesday to ye poor of ye towne and likewise 2OS more yearely
for ever to ye Minester of All Sts for a sermon to bee preached yearely on
good ffryday.
Sir John Langham Alderman of London gave to this towne ye sume of 6OO1
the interest of which to be for ye yearely maintenance of vi poore widdowes to be
added to ye Hospitall of St Tho in ye said towne.
Mr. Nicholas Rothwell Citizen of london gave ye sume of 400' to ye use of
ye poore of ye 4 prshes of ye towne viz. : All Sts, St sepulchres, St giles, and
St peters.
Mr. Mathew Sillesby once Maior of this Towne gave Severall Lands and
Tenemt8 lyeing in North of the vallue of Tenn Pounds p. anum or thereabouts
towards the maintenance of Two Poore Widowes of the Parish of All Saints for
ever.
Given by Thomas Blomley of Easton-Mawditt in the County of Northton Gent,
the sume of ioo11 to ye use of ye poore of ye towne of Northton for ever. And
given by his brother Brian Blomley Gent, ye sume of 5O1 for ye same uses which
150" with ioou of Mr. Rothwells given to ye poore of All Sts Parish and 5Ol
received of Robert Hesilrige of Northton Esqr. for some of waste ground (sold to
him) adjoining to ye Castle hills and Castle Orchard in Northton was Layed out
362 NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
in ye parish of Road cum hyde For which 300*' ye sume of I5H p. Anu is cominge
Anually to ye towne of Northton to be used as followeth viz lo11 p. anu to ye
poore of All Sts Parish and 50" per anu to ye Poore of St. giles Parish and 50*
per anu to ye Poore of St. Sepulchers Parish.
A third board records these benefactions : —
A Table of the worthy Benefactors of the Town of Northampton made in y*
Mayoralty of the worshipfull Richard Jeffcutt Anno 1719.
Mr. Lawrence Woollaston late of Northampton and Eliz: his wife by Fine levyed
in Easter Term in ye 3oth year of King Cha : ye 2d and Deed thereupon did settle
an annual Rent of 2O1 issuing out of certain Lands and Woods called Dodford Woods
for ye more comfortable maintenance of ye Poor People of ye nether Room of St.
Thos Hospital.
Mr Richard Massingberd formerly Mayor of Northton by his will dated 4th Nov:
1680 Gave 8 Tenements in St. Gyles Street for ye Maintenance of ye Poor People of
St. Thomas's Hospital.
Mr. John Friend thrice Mayor of Northton by his will dated 2pth Jan. 1683 Gave
ye Black Boy Inn, and a Garden and Ground and also a Tenement and stable and Close
at the North gate in Northton to Charitable Uses, viz. charged ye Black Boy Inn with
ye payment of 2os per ann: for ever towards the Repair of All Sts Churche, and gave
ye rest of the Rente of ye said Inn, and also ye Rent of ye aforesaid Garden and
Ground to such Charitable Uses as his Trustees should think fit, and as to ye rest of
ye Premisses gave ye Rent thereof to be disposed quarterly towards ye Relief of some
Aldermans Widow of Northton who should fall into Poverty, and when there was
no such Widow to be distributed quarterly amongst Poor Tradesmen.
Mr. Richard White twice mayor of Northampton by his will dated Ist June 1691
Gave half a yard land at Duston and a ground in Cow Lane in Northampton and a
Ground in St. Peters Parish the Rent of the said half yard land to be disposed yearly
upon St. Thomas day for ever among Poor-widows or Poor-men of Northton by 10*
each, and ye Rents of ye said 2 Grounds to be equally disposed between two
Poor widows for their weekly maintenance one to be of St. Peter's Parish.
Mr. Daniel Herbert late of Northampton draper by his will dated ye 9th of Nov.
1696 Gave IO1 Per annum for ever out of his Farm at Burton Lattimer called Blundells
farm to be applyed in putting out Poor Boys Apprentices, and giving to each of the
said Boys 10 Pound that should serve out his time faithfully, his kinred in need to be
first Preferred.
Mr. Robert Ives Twice Mayor of Northampton by his will dated the i6th of
September, 1703, gave lOO1 for the purchasing of 51 per annum to be laid out in
cloathing two poor old men and two poor old women of All Saints parish every
new years day, and a Sermon to be preached on that day, with which iool an
Annuity of 51 was purchased of ye Corporation and Lands mortgaged for the
Perpetual Payment thereof.
John Dryden late of Chesterton in the County of Huntingdon Esq. by his will
dated 2d Jan: 1707 did give and grant ye George Inn in Northampton with the
Appurtenances to be disposed and settled as his Executors with the advice of
CHARITABLE FOUNDATIONS. 363
the Mayor and Aldermen of Northton should think most convenient to Charitable
uses within the said town Reserving an Allowance out of ye same for a Sermon to
be preached one day in Christmas.
Mris Rebecca Clifford Widow and Relict of Mr. Richard Clifford by her will
dated 19 Jan. 1718 Gave 10 Pound Per annum for ever out of her house in ye
Drapery to be yearly disposed to 2 wives or widows of decayed Aldermen Bailiffs
or Burgessees, And also gave IO1 Per ann: for ever out of her house and Ground
in St. Gyles Parish to be disposed amongst the Poor of Northampton.
Mrs. Beatrice Ogle Relict of Cuthbert Ogle Esq left 4^ p. anum issuing out
of Stockwell Hall in Parrish of All Saints in Northampton, Now known by the
name of St Edmund Brays to be distributed Yearly for ever at Shrove Tide to ye
poor of Northampton.
Mr. Samuel Wolaston of Thorp Constantine in Staffordshire clerk by his will
dated 20 feb 19 Cha 2d gave fifty Shillings out of his Lands in North-
ampton after the Decease of his Neice Jane Nelson (who died in 1702) which
lands lye near the North Gate there now in the possession of Mr. John Percivall to
be disposed of amongst the poor of Northampton Yearly by the Minister of All
Saints Parish and the Mayor of Northampton.
Mr. Mathew Sillesby of Northampton by his will dated 18 April 1662 devised
(amongst other things) a Close in St Edmunds End in Northampton of $£ a year
and part of a Close in St John's Lane of 12 Shillings a Year and ye Yearly Sum of
20 Shillings which is issuing out of part of the dwelling house of Mrs. Woolston in
Newland to Charitable uses for ever.
Mr. John Ball of Northampton Sadler by his will gave 50^" the Interest
whereof being to cloath 6 poor Widows of the parish of All Saints in North-
ampton in the manner mentioned in his will which $o£ were paid by his
trustees into the Corporation and a bond was given them for the due Application
of the interest thereof accordingly on St. Thomas's day yearly for ever.
Mr. Joseph Woolston twice Mayor of Northampton by his Will dated in 1753
(amongst other charitable Bequests) gave 200^ for the Benefit of the Corporation
Charity School.
A fourth board is thus inscribed :—
Thos Craswell Esq Four Times Mayor of Northampton (amongst other things)
gave twenty shillings a year to the Master of the freeschool there which is
issuing out of A house and Ground lying behind it in the North End at North-
ampton, and fifty pounds in money the Loan or Interest whereof is directed to be
given Yearly towards the preferment of a poor Maid of Northampton in Marriage
and to have Continuance for ever.
Mr. George Coles of Northampton who died in January 1640 gave the Rents of
houses and Lands in Northampton, which are now about fourteen pounds seventeen
Shillings a Year all of them being ground Rents and will improve at the expiration
of Leases (Except the Rent of a house on the South side of Gold Street in the
occupation of Jchn Cooper Carpenter) to charitable uses in Northampton for ever.
Mr. John Evans of Northampton Sadler gave ^500 at the End of Thirty Years after
his Death the Loan or Interest whereof is employed in placing out Poor Boys of
Northampton Yearly Apprentices and to have Continuance for ever.
364 NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
John Langham Esq Alderman and Merchant of London 1654 Pd .£600 into the
Corporation of Northampton the Interest whereof which is settled at 6 p. Cent is
to be Yearly applyed for the Maintenance of Six poor people above Stairs in
St Thomas's Hospital there and is secured by Deeds of Demise and Redemise on
great part of the Meadows called the Town Commons.
A fifth board contains record of the following gifts : —
William Stratford Doctor of Laws and Commissary of the Archdeaconry of
Richmond in the Diocese of Chester and a Native of Northampton by his Will
(amongst other Legacys) gave loo1 for the Benefit of the aforesaid Corporation Charity
School at Northampton.
William Cartwright of Aynho Esqr gave 5o! in his life time for the Benefit of the
same Corporation Charity School at Northampton.
The Right Honourable James, Earl of Northampton Recorder there gave 20O1 in
his lifetime in 1754 for the Benefit of the same Charity School.
The Right Honourable James Earl of Northampton by his Letter directed to Alder-
man Tompson then Mayor dated May the Ist 1754 Worded in manner as Follows I
desire your Acceptance of one Thousand Pounds to be applyed for the Benefit and
by Order of the Corporation of Northampton which Thousand Pounds were ordered
by the Mayor Aldermen Bailiffs and Burgesses to be and was laid out by them
amongst other moneys in the Purchase of a Farm at Bugbrook.
Mr. Thomas Chipsey of the Town of Northampton Grocer settled certain Lands
lying in Holcutt in Northamptonshire in Trust to provide an Honest and sufficient
Learned Master freely to teach Grammar to such Children or Persons of Freemen
of the town of Northampton as should wish or desire to Learn the same Freely ;
without any Stipend to be taken.
Mr. Ralph Freeman Citizen and Alderman of London and other Benefactors
also settled several Houses and other Hereditaments for the Benefit of the said
School.
And Paul Wentworth of Lillingston Lovell in the County of Oxon Esqr for
the advancement of Learning Granted and charged his Estate at Lillingstone
Dayrell Bucks with a clear annual payment of twenty Pounds towards the main-
tenance of an Usher to be assistant to the Master of the said School in teaching
the Scholars Latin, good Writing, and Arithmetick.
There are also boards giving the following particulars relative
to three special charities : —
COLES CHARITY.
By Indentures dated the 20 of Aug and ist of Sep 1640 George Coles of
Northampton Gentleman did convey certain Estates in Northampton Upon Trust
that the Trustees for the time being should distribute annually on the Thursday
next after the Purification of the Blessed Virgin Mary the sum of 10^" viz £$ to
the Poor of the Parish of All Saints £2 to to the Poor of the Parish of St
Sepulchres where the said George Coles lived and was buried £2 to the poor of
the parish of St Giles i£ to the poor of the parish of St Peter in Northampton
and directed a Sermon to be preached on the same Day the Preacher to be paid
CHARITABLE FOUNDATIONS. 365
£i And Upon further Trust to divide the residue of the Rents etc among such
Poor Persons of Northampton at such times and in such manner as the Trustees
should think fit.
17th Jan?.
1811.
John Agutter Gent.
William Marshall Druggist.
Philip Constable Esq.
Aldn James Miller.
Aldn Charles Freeman.
John Hall Gent.
At which time the Rents of the Charity Estates amounted to £4.1 per Ann.
DR. STRATFORD'S CHARITY.
By Indentures dated on or about the 16 of July 1753 William Stratford LLD late of
Lancaster, Commissary of the Archdeaconry of Richmond (amongst many other
Charitable bequests) Gave to certain Trustees therein named the sum of Five Hundred
Pounds the Interest or Produce of which to be appropriated by them and their
successors for ever for placing out Poor Boys and Girls apprentice and for the relief
of Poor industrious persons belonging to the Parish of All Saints in this town.
The said Five Hundred Pounds was laid out in the purchase of an estate at
Helmdon in this County which is now lett for 123^ per Annum.
The present trusteee are —
/• John Agutter Esq
\ Aid Charles Freeman
March 25th 1812. < .
) Aid Philip Constable
I John Hall Gent
ALLEN'S CHARITY.
Mr. John Allen late of Northampton Plumber and Glazier deceased by his Will
dated 6 July 1822 gave and bequeathed to his Executors Hugh Higgins and Christopher
Chowler One Thousand Pounds upon trust for the benefit of any Public Charity or
Public Charities within the said Town of Northampton at the discretion of the said
Executors who in pursuance of the Trust so reposed in them placed the sum
of Nine Hundred Pounds (being the clear surplus after payment of the Legacy
duty) upon Mortgage of Freehold Land in the names of themselves, and George
Osborn Jun. Marmaduke Newby John Veasey Edward Phipps and John Brettell and
settled the interest of the said goo11 to be from time to time applied in manner
following Nine pounds per annum for clothing and educating Poor Girls upon the
establishment of Sergeants and Beckets Charity and the residue of such Interest
Moneys for clothing three additional Poor Freemen yearly on the 29th of May and
for clothing and educating such an additional Number of Poor Boys in the
Corporation-Charity-School as may from time to time be found practicable.
In the MS. history of Northampton, in the possession of Mr.
Crick, is the following full report, with tables, of a committee
appointed to inquire into the possessions of the town in 1783. It
NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
mainly deals with the town charities, and seems to us to be of
sufficient value to reproduce in extenso : —
A Report of the Committee, appointed at an Assembly of the Corporation of the
Town of Northampton, held October 23rd, 1783, composed of the following members
("or five of them") viz. "James Sutton Esqr, Mayor, Mr Justice Marshall, Mr
Justice Gibson, Mr Aldn Thompson, Senr Mr Aid0 Davies, Mr James Hillier, Mr Hill
Gudgeon, Mr Martin Lucas, Mr Francis Hayes, Mr Geoe Cliff, Mr John George,
Mr John Warner, and Mr Richard Alliston " ; for the purpose of perusing and
examining the Abstracts and Accounts, then produced, and lately made out by the
Town Clerk for the Several Estates, belonging to, or in Trust of the Corporation ;
and, if they thought necessary to epitomize the Same, they having Liberty " to
inspect any Writings or Credentials relating thereto."
As Soon as possible after the Vote of the House for our Appointment passed, we
proceeded to investigate the Business referred to us, and having procured from the
Town Clerk, Abstracts of the Several Charities in Trust of, and belonging to the
Corporation, to draw them out under different heads, as is Specified in the schedule
annexed.
Some of these Charities being of such ancient Date, it could not be traced who
the Donors were, and some small Estates we found consolidated, amounting to 2g£
per year ; which has been distributed, to the poor, at Christmas.
There are Several Donations, over which the Whole, or some particular Members
of the Corporation are Appointed Trustees, but the Rents being received by other
Trustees, they are not accountable for the Application of them, such as the Free
Grammar School, John Friend's Gift of the Black Boy Inn, and John Dryden's of
the George Inn.
The patronage of the Living of All Saints was purchased of Sr Thomas Littleton,
by the Corporation, and is vested in Trustees appointed by them, out of such members
of the Corporation as live in that Parish. The Uses, to which the rest of the Estates
are appropriated, are set forth in the Schedule annexed : by which it appears that some
of them are under the Direction of the Chamberlain, Some of the Warden ; And Mr
Aid" Sturgis, Mr Aldn Newcome, and Mr Aldn Gibson, have the leave of the others.
The Chamberlain receives Yearly, Rent amounting to ^588 195. pd. out of which
he pays to Different Charities, and certain Expenses, ^"204 133. 3d., and casual
expenses, (taken at an Average of six years, viz. from Michaelmas, 1764, to
Michaelmas, 1770) to the amount of ^18 1— the payments together will be ^385 135.
3d. which being deducted from the Yearly Receipts, will leave a Balance of ^203. 95. 6d.
But it appears to us that at the Time of Inclosing Northampton Fields, a Sum of
Money was wanting to pay for the Fences &c. of the Corporation Allotment. Mr
George Tompson therefore advanced .£900 upon Interest ; which he is contented shall
be repaid him by the Rent arising from the Farm demised to John Dunkley and
amounting per year to ^182 so that till Mr Aldn Tompson's Loan is paid off, the
Chamberlain will have but £21 6s. 6d. as a Balance. — ^500 of the above ^900 is
already discharged ; and if the said Rents are appropriated to that purpose, the Whole
will be paid in the year 1786 : and then the surplus of ^"203 will be recd by the Cham-
berlain, more than he will have a necessity of expending, unless the casual Expenses
should exceed the average of the six years here given, namely ;£i8i.
1
CHARITABLE FOUNDATIONS. 367
We found the Wardens accounts, regularly brought up, to Michaelmas, 1782, and
upon stating the yearly Receipts and disbursements, it appears that there would be a
Balance, annualy in Hand, of about £40. — The present Wardens Book makes him
Debtor to the Corporation ,£73 iSs. But as his year commences at Michaelmas, and
the poor at the Alms House are paid Weekly of course some money must be
advanced before any rents can be due, and received, by him ; We, therefore, judge it
proper, that a sum should be left in his Hand, sufficient for that purpose, and when
enough is reserved, to carry him on, till Rents, adequate to the current expenses, are
Received, we recommend, that the remainder should be applied, to the increasing the
Number of the Almswomen,* as we find by the Accounts of the different Gifts under
his Care, that they were all left for their use, except a rent charge of £S by Agnes
Chipsey, which is left at discretion as to What Description of poor it shall be given.
Having paid what attention we could to the Chamberlain's and Warden's Accounts,
we proceeded to some matters that are under the care of Mr Alderman Sturgis. The
Sum of .£24, being the Rent of a Meadow at Kislingbury, is Received and disposed
of, by him, in putting Boys Apprentice.
The Rent of the Hide Land at Road, being £15, is also received by him, and
Appropriated to the same purpose, after paying, out of it, 40" to each of the parishes
of S* Giles's, and St. Sepulchres.
And a Rent Charge of £26 per annum, is likewise paid to Mr. Aid" Sturgis, left by
Mr. Gabriel Newton, of Leicester, for the Cloathing, &c., the Charity Boys of the
Green Coat School.
Mr. Alderman Newcome receives £80 from the Bugbrook Estate, which, with the
Voluntary Subscriptions, enables him to support the Brown-Coat School, for 25
boys, and Cloath 20 poor Freemen annually, with an allowance of IDS. each.
Mr Alderman Gibson is accountable to the Corporation for £i$7 per Annum, being
the net Rent arising from the Butchers Stalls and Tolls ; out of which he pays to the
Dean and Canons of Windsor, £66 133. 4d. to the Earl of Winchilsea, ^31 6s. 8d. to
Widows, £18., to the Charity-School £10. So that a yearly Balance will remain of
£31 which your Committee do not find is specifically appointed to be appropriated to
any particular purpose.
That Noble Charity given by Sir Thomas White, now demands our attention.
There hath been received from it at different Times, by this Corporation, the sum
of £8720 2s. 8d.
Now outstanding on Bonds, 153 Fifty Pounds £7650, paid Law-Charge, and other
Expenses £905 73. 8d. Lost, by Failure of Securities ^134 153. Cash in hand £30,
which balances the Account.
M. LUCAS,
Chairman of the Committee.
"This recommendation is complied with, and seven poor women have been added to the former
number. [Original footnote.]
368
NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
A BRIEF ACCOUNT OF THE ESTATES AND CHARITIES IN TRUST OF,
APPLICATION AND ANNUAL PAYMENTS THEREOF,
Names of Donors.
When Given.
What the Gifts Consist of.
Where Situate.
Agnes Hopkins
8th Jan., 1593 2 Tenements, Orchard, St. Giles' Street
and Garden
John Neal ... ... nth Apl., 39 Rent Charge on 2 Tene- Drapery...
Eliz. ments
Henry Pryor 1558... Two Rent- "|
Charges on a |
Tenement, [-West Gate
Orchard, and I
Close J
Anthony Acham ... iyth June, 1630 Rent Charges on Lands... Asserby, Lincolnshire ..
Henry Neal ... 2nd June, 7 A 3rd partof Balmsholm .. Northampton
Chas. i
fi5th Feb., 1654 Cow Meadow
Calvesholmes
Purchased ... ...-{ 3rd part of Balmsholm ... ^-Northampton
Midsummer Meadow
Lioth June, 1656 Foot Meadow & Mill Holm
TA Messuage
Newland
Matthew Sillesby
Richard Whites
Purchased ...
Purchased
i8th Apl.,
gg I Two Tenements ..
j Orchard and Garden
[.A Close
... Horse Market ...
... St. John's Lane...
... St. Edmund's End
ist June,
fA Close
1691 ] A Garden
L Do
... Duston ...
... Cow Lane
... St. Peter's Parish
A Piece of Ground
f Gobion'sManor,containing
several pieces of land
dispersed in Northamp-
20th Apl., 1662 -{ ton Field before its<{
Iinclosure, upon which it
was laid into the 6
[_ following allotments
In Hardingstone Parish,
next St. Leonard's Farm
("Farm House and Home-
stead, a Garden and
Stable adjoining, yoa.
or. 38p. of Arable Land,
i6a. or. iyp. Meadow
Land
8a. 2r. op. A Close
8a. 2r. i9p. A Close
a. 3r. 39p., part of New-
Common
_3a. or. op. adjoining
CHARITABLE FOUNDATIONS. 369
AND BELONGING TO THE CORPORATION OF NORTHAMPTON, AND THE
UNDER THE CARE OF THE CHAMBERLAIN.
For What Purpose Given Tenants' Names. Date of Leases. Expiration of Ann. Rent.
Leases. £. s. d.
For the Poor of North- Edward Litchfield 2ist Dec., 1778 St. Thomas, 2 12 o
ampton 1827
For the Relief of 13 Poor John Hall, William 5 10 8
People Wilkinson
The Poor of Northampton, Edward Kirby ,.. f l $ °
Dirge and Mass
For the Poor in Bread ... ... 800
At Discretion
'Charged with an annual
sum of £29, given by
John Langham, Esq., for
the maintenance of 6 poor
almswomen upstairs in
St. Thomas' Hospital,
the residue at discretion
These premises are
called the Old
Commons, and
may be reckoned
on an average to
bring in per an-
num ... ... 100 o o
"To Repair Two Tenements") Executor of Heny. 25th Mar., 1775 Lady day, 400
in Horse Market for two | Thompson 1806
widows, and to maintain I Geo. Sanders ... 3 10 o
them (John Darker, Esq., 25th March O 12 O
and others.
J James Sutton, Esq. 25th Mar., 1784 Lady day, 600
1805
For poor widows or poor"! John Dunkley ... St. Thomas, St. Thomas, 17 10 o
men, IDS. each 1766 I797
For two poor widows (Richard Meacock ... ... 7 10 o
J Willm. Law 5 5 o
At discretion ... ... Richard Meacock St. Michael, St. Michael, 10 o o
1777 1794
Alderman Fraser Renewable 4 o o
„ „ Mich., 1740 ... Michaelmas, I o o
1784
John Dunkley ... Lady day, 1779 Lady day, 182 o o
1800
Alderman Wm. Lady day, 1779 Lady day, 29 o o
Gibson 1800
Thomas Smith ... Lady day, 1779 Lady day, 27 3 o
1800
Trustees of New ... ... 52 O o
Commons
Commission of ... ... 6 O o
Turnpike Road
Z
370 NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
Names of Donors. When Given. What the Gifts Consist of. Where Situate.
Purchased I2th Apl., 1630 New Pastures South side, next St. Giles'
Church
Alderman Freeman Tenements and Ground... St Giles1 Street
3rd part of Close, near St. Allotted with Bailiffs
Pulchre's Church Hook
2 Closes, called Tower East side, next St. Giles'
Wall Churchyard
Tenement and Close ... College Lane and West
Bridge
Piece of Ground St. Catherine's ...
do. do. ... ... do. do.
Farm House and Close Hardingstone parish
adjoining, and several
other Closes
5 Tenements and a Garden Bridge Street, Kingswell
Lane, and Barken End
Neal
do.
Drapery
do.
... On Stockwell Hall
A Tenement
... Baker's Hill ...
do. adjoining ... do.
A Shop At Great Conduit
Rent Charges on Ground On the Wood Hill
A Piece of Ground ... Dychurch Lane ..
2 Closes ... ... ... Milton and Wootton
Land .. ... ... Pisford...
House and Yard... ... Fish Lane
CHARITABLE FOUNDATIONS.
371
For What Purpose Given.
Tenants' Names.
Date of Leases.
Expiration of
Leases.
Ann. Rent.
£. s. d.
At discretion
Kdward Peach
2O
IO
o
do.
Alderman Fraser
Lady day,
1758
Lady day,
8
0
0
1819
do.
William Balaam
i ith March,
Lady day,
2
6
8
1779
1799
do.
Ald.Edward Kirby
28th May,
1773
Lady day,
9
9
0
J794
do.
Willm. Bagley ..
2nd March,
St. Thomas,
7
0
0
1778
1819
do.
John Battin
29th Sep.,
1730
Michaelmas,
0
2
6
1829
do.
Harry Locock ...
1 6th May,
1755
Lady day,
0
2
6
do.
William Cook ...
23rd Sep.,
1748
Lady day,
21
5
0
1795
do.
Valentine Cook...
i ith Oct.,
1766
Lady day,
9
5
o
1798
do.
John Drayton
0
13
4
do.
John Maud
o
8
4
To the poor of Northampton
o
*T
o
Discretion
Charles Smith ...
4th June,
1777
Michaelmas,
9
0
0
1792
do.
Saml. Yoxon
9th Augst,
1776
Lady day,
8
o
0
1795
do.
Thomas Smith
i
IO
o
do
o
do.
James Sutton ...
i4th Augst,
1771
Michaelmas,
o
12
0
1832
do.
Thomas Atterbury
25th Mar.,
1765
Lady day,
8
0
0
1786
do.
o
12
do.
A
O
o
Total receipts 588 19 9
Z 2
372
NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
CERTAIN ANNUAL PAYMENTS.
£• s. d.
Deputy Recorder's Salary as Town Counsel ... ... ... ... 10100
Master of the Free Grammar School ... ... ... ... 450
Mace Bearer ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 660
Hall Keeper ... ... ... ... ... ... 300
Keeper of the Commons... ... ... ... ... ... 220
Master of the Bridewell ... ... ... ... ... 200
Do. for Commons ... ... ... ... ... ... o 12 o
Dues to the Vicar of All Saints' for Commons... ... ... o 19 6
Rent for a 3rd part of Balmsholm ... ... ... ... 10 o o
The Town Sergeants' Salaries ... ... ... ... 600
Wade's Charity ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 200
Sexton of All Saints' for Attending the Mayor to Church ... i 6 8
Freeman's Gift to the Poor in Bread ... ... ... ... 2 12 o
Distributed by the Mayor at Christmas in Charities ... ... 29 o o
Lazarman as. a week ... ... ... ... ... ... 540
And for Food and Cloths for him ... ... ... ... i 6 o
Almswomen of St. Thomas' Hospital, upon the foundation of John
Langham, Esq. ... ... ... ... ... ... 36 o o
Town Clerk, Settling the Chamberlains' Accounts, etc. ... ... 4 n 9
Chief Rents for Balmsholm ... ... ... ... ... o 5 IO
A BRIEF ACCOUNT OF THE CHARITIES IN TRUST OF THE CORPORATION
THEREOF, UNDER THE CARE OF TH1
Names of Donors. When Given. What the Gifts Consist of.
Where Situate.
Edward Elmar ... 24th June, 1592 3 Tenements
Abington street...
Agnes Hopkins ...
Thomas Hopkins ...
John Bryant
A Tenement and Stable... Gold Street
8th Jan., 1593 Tenement and Garden ... St. Edmond's End
... Near St. Peter's Church
... Hardingstone parish
2nd April, 41 A Messuage
Eliz.
I4th Oct., 1603 Part of a Close
CHARITABLE FOUNDATIONS. 373
ANNUAL PAYMENTS.— Continued.
£. s. d.
Dues to the Poor of St. Giles' for St. George's Leys ... ... o i o
Dues to the Rector of St. Peter's for Foot Meadow ... ... ... o I 6
Neale's Gift 55., Pryor's is. 8d. to the Chamberlain ... ... 068
Allowance to the Chamberlain for Collecting Rents .. ... ... 068
Ives' Rent Charge ... ... ... ... ... ... 500
Interest of Ball's Charity... ... ... ... ... ... 2 10 o
Insurance ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 140
Evans' Charity for putting 6 Children Apprentice ... ... ... 30 o o
Richard White's Charity to Poor People at los. each ... ... 17 10 o
Acham's Charity in Bread ... ... ... ... ... 800
John Neale's Gift for Relief of 13 Poor People ... ... 5 10 8
Beatrice Ogle's Gift for Poor People ... ... ... ... 400
Warden for Rent of Land next Leonard's Farm ... 200
Total Certain Expences ... ... ... 204 13 3
Average of Uncertain do. ... ... ... ... ... 181 o o
John Dunkley's Rent, paid to Alderman Thompson... ... ... 182 o o
Yearly Balance in Hand ... ... . ... ... 21 6 6
^588 19 9
OF NORTHAMPTON AND THE APPLICATION AND ANNUAL PAYMENTS
WARDENS OF ST. THOMAS'S HOSPITAL.
For What Purpose Given. Tenants' Names Date of Leases. Expiration of Ann. Rent.
Leases. £. s. d.
William Proctor
I 10
6
Richard Evans ...
i 6
O
R Kenning
4 IQ
o
For the Relief of Poor
V^m Robinson
2 lo
o
Householders to be placed *
Richard Middleton
2 IO
o
in St. Thomas's Hospital
60
o
Richard Tear ...
2 IO
n
Tames Ward
2 10
0
do. ... ... John Copeland ... jth Augt., 1777 Mich., 1797... 500
Poor People, St. Thomas's David Johnson ... 250
Hospital
do. ... Executors of Will. loth Oct., 1769 loth Oct., 200
Dodd tjgo
do. ... Richard Meacock Mich., 1777 ... Mich., 1794... 200
374
NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
Names of Donors.
When Given.
What the Gifts Consist of.
Where Situate.
Thomas Cresswell... 2oth Dec., 1606 Two Messuages, Orchard,
and Backside
Agnes Chipsey
James Bayles
28th Aug., 1608 Rent-Charge on Freehold
f A Tenement
5th Dec., 1683
Corporation Charity
School
3 Tenements underdo. ...
2 Tenements and Close ...
A Close
Part of a Little Close ...
Other part of do.
Little Close ......
LawrenceWoollaston 3Oth Chas. II. Rent-Charge
Richd. Massingberd 4th Nov., 1680 8 Tenements
A Tenement
2 Tenements
Stable and Garden
Tenement adjoining Town
Farm Homestead
A Tenement
2 Tenements
3 Tenements, Garden, and
Close
A Piece of Ground
A Tenement and Malting
A Tenement
Use of Wall ......
Richard Massing- 4th Nov., 1680 A Close
berd
A Tenement, called
"Quart Pot"
A Tenement ...
A Tenement and Garden
A Tenement ...
2 Stables and Garden ...
3 Tenements, a Garden,
and a piece of Ground..
A Close
A Little Close...
A Tenement ...
South Gate
Grimoldby, etc., Lincoln-
shire
St. John's Lane ...
Bridge Street
do.
Sheep street
West side Broad Lane ...
do.
do.
Near Castle Hill
Dodford Wood
St. Giles' Street
Newland
do.
do.
Abington Street ...
Newland
Abington Street...
St. Giles' Street
Dern Gate
Crackbow Lane ...
Bridge Street
St. Thomas's Hospital ...
West Cotton
Gold Street
Horsemarket
South side Silver Street...
do
do
Mayorhold
Near Marvell's Mills
Near Bell Barn...
Near Peacock Inn
A Tenement
Drum Lane
CHARITABLE FOUNDATIONS. 375
For What Purpose Given.
Tenants' Names.
Date of Leases.
Expiration of
Ann. Rent.
Leases.
£. s. '
d.
Poor People, St. Thomas's
fJohnBletsoe
25th Mar., 1745
25th Mar.,
2 10
0
Hospital
(. William Plowman
25th Mar., 1747
r795
25th Mar.,
2 0
0
*795
Poor of Northampton
8 0
o
Poor of St. Thomas's Hos-
Edward Cox
i 9
0
pital
do
Thomas Ager ..
2 10
o
do.
Toll Cross and
4 ii
0
Sherwood
do.
Executors of Will.
4th July, 1769 ..
Mich., 1847...
8 o
0
Dodd
do.
do.
Joseph Walker ...
Edward Morriss
i8th Sep., 1778
Mich., 1791...
9 o
O Q
o
6
do.
John Fox
^/
i 4
6
do.
Samuel Summer-
I IO
o
field ...
do.
20 o
o
do.
Josh. Easton
Mich., 1765 ...
Mich., 1826...
8 o
0
do.
Henry Duke
3rd Jan., 1775...
Mich., 1797...
6 o
0
do.
Joshua Snowden..
I4th Oct., 1709
Mich., 1808...
I 0
0
do.
Rev. Edw. Wat-
2oth April, 1694
Lady Day,
i 6
0
kins
1793
do.
Fox Walker ...
28th Oct., 1777
Mich., 1796...
6 o
0
do.
FrancisHumphrey
29th May, 1760
Mich., 1821...
i 6
8
do.
Thomas Ward ...
I4th Jan., 1766
Lady Day,
6 10
0
1797
do.
Rev. Edw. Wat-
nth May, 1775
Lady Day,
6 10
0
kins
1797
do.
George Landers...
ist June, 1762
Lady Day,
o 15
0
1813
do.
Eliz. Jeffcutt
24th June, 1763
Lady Day,
i 6
8
1802
do.
John Edwards ...
loth Sep., 1772
5th Apl., 1804
6 o
0
do.
Andrew Chambers
0 2
6
Poor of St. Thomas'
William Gibson...
3Oth March,
Mich., 1794...
5 10
0
Hospital
1773
do.
John Gibson
24th June, 1763
Lady Day,
I IO
o
1784
do.
Saul Ashby
do
I 10
0
do
William Chamber-
25th March,
Lady Day,
6 o
o
lain
1773
1794
do.
John Fox
6th Jan., 1762 ..
Lady Day,
I O
o
1861
do.
Henry Locock ...
2 ist April, 1775
Mich., 1799 ...
2 10
0
do
Thomas Dickin-
27th April, 1769
Lady Day,
4 o
0
son
1790
do.
Robert Morriss ...
ist Dec., 1763...
Lady Day,
5 5
0
1785
do.
Robert Smith
o 9
0
do
J. H. Thursby,
30th June, 1773.
loth October,
6 o
0
Esq.
1796
do.
John Lacy
2Oth April, 1777
Lady Day,
5 5
0
1798
NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
Names of Donors.
When Given. What the Gifts Consist of.
Where Situate.
Richard Massing-
4th Nov., 1680 Front of Bull and Goar
I
berd
Inn
3 Stables and Several i
^•Northampton ...
Pieces of Ground
1
Rent-Charge on House,
Wood Hill
late Crown Inn
Farm House and Lands .
Boughton
A Tenement ...
Sheep Street
A Piece of Ground
Boughton
i£ Acre of Ground
Earl's Barton
CERTAIN ANNUAL PAYMENTS.
To the Poor of St. Thomas's Hospital below stairs, being 13, at 2/2
each per week
To 13 out of the House
Firing for the Poor below stairs ,.
Land Tax for Wollaston's Gift
King's Audit and Acquittances for "Quart Pot" Alehouse...
Quit Rent for 3 Tenements in Abington Street
Bounty Money for the Almswomen at the end of the year ...
Chaplain for Reading Prayers to the Almswomen
Do. for Sermon on St. Thomas' Day
Six Almswomen the same day
Making up the Warden's Account
Insurance of Buildings from Fire
Clothes for the Almswomen
£. s. d.
73
65
6
4
o
o
o
2
o 15
o 15
CHARITABLE FOUNDATIONS.
377
For What Purpose Given. Tenants' Names. Date of Leases. Expiration of Ann. Rent.
Leases. £. s. d.
("Poor of St. Thomas' Joshua Remming- 24th Sept., 1764 Lady Day,
J Hospital ton 1797
do. ...
do.
do.
do.
do.
do.
George Hollis
Miss Rowell
Zachray Wells
John Westley
29th Sept., 1762 Mich., 1793...
2 10 O
020
20 O O
800
050
I O O
Total receipts 211 17 4
ANNUAL PAYMENTS.— Continued.
Shifts for the Almswomen
Shoes for do. ...
Making their Gowns
Land Tax for Houses in the North Ward
Do. „ „ South Ward
Allowance for Collecting Rents ...
Paving Tax
Quit Rent to Earl Strafford
Land Tax for Tenement and Close in St. Edmund's End
Annual Incidental Expenses
Yearly Balance in Hand
£. s. d.
I 2 O
I I O
O 10 O
0 14 ioi
1 18 6
0 13 4
1 IO O
040
040
172 8 iii
39 8 4*
211 17 4
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SECTION TEN.
ALL SAINTS' AND OTHER CHURCHES.
ST. ANDREW'S PRIORY AND ALL SAINTS — THE ADVOWSON GRANTED TO THE TOWN
BY CARDINAL POLE, AND SOLD IN 1835 — THE WILL OF JOHN QUARRIOR — ELIZA-
BETHAN CHURCH USAGES — CALVIN*S CATECHISM AND PURITAN CONFESSION OF
FAITH — VISITATION OF 1637 — SCANDALOUS CONDITION OF THE CHURCH — DR.
SIBTHORPE'S CORRESPONDENCE — THE VICARS AND THEIR STIPENDS — MINISTERS
DURING THE COMMONWEALTH — SALE OF NEXT PRESENTATION IN 1746 — THE FABRIC
— THE FIRE, AND THE RE-BUILDING — PORTICO, CUPOLA, AND STATUE OF CHARLES II. —
SEATS — MAYOR'S CUSHION — BLACK HANGINGS — GALLERIES — ORGAN AND ORGANIST —
BELLS— CUSTOMS OF THE CHURCH, 1620 — INVENTORIES — SALE OF ALTAR PLATE TO
PAY DEBTS — SEXTON — VARIA — OTHER CHURCHES OF THE TOWN — ST. KATHARINE —
ST. MARY — ST. GREGORY — ST. GILES — ST. PETER — AND ST. SEPULCHRE.
ALL SAINTS' AND OTHER CHURCHES. 383
ALL SAINTS.
'"PHE church of All Saints, together with all the other churches
of the town, was given by Simon de St. Liz, earl of North-
ampton, in 1084, to the Cluniac priory of St. Andrew, which
abutted on the town on the north-west. It remained in the hands
of the monastery up to the time of the dissolution of the religious
houses in the reign of Henry VIII., when the right of presentation
to the vicarage was transferred to the crown.
The rectory of All Saints, valued at £22 per annum, was
assigned, after the dissolution, to Francis Abrey, the last prior of
St. Andrew's, in part payment of the pension of ^"50 a year granted
him by the crown. An annual sum of ^13 6s. 8d. was at the same
time granted as pension to John Ball, vicar of the parish church
of All Saints.
The priory received all the offerings and dues of the parish.
At the time of the dissolution John Brightwell was the collector,
and his accounts showed £S 8s. 3d. for Easter and Lent offerings ;
133. iojd for the purifying of women ; 273. lofd. for marriages ;
43 lofd. for burials ; and 125. 8d. for small tithes.
Neither vicarage nor rectory were granted away by the crown
up to the time of Philip and Mary. The accounts of the second
and third years of that joint reign state, under St. Andrew's
priory, that the crown renounced their rights to the emoluments
and presentation of this living. This action was taken in accord
with the general Act of that year, whereby all ecclesiastical
benefices that had come to the crown through the dissolution of
the religious houses were vested in the papal legate, and afterwards
in the archbishops.
Cardinal Pole, as papal legate, at the time that he gave the
fabric and site of the church of St. Gregory to the town for free
school purposes, united the parishes of All Saints and St. Gregory,
and transferred the patronage to the corporation.
From that date the church of All Saints was regarded as the
special property of the town, and although Elizabeth, at the be-
384 NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
ginning of her reign, re-assumed control over those benefices
assigned by 2nd and 3rd Philip and Mary, the crown technically
presenting to the vicarage of All Saints, the benefice was of so little
value, apart from the assistance it received from the town, that the
presentation was practically in the hands of the corporation of
Northampton from 1556 onwards.
Meanwhile, the crown had made over the rectory to the Littleton
family, but in 1619 the corporation purchased all the rectorial
rights from Sir Thomas Littleton, and Katharine, his wife, for the
small sum of £200. At the same time the advowson of the vicarage
was conveyed to trustees to present such persons as should on every
vacancy be nominated by such of the members of the corporation
as should for the time be inhabitants and parishioners of the parish
of All Saints.
Borough records are not the place in which we expect to find
church details ; but as All Saints for some three hundred years
was so closely connected in every way with the corporation,
references to this church and its ministers constantly occur.
We now proceed to give the more important of these references,
and to occasionally illustrate them from the church books and
from the public records. Remarkably interesting as is the pre-
Reformation history of this church, of which comparatively nothing
has yet been written, it is considered better here to confine
ourselves exclusively to the time when it was emphatically the
town's church.
THE WILL OF JOHN QUARRIOR.
In the order book of the assembly is the transcript of the will
of John Quarrior, dated September 6th, 1558, when he was " of hole
mynde and of good Remembraunce, lauded be almightie god, but
yet sick and weake in body." It is of considerable interest as
showing the nature of the services at the close of Mary's reign.
He leaves his body to be buried in the parish church of All
Saints, and bequeaths 33. 4d. for his " lyenge there," (l and 4d. to
my mother churche in Peterboroughe," and " forthe of the howse
that I dwell nowe in yerely for ever a marke in mony towards
the finding of a other secondary priest to singe in the same
churche evermore if the Lawes wyll permitt it ellce I wyll that
the said yerely rent of a marke by ther yere be given yerely to
the poore people of the saide town of Northampton at two equall
ALL SAINTS' AND OTHER CHURCHES. 385
feastes of the yere and be in evyn portions. Item I bequethe
fourthe of the same howse yerely for ever 35. 4<i. by the yere to
fynde for me a dirige and anniversall mas once every yere within
the saide church of All Saints for evermore." He also left to
11 Mr. Harman our curate and parson the best silver spone that I
have with the great knoppe and 35. 4d. to prey for my sole; item
to Wm Succar 35. 4d. to the parishe Clark 35. 4d. and to either of
the laddes that serve for a dark 2od. a peace Item I bequethe to
either of the saide laddes named Edward Wood and John Cuthbert
6s. 8d. a peace if they speede in learning untill holly orders and to
be paid to them when they be admitted unto the sub-deaconshipe."
After a great variety of small bequests of household articles and
money to servants, apprentices, friends, and distant relatives, he
continues— " I wyll that ther be dealt to the pore the daie of my
buriall 405. in bread, and at my monethes day 2os. in bread, and
at my yeres day 2os. in bread."
The will covers two closely-written folio pages, and the follow-
ing page is occupied with entries as to the payment of the doles
in this will from 1559 to 1573. The change in religious observances
which John Quarrior seemed to expect, occurred about two months
after the making of his will, for Queen Mary died on November
i yth, 1558.
ELIZABETHAN CHURCH USAGES.
A volume on borough records is about the last place wherein
theological controversy should find a place, but, nevertheless, it is
of interest and value that the townsfolk and others should know on
indisputable evidence, what was the tendency of " church" teaching
and practice at Northampton in the time of Elizabeth. The
condition of religious affairs, in this town and the surrounding
districts, gradually drifted into a most strange position. For the first
ten years of Elizabeth's reign matters went fairly well, and in
attempted loyalty to Church of England principles, but about 1568,
foreign Protestantism, nurtured by timorous statesmen on political
grounds, obtained considerable ascendancy in different parts of the
country, and nowhere in a more remarkable degree than at North-
ampton and generally throughout the county. At this time All Saints
was regarded as the sample church of this part of the shire, and its
example was implicitly followed by other churches of the town,
and by a very large number in the surrounding district. Bishop
AA
386 NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
Scambler, of Peterborough, seems to have been willing not only
to wink at, but to encourage the most daring irregularities.
No one of intelligence, whatever may be his own theological
predilections, can fail to see that the following account of the
teachings and customs that prevailed at All Saints in 1571
(which are transcribed from documents at the public record
office), are in distinct violation of any principle of conformity
to the Book of Common Prayer, and that Calvin's Catechism
and the elaborate " Confession of Faith " are in plain contra-
diction to Church of England teaching. Apart, however, from
such questions, this insight into the strict and sternly ordered
religious discipline of the Elizabethan town is curious and interesting.
The Puritans certainly invoked the civil power of the town to
back them after a most thorough and effective fashion.
The orders and dealings in the Churches of Northampton established and sett up,
by the consent of the Bysshop of Peterborough the maior and bretherne of the Towne
there and others the Queenes Maties Justices of peace within the saide Countie and
Towne taken and founde the vth dale of June 1571, Annoque xiij Regine Elizabeth.
(i.) The singinge and playeing of Organes before tyme accustomed in the Quier
is putt downe and the comen prayer there accustomed to bee said is brought downe
into the bodie of the churche amongst the people before whome the same ys used
accordinge to the Quene's booke with singinge psalms before and after the Sermone.
(2.) There is in the chefe churche every tewsdaye and thursdaie from ix of the
clock untill x in the morninge Redd a lecture of the scriptures begynnynge with the
confession in the book of Comen prayer and ending with prayer, and confession of
the faith etc.
(3.) There is in the same churche every sondaie and holydaie after mornyng
prayer A Sermone the people singinge the psalmes before and after.
(4.) That service be ended in everie parishe churche by ix of the clock in the
morninge every sondaye and holy daye to thende the people maye resort to the sermon
to the same church and that every mynister gyve warnynge to the parishioners in tyme
of comen prayer to repaire to the sermon theare, excepte they have a sermon in their
owne parishe Churche.
(5.) That after praiers don, in the tyme of Sermon or Catechisme none sitt in
the streetes or walke up and downe abroade or otherwye occupie themselves vaynely,
uppon such penaltie as shalbe appointed.
(6.) That youth at thende of eveninge prayer every sondaie and holydaye before
all the elder people are examyned in A porcon of Calvyns Catechisme which by the
reader is expounded unto them and holdeth an hower.
(7.) There is a general Comunyon every quarter in every parishe churche with a
sermone whiche is by the mynister at Comen praier warned fower severall sondaies
before every Comunyon, with exhortacon to the people to prepare for that daie.
(8.) One fourthnighte before eche Comunyon, the mynister with the Churche-
wardens maketh his Circuyt from howse to howse to take the names of the Comunycantes
ALL SAINTS' AND OTHER CHURCHES. 387
and to examyne the state of their lyves, amongst whom yf any discorde be founde the
parties are brought before the Maior and his bretherne beinge Assisted with the
preacher and other gentillmen before whome there ys reconcylement made, or ells
Correction and puttinge the partie from the Comunyon which will not dwell in
Charitie.
(9.) And ymediately after the comunyon the mynister &c. retorneth to euery howse
to understand whoe have not receaved the comunion accordinge to comon order taken
and certifieth it to the Maior &c. who \vth the mynister examineth the matter and useth
meanes of persuasion to induce them to their dueties.
(10.) Every comunyon daie eche parisshe hath ij comunyons thone for servauntes
and officers to beginne at v of the clocke in the mornynge wth a sermonde of an hower,
and to ende at viij. The other for mrs and dames etc, to beginne at ix the same
daie wth a like sermonde and to ende at xij at the uttermoste.
(n.) The manner of this comunion, is beside the sermonde accordinge to the
order of the Queenes book saving the people, beinge in their confession upon their
knees for the dispache of manye, doo orderly arise from their prayers, and so passe to
the comunyon table, where they receave the sacram1 and from thence in lyke order to
their place, havinge all this tyme a mynister in the pulpitt reading unto them comfor-
table scriptures of the passion or other lyke pertayninge to the matter in hande.
(12.) There is on euery other Satterdaye, and nowe euery Satterdaie from ix to xj
of the clocke in the mornynge, an exercise of the mynisters bothe of Towne and
countrye about the interpretacon of scriptures, the mynisters speakinge one after
another doth handell some texte, and the same openly amonge the people ; that
doon, the mynisters doth wthdrawe themselves into a privye place, theare to confere
amonge themselves as well touchinge doctrine as good lieff maners or others
orders mete for them.
(13.) There is also a wekelye assembly euery thursdaye, after the lecture by the
maior and his bretherne, assisted wth the preacher, mynister, and other gentlemen,
appointed to them by the Bisshoppe for the correction of discords made in the
towne as for notorious blasphemy, whoredome, drunkenes, raylinge against religyon,
or Ihe preachers thereof, skowldes, rybaulde, and suche lyke, wch faults are eche
Thursdaye presented unto them in writinge by certein sworne men, appointed
for that cervice in each parisshe, so the bisshopes authoritie and the mayors joyned
together being assisted wth certein other gentlemen in comyssion of peace, yll
lyeff is corrected, Godds gloary sett fourth and the people brought in good
obedience.
(14.) The comunyon table standeth in the.bodye of the churche, accordinge to
the book at the over ende of the midle He, havinge iij mynisters, one in the mydle
to delyver the bread, the other ij at eche ende for the cupp. The mynisters often
tymes doo call on the people to Remember the poore wch is there plentyf ully doon,
and thus the comunyon being ended, the people doo singe a psalme.
(15.) The excessyve ringinge of bells at forbidden times by Injunctions
(whereby the people grewe in disorder to the slaughter of some, and the. unquyetinge
of others geven to here sermonds) is inhibitted, allowinge notwthstandinge suche
orderlye ringynge as may serve to the callinge of the people to churche and
gevinge warninge of the passinge and buriall of eny persons.
AA 2
388 NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
(16.) The carryenge of the bell before courses (corpses) in the streetes, and
biddinge prayers for the ded (wch was there used till wthin thes twoo yeares) is
restrayned.
(17.) There is hereafter to take place ordered that all mynisters of the shyer
once euery quarter of the yere, uppon one monethes warnynge gyven repayer to the
saide townes, and theare, after a sermonde in the churche herde, to wthdrawe
themselves into a place appointed wthin the sayde churche, and there pryvately to
conferre amongst themselves of their manners and lyves, amongst whome if any be
found in faulte for the fyrst tyme exhortacon is made to him amongest all the
bretherne to amend, and so lykewyse the seconde, the thirde tyme by complaint
from all the bretherne, he is comytted unto the byshopp for his correccon.
The order of the exercise of the mynisters wth a Confession of the Fayth.
(i.) Everie one at his first allowance to be of this exercise, shall by sub-
scripcon of his owne hande declare his consent in Christes true religion wth his
bretherne and submit himself to the discipline and orders of the same.
(2.) The names of euery man that shall speake in this exercise shalbee written in
a table, for it shalbee unlawfull for any man to speake in this exercise untill he be
admytted to the same, and his name by his owne consent regestred in the said
table. Neither shall it be Lawful for any man to occupie the roome of the seconde
speaker, except he have spoken in the first place, unlesse he be desired by the
moderators.
(3.) The first speaker begynnynge and endinge wth praier, ought to explain the
text that he readeth, then he may confute any false or untrewe exposicions yf he
knowe that the place hath bene abused by any synister interpretacons, then may
he geve the comforte to his awdiens, as the place mynistreth just occasion, but he
shall not digresse, dilate, nor amplifie that place of scripture wheareof he entreateth
to eny comen place further then the meanynge of the saide sentence.
(4.) Whatsoever is left by the first speaker either in explayninge the text,
either in confutinge, etc., he or thaie that speake afterwarde have libertie to touche
so as they observe the order prescribed to the first speaker, and that wthout
repeatinge the self same thinges wch have been spoken before, or impugne the same,
except any have spoken contrary to the scriptures.
(5.) The exercise shall begynne ymediately after nyne of the clock, and not
excede the space of twoo houres, the first speaker shall fully fynisshe what-
soever he hath to saye wthin the space of three quarters of one hower. The
seconde and thirde shall not excede (eche one of them) one quarter of an hower,
one of the moderators shall alwaies make the conclusion.
(6.) After the exercise is ended the president for the tyme being shall call the
learned bretherne unto him, and shall aske their judgements concernynge the
exposicon of the texte of scripture then expounded, and yf any matter be then
untouched it shalbee there declared. Also yf any of the speakers in this exercise
be informed and convinced of any grevous cryme, he shalbe there and then be
reprehended,
(7.) At this consultacon it shalbe Lawfull for any of the bretherne of this
exercise to expound their dowbtes or questions justly collected owte of the place of
the scripture that daie expounded and signify the same unto the president for the
ALL SAINTS' AND OTHER CHURCHES. 389
tyme beinge, and the other bretherne, and delyver the same in writinge unto the
first speaker, and order shalbe taken by comen consent, for the satisfynge of
the saide questions or doubtes against the next exercise. No speaker shall move
publikely any question extempore, but wch he shall satisfie himself presently. And
this consultacon shall be ended wth some shorte exhortacon to move eche one to
goe forwardes in his office, to applye his studie, and to encrease his godlynes of
manners and newnes of lyfe.
(8.) When this exercise is fynished the next speaker shalbe appointed and
named publikely and the text wch he shall expounde shalbe red.
(9.) When the last man whose name is written in the table hath kepte his
turne in this exercise, then the first man written shalbe required to keepe the next
exercise, yf that man be absent so as he cannot kepe that daye and tyme, the next
written in the table shalbe required to satisfie the place of the other when his
turne ys, so as the exercise decaye not for any one mans absence.
(10.) Yf any man take uppon hym to breake these orders and rules or seem to
bee contencious, lett the president of the exercise presently commaunde hym in the
name of the eternall God, to silence. And after the exercise lett that unadvised
person be admoysshed before the bretherne theare gathered for the saide exercise
that he and others by his ensample maye learne modestie theareafter.
The Confession.
Wee whose names are hereunder written (as well to declare unto the worlde
accordinge to the comaundem1 of the Lorde) the confession of that faith wch in or
consciences wee holde as also to cutt of all occasions of querelinge and sclannderous
reports of or dissentinge amonge orselves in matters of faith and religion to the
woundinge and hurte of the symple do shewe or Judgementes and consente in some
as followethe beinge redy further and more particularly to explain in the same to the
satisfieng of or bretherne when and as occasion shalbe thereunto offered.
First we beleve and holde that the worde of God written in the canonical scriptures
of the olde and newe testament (which books contayne in them sownde, perfect and
sufficient doctrine, as well for the trade of all mens lyves, as also for their fayth) are
and ought to be open to be red and knowen of all sortes of men both learned and
unlerned. And wee esteeme this written woorde as the infallible truthe of God, full
of majestic and the authoritie thereof farre to excede all authoritye not of the Pope
of Rome onely, who is very Anthicrist and therefore to be detested of all Christians,
but of the churche also of councells fathers, or other whosoeuer either men or aungells.
Then we condemme (as a tyranous yoke wherewth poore souls have bene oppressed)
whatsoeuer men have sett upp of their own invencions to make arclis of or faith, or to
binde mans conscience to their Lawes and statutes, insum all those manners and
fasshions to sever God whiche men have brought in wthout the aurthoritie of the word
for the warrante thereof comended either by custome by the tythe of unwritten
verities, traditions, or other name whatsoeuer of wch sorte are the doctrine of the
supremacie of the sea of Roome, purgatory, the masse, transubstantiation, the coporall
presence of Christes bodie in the sacrament, adoration thereof, manes merites freewill,
justifycacon by woorkes, prayenge in an unknown tongue to sainctes departed for the
deade upon beades, extollinge of Images, pardons, pilgrimages auricular confession,
takinge from the laie people the cupp in the admynistracion of the sacrament,
NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
prohibition of marriage, distinction of meates apparrell, and daies, breeflye all the
ceremonies and whole order of papistrie, which they call the hierarchic ended. A
dyvelishe confusion establisshed as it were in despite of God, to the mockerye, and
reproche of all Christian religion. Those (I say) with suche lyke, wee abjure, renounce,
and utterlye condemne.
And wee content orselves wth the simplicitie of this pure woorde of God, and
doctrine thereof (a summall (sic) abridgement of the wch wee acknowledge to be
contained in that confession of faith used of all Christians wch is comenlie called the
creede of the Apostells) holdinge fast (as thapostle warneth) that faithful woord wcb
serveth to doctrine and instruccon And that both to edifie or owne consciences wtk
all unto salvacon in Christ Jhesus as the alone foundacion whereon Christes true
churche is built, he himself beinge the chief corner stone, as the same apostell
witnesseth in another place and also to exhorte other wth the same sownde and
wholesome doctrine, and to convince the gainsayers. fynallie to trie and examine, and
also to judge thereby as by a certeyn rule, and perfecte touchstone all other doctrines
whatsoeuer. And therefore to this woorde of God wee humblye submitte orselves and
all or doings, willinge and readie to be judged, reformed, or further instructed therebye
in all pointes of religion.
The extraordinary condition of things that prevailed in the
corporation church at Northampton aroused general notice, and at
last, early in 1579, the formal attention of the privy council was
called to "the ecclesiastical disorders and scandals at North-
ampton." On April 5th, their lordships wrote to the Bishop of
Peterborough requiring him, "with thassistance of some learned
ministers in the places adjoyning, and especiallie Mr. Smith,
parson of Blissworthe, to inform himself more particularlie of the
said disorders," and, with the help of such gentlemen and the
adjoining justices of the peace, to take order for redress and
reformation.
The bishop excused himself from interfering on account of his
ill health, but on May 2oth, orders were issued to the bishop (if
recovered), Sir John Spencer, Sir Edward Brudnell, Sir Edward
Montague, and Roger Cave, Esq., or any three of them, to repair
to Northampton for the reforming of the ecclesiastical disorders,
and to call to them Archdeacon Sheppard and the parson of Blis-
worth to render assistance.
In August, of the same year, the matter was further investigated
by actual members of the privy council, when the lord treasurer
and the chancellor of the exchequer were paying a visit to the
vice-chamberlain, Sir Christopher Hatton, at his newly built mansion
of Holdenby house. Most of the blame for the notorious irregu-
larities was laid on the shoulders of Mr. Jennings, who was then
ALL SAINTS' AND OTHER CHURCHES. 391
minister of All Saints. The result of the privy council's deliberations
was the adoption of the mild expedient of requiring the Bishop of
London to remove Mr. Jennings — " a very unquiet and indiscreet
person " — from Northampton by presenting him to a remote country
parish in Devonshire, with a severe admonition as to conformity
and quietness.
THE VISITATION OF 1637.
The thraldom of All Saints over the other churches of the town
did not outlast the reign of Elizabeth. Sir John Lambe, who after-
wards became Dean of Arches, obtained a grant of the advowsons of
the churches of St. Giles and St. Sepulchre from James I. To these
cures he successively appointed his son-in-law, the well-known
churchman, Dr. Robert Sibthorpe. Dr. Clarke, another decided
churchman, was at the same time rector of St. Peter's. In 1622,
Sibthorpe left Northampton for Brackley, and subsequently for
Burton Latimer, but he continued to have considerable influence in
the county town. On February 22nd, 1626-7, he preached at All
Saints his celebrated assize sermon on " Apostolic Obedience."
In 1636 Archbishop Laud began his famous metropolitical
visitation. The bishop of Peterborough (Francis Dee) welcomed
Laud's interference, and appointed Dr. Clarke and Dr. Sibthorpe
to act as commissioners in making a circumstantial visitation of
the diocese. If there was to be any compliance with the rubrics
and orders of the church, or any decent regard paid to the fabrics
for worship, such a visitation was sorely needed. Puritanism
remained rife at All Saints, and the following details of the visitation
made on October 26th, 1637, by the two doctors (now for the first
time printed from the state papers), show the miserable condition
to which the church was reduced : —
All Sts Northampton.
The Chancell is seated wth benches and ballaster desks before, in all the upper part
thereof, wch benches and deskes are to be removed, soe manie as reach thirtene foot
downeward from the East end of the chancell.
The Comunion table is to be placed at the east end of the chancell and to be
canceled in wth a returneinge rayle or cancellinge extendinge downewards tenn foote.
And a kneeling bench for the communicants is to be affixed on every part of the
cancellinge that so all the communicants may come up thither, and reverently receive
the communion kneelinge.
The pavem1 in the lower part of the chancell beneath the second discent is uneven,
rough, and broken in divers places, and stands need to be taken up in most places, and
newe layd againe, and in divers places to be supplyed either wth brickes as formerly it
392 NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
hath beene, or else wth hewen squared stone beseeminge soe beautifull a fabrick and
the house of God.
All the seats in the lower part of the chancell and wings thereof except the ancient
collegiate seats are to be removed, and noe seats to be suffered there wch may be
screenes to hide the people from being discovered whether they kneele at the prayers,
and use such other gestures as are inioyned by the Church of England before, at, or
after the sacrament.
The vestry wants plaisteringe, whiteinge and paveing in all parts, and thewindowes
want glazeinge.
The communion cupps are like common drinking bowles, and are to be made
challice fashion.
The Kings Remonstrance, or Apologie is wantinge.
They want the booke for his Mate Coronacon the 2yth of March.
They want the book for tolleracon of lawful recreacions &c.
The sealeing of the vestry is broke in divers places.
It doth not appeare that either the minister or people doe reverently bowe at the
name of the Lord Jesus in time of divine service.
The parishioners have not yet received the communion at the rayles.
The minister doth not bidd holiedayes &c.
It doth not appear to us that ye minister doth turne his sermons in the afternoone
into a catechaticall way of questions and answers, but doth preach accordinge in
his owne fancie.
There are a companie of cobleing patchd boords clamped together wch serve as a
seat at the upper end of the church under the belfrey, wch defaces that beauttfull
church and is fitt for nothing, but to hide sleepers' The panticion before it is a foott
too high, and so is the wainscott of the next seat to it under the loft.
All the seats in the middle space wch extend further then the ancient worke,
and the return of the wall at the end of the Chancellors seate damm up a great
part of the middle space, and are to be pulled up and removed.
The Chancellors seate and 3 other seats downeward are too high by 3 inches.
The deskes of the seats on the north side of the midle space make ye seats too
high and therefore fitt to be removed.
The pavem1 of the church is uneven in most places and broken in divers places
most part of it of rough stone, a great deal of it fitter for the gripp of a cowhouse
then the house of God, wch stands need to be taken up and newe layd, and the defects
supplyed wth hewen squared stone beseeming that sacred place.
A great manie of the seats in the North ile are neither paved nor boarded in
the bottomes and divers of the seats there are broken and a great part of it is
unseated wherein might be placed seats enough 5 times soe manie as are to be
removed out of the midle space upon plucking up of the seates wch nowe stopp the
same. There are in the said ile two very fair collegiate seates and backes wth part of
a third, wch have beene removed out of the chancell, and worser placed in their stead,
thereby to draw those seats in the chancell from whence they were removed to be
the deeper, and the better screenes for those that sit there at the communion from
being discovered whether they kneel or noe at the receiveing of the same. Which
collegiate settles and backes are to be returned to the place from whence they were
ALL SAINTS' AND OTHER CHURCHES. 3Q3
removed, and there decently and firmly placed and all the rest to be supplyed and
made into the ancient collegiate forme in those places of the chancell from whence
they were translated, and the depth and height of the seates there are to be reduced
to their ancient forme and size and not otherwise. The chappell on the north side
called Neeles Chappell wants paveing in the bottome and the settles are broken.
The Church, and chancell, and chappell want whiteing and paintinge or beautifying
throughout.
Some of the seates in the north ile above Neeles Chappell want boording in ye
bottomes.
A great part of the church or north ile above Neeles Chappell want paveing and
seatinge, wherein there might be conveniently placed for heareing and seeing tenn
tymes soe manie as are to be removed out of the midle space when the seats are
pluck'd up, which nowe damm up the same.
There are a companie of base patched boords and peeces of woodd in the belfrey
cobled togither instead of a case for the clock plumettes, and a decent case ought
there to be placed.
The seats of the south ile wont boordinge and paveing in the bottoms the seate
next below the font and the lowest seate next that are patched up with base undecent
boords, unbeseemeinge the house of God.
The place where the minister stands to administer the sacram1 of baptism is so
straite and nere to the font as yl ye minister cannot kneele at anie of the
prayers, &c.
The wainescott at the end of the seats upon the north and south ile is broken.
At the south end of the loft at the west part of the church there are certeine
broken boords undecently patch'd up agl the ballistere to the deformeinge of the
worke. And upon the topp of the rayle thereof theere are certeine boords unseemly
and clouterly nailed up &c.
The bottomes of diverse seates in the loft are broken and three of the windows on
the south side of the church stopped up at the bottomes.
The staires up to the consistorie and the boording of the floore above the
staires and the table in the consistorie are all broken, undecent, and insufficient.
The bottomes of the windowes in the consistory are broken, and the porch under
it wants paneinge.
The crosse wch was upon the east end of the chancell is broken down, and
instead thereof the towne's Armes are sett up as if it were the towne's church and
not Christ's.
The churchyard is basely defiled wth excrements and it appeares that there is usuall
evacuatinge agl the church walls at the doores and at the most eminent ends and
frontispieces thereof.
There hath been a vestry or other roome on the north side of part of the upper
end of the chancell above the north wing or ile of the lower part of the chancell
aunswerable to y* wch is now prepareing for a vestry on the south part in wch
buildinge of the north side there was formerly a school taught by Mr. Bradshawe
then curat of All Saints, wch is utterly ruined and taken away. But there appears
the signe of the doore formerly leading out of the chancell into the same ; and there
394 NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
is still a doare leading out of the north wing of the lower chancell, into that place
where that buildinge stood.
The churchyard moundes are too lowe and defective in divers places, and much
rubbish lyeth ag1 the church walles to ye ruineing of the same.
The windowes of the church and chancell want glazeing in divers places.
The crosse seates in the south space and all the deskes leaninge over into the
same space, or anie other spaces of the church doe annoy the same and are to be
removed.
The south east corner of the consistorie the topp of a window east in the south
ile or wing of the lower chancell, and the north side are all cracked, want peinting
and repaire.
(Endorsed)
A copy of the defectes and decayes
in the church of All Saints.
On the following day, October 2yth, the vicar, Thomas Ball,
was cited before the commissioners, and a notarial minute of the
commissioners' injunctions to the vicar was entered, of which
the following is an abstract : —
" Notarial minute of proceedings of Dr. Samuel Clarke and Dr.
Robert Sibthorpe commissaries of the Bishop of Peterborough, to
visit the churches of his diocese, in the residence of Dr. Clarke at
Kingsthorpe. Thomas Ball vicar of All Saints, Northampton,
appeared before the visitors and was admonished by them to
observe all the rights of the Church of England, and particularly
bowing at the name of the Lord Jesus ; that the communion table
be not taken away from the east end of the chancel, and that it
be cancelled ; and that he appoint so many communions betwixt
this and Candlemas, as that all the parishioners may receive the
same, and give notice to the parishioners to come up and receive
at the rails, kneeling upon the bench there ; and that he do not
come out of the cancelling to deliver the communion to any factious
person. Time was assigned to him to certify herein on the first
sitting day after the feast of the Purification ."
Meanwhile, the churchwardens of All Saints, Peter Farren and
Francis Rishworth, were also cited before the visitors, and were
admonished to rail in the communion table and affix a kneeling
bench to the same ; also to remove certain seats extending thirteen
feet downwards from the east end of the chancel, and place the
communion table altarwise close to the east end ; and also to
observe diligently the gestures of the ministers and parishioners,
as to whether they bowed at the name of Jesus, and whether the
ministers bade holy days, and turned their afternoon sermons
ALL SAINTS' AND OTHER CHURCHES. 395
into a catechetical way of questions and answers, or preached
according to their own fancies ; and finally, whether the parishioners
received the communion kneeling.
On December i6th, 1637, both the wardens appeared again
before the visitors, and not having carried out these orders, they
were warned to execute the same for the second and third time,
urgently, more urgently, and most urgently. On January I2th,
1637-8, they appeared again, and the mandate not having been
obeyed, they were both excommunicated.
In the following month the excommunicated wardens petitioned
Archbishop Laud, stating that on December i6th last, petitioners
were by the ordinary's surrogate admonished to cancel in the
communion table before the I2th of January last, which petitioners
were noways able to perform, by reason that during Christmas
fit workmen could not be procured. Thereupon the surrogate ex-
communicated petitioners, who then had begun the said work, and
shortly after the said excommunication they completed it. They
prayed to be absolved, and the surrogate refusing, they were
forced to make their appeal to the court of Arches, where by the
information of the surrogate they cannot obtain their absolutions.
They pray order to the Dean of Arches for their absolution.
The petition was referred to the Dean of Arches (Sir John
Lambe), who was instructed, "if he found the suggestions true, to
take order that the petitioners be absolved."
It seems that eventually the excommunication was removed,
and the chancel for the time re-arranged. But the Puritans had
too long had their way at All Saints to yield the least obedience
to either church principles or church law, and the grievous
visitation of the plague in 1638, again threw everything into
confusion. Dr. Clarke, writing to the Dean of Arches on June I7th
of that year, says :— The sickness is sore at Northampton. They
now do what they like in the church service at All Saints. Some
very lately cut the rail or cancel that was about the Lord's board
in pieces, and brought down the Lord's table into the middle of
the chancel. I long since advised the Mayor and his brethren that
the Thursday lecture and sermons on Sunday in the afternoon,
should be forborne in these infectious times. They then raised a
report of me, that I was about to starve their souls."
On June 2gth, Dr. Sibthorpe wrote at length to the Dean of
Arches, on the religious affairs of the town and district. As the
396 NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
letter is curious in several respects, it seems worth while to
reproduce it verbatim : —
Good Sr
I received yor letter which I thancke you for, and I thoncke God for continuing
those whom it concernes constant, that men of mischeevous imaginations may not
delude them, nor destroy others at their pleasures.
I wish all happiness to the new married couple, and I wish hartily that a couple
of those, who (as you say) danced at the wedding were well and happily marryed.
In the meantime I pray for yor and their healthes, whom we hope ,to see, or
intende to come and see before it be long.
Northampton men continue still inveighing against idolatry, yet idoleing their
owne inventions. Insomuch that upon Thursday June 21° there was a preaching
fast, by Mr. Ball in the forenoone, and Mr. Newton in the afternoone but neither
of them prayed for any Arch Bishops or B?s nor used the Lords prayer at conclusion
of theirs before sermon, nor did they, or the people use any of the reverend gestures
or rites and ceremonies enioyned.
How these things are like to be amended except some higher hande vouchafe to
assist, you may perceive by the inclosed coppie of a letter, sent to Dor Clerke, from
a reverend man, a Bachellor of Arts, of 16 or 17 years standing at the least, Sir
Nooke, Mr. Bacons brother in law, and a chaplaine &c, wherein you maybe pleased
to observe, that if it take not, it is but Sir Nooke not his Ld nor soe much as the
Dor Chaplaine, &c. If it take, and be ill taken, either Sr Noke was mistaken, or
others mistooke him, or at the least it must be others doeing, not the Lds, yet if
others will not doe it, they are the wicked persecutrs and not he. But be it as it
may, I for my part am resolved, and soe I think I have setled him to whom the letter
was sent, except direct commaund come to the contrary.
Sr you was pleased to give order that I should have a copie of the sentence in
the High Commission agst the Sussex churchwarden, (I think of Lewis) for
removeinge the Comunion Table out of the Cancelling &c, you may perceive it
may concerne me, I beseech you be pleased to remember it, and wth all if yott
please give Mr Knight some item, that he may not favor Miles Burkitt, nor disfavour
Gare, or his proctor too much in that cause. It seemes y* his wife had sometimes
some relacion to a Burkitt, and for y* cause inclines to favor Mr. Miles, especially
heareing that he is a good man, and Mr Knight, out of his good nature, and love
to her, is apt to beleive as much, and almost angry, that Gares proctor will not
be preswaded to the like opinion, you partly know them both, I will not desire you
to rectefie Mr Miles, for that I doubt you cannot doe, but I pray you (if you
thincke fitt) sett Mr Knight right, for that I hope may be done, and if it fall in
yor way to doe this bearer any other lawfull favor I should desire it, for I perswade
my selfe he will be honest and thanckefull to his power.
Our Assizes at Daventry are very small by reason that the gaol cannot be
removed from Northampton, nor is heere any observable occurents worth the
wrighting, only there is no new commission come downe, although the Princes
Attorney told Dor Clerke that the Ld Keeper tolde him that he had given a warrant
to put Sr Richard out of the Commision, and the Clerke of the Peace tolde rne,
that he heard that a warrant lay at the Crown Office &c. But it seemes they
ALL SAINTS' AND OTHER CHURCHES. 397
expect some fees, before they are willing to wright soe much as yl comes to, and I
believe some body will be at some charges, rather then it shall be long undone ;
only yor assistance may be implored as formerly wherein I hope you will not be
wanting.
So with my best respects and prayers I rest,
June 29, 1638. At yor service,
Daventery. ROB: SYBTHORPE.
Dor Clerke telleth me yl the B. P. of Con:
and Lych: wrighteth to him that you can tell
yl he remembord him, to his Gr: and I pray
you remember us both, as oppertunity serveth,
and God give the successe in his time.
These Tocester men on whose behalfe the inclosed letter was written were
infected by Stoner a lecturer, maintayned by ye Londoners now gone to New
England, and they have misapplyed divers texts of Scripture against the Communion
Table standing at the East, and theyr coming up to receive, with divers other
disorders (that I may not call them blasphemies or prophanacions,) which I will
acquainte you with hereafter, fitter (as I thincke) for the High Commission then
for any inferior jurisdiccion to reforme, and so I advised at the first.
R. S.
THE VICARS AND THEIR STIPENDS.
It will now be well to go back, and note what the town records
and church books tell us with regard to successive vicars and their
stipends.
At the assembly held on October 23rd, 1572, Mr. Brian, and
Mr. Manley, aldermen, Richard Wate, shoemaker, John Danbrooke,
and Henry Clarke, late bailiffs, together with Thomas Humfrey
and Oliver Fell, commoners, were chosen " cessors for the wage of
a preacher and a mynister in All Hallowes to preache and teache."
In 1584 the assembly appointed a deputation of three aldermen to
travel to London in order to appear before the privy council
" towchinge the gettinge of a mynyster." The assembly resolved
in 1597, that Robert Catelyn, minister and preacher of All Saints,
should have allowed and assured unto him a stipend of £30 to be
paid quarterly. It was at the same time agreed that a yearly cess
should be made on all the parishioners of All Saints for this value
°f £30) which was to be paid by them to the town chamber,
" provided allwaies that yf anie other parishes willbe contributors
of their benevolence to the same that then the towne shall levie
the lesse."
The assembly agreed, in May, 1596, to pay four several sums
of £4 195. due for firstfruits of the parsonage of All Saints,
NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
u together with the parsonage of St. Gregories thereto annexed,"
to her Majesty's receipt of exchequer. This was done on behalf of
Mr. Catelin, the incumbent, wrho was not able to pay the same "by
reason of the smallness of the living and his great charge of
housholde." The corporation stated that they were further moved
to do this because of the great pains that Mr. Catlin takes with
his preaching !
It was ordered in 1602, that Thomas Bradshaw, reader in the
parish church of All Saints, should have common pasture for
one cow in the town commons for that one year only, he paying
for his pasture right at the same rate as other freemen.
The stipend of the vicar of All Saints was augmented in 1617,
when it was agreed by the assembly that Mr. Lewis, the vicar,
should have £60 per annum
for his paines in his ministrie within this towne . . And whereas the viccaridge
of All Saints here whereof the saide Mr Lewis is nowe viccar is but of a small
value to maintayne a mynister, It is also agreed and ordered in respecte thereof as
also of the love the corporation beareth the saide Mr Lewis, and his care and
paynes taking amongst us in his function that he shall have yearely paid to him
out of the chamber stocke the summe of xx1' namely v11 a quarter besides the rents
and profits belonging to the saide Viccaridge or Parsonage, and also for his more
convenient dwelling and habitation it is agreed and ordered that he shall have and
enjoye the messuage or tenement late in the occupation of Mr Robert Catelyn
deceased rent free soe long as he continueth mynister in this parish, he performing
sufficient repair to the same from time to time.
In 1627 it was ordered that " Mr Lewis mynister of all Saints,
whoe lyeth now in London for means of cure to his distress shall
have xu sent him out of the towne chamber as a gratuitie to help
him in his charge."
During the mayoralty of Mr. John Gifford, it was decided, on
May iQth, 1629, that the next vicar of All Saints should be held
clear of all firstfruits and such like dues ; that Mrs. Lewis should
retain possession of the house she then occupied till Michaelmas ; and
that thenceforth the house be retained by the corporation as a rent-free
vicarage for the minister of All Saints, the corporation paying 403.
yearly rental to St. Thomas' hospital. It was at the same time
agreed that the moneys which the ma)^or, bailiffs, and burgesses,
who are inhabitants of the parish, had promised to contribute to
Mr. Ball, the newly-elected incumbent of All Saints, " to amend
his means for the maintenance of himself and a curate, besides
the profitts of the viccarridge parsonage and the xx11 yearly
ALL SAINTS' AND OTHER CHURCHES. 399
allowance of the towne Chamber for the keepinge of a constant
lecturer," should be paid quarterly every year, at the time of the
quarterly assembly.
On August iyth, of the same year, the assembly ordered that
" a flore should be made over the hall of the house Mr. Ball elected
minister of All Saints is to come to for a studie for him at the
Chamber's charge." Five pounds was also voted by the assembly
in April, 1630, towards the further repair of " St. Thomas' House/'
where Mr. Ball was then dwelling.
Notwithstanding the resolution of 1629, the corporation did not
pay the firstfruits on the vicarage of All Saints, and appear to have
endeavoured to resist the claim. In 1634 the assembly ordered
that whereas " Mr. Thomas Ball now minister of All Saints is now
questioned by the Sheriffe of this Countie whoe hath proces against
him for firstfruits of Vicaridge of All Saints aforesaid being xxiju
or thereabouts It is nowe agreed That the said Mr. Ball discharging
the same first fruites for his quiett for the present shall have the
same repaide him backe again out of the Chamber of this Cor-
poration at the next f castes of Saint Michaell and the Annunciation
of the blessed Virgin Saint Marie by even portions."
In 1635 the case of " Mr. Edward Reynoldes Clerke, late
minister of All Sts," was brought before the assembly. It appeared
that he had paid out of his own purse £22 for firstfruits upon his
institution and induction, and he claimed the return of this sum
from the chamber, now that it had done the like for his successor,
Mr. Ball. Accordingly, a vote was passed by the assembly to
repay Mr. Reynoldes £11 the following Michaelmas, and £11
on the next Lady Day.
The sheriff threatened, in 1636, to levy £jo of arrears of tenths
due from Mr. Ball for many years past, whereupon the chamber-
lains were ordered to give their bond for his security for a time
to the sheriff, the assembly holding them harmless.
Meanwhile, the assembly took counsel's opinion as to further
resistance with regard to the tenths, and were advised to com-
promise, with the result that a composition was made in April,
1637, for £45, which was immediately paid by the chamber. It
was also agreed that inquiries should be made as to what tenths
were formerly paid, and every endeavour made to bring them to a
lower rate.
400 NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
On November nth, 1650, the assembly made the following
order : —
It is agreed and ordered that Mr Rishworth, Mr Sarjeant and Mr Whaley shall
all of them repaire to London at the Townes charges and endeavour as well to
secure the C marks parcell of the fee farme Rent of that towne to the Minister of
All Sts the same having bene heretofore ordered and paid to him for the augmen-
tation of his meanes, the same being besides but verie small, and to get an act of
Parliament for the rating of lands in the parish towards the raising of a bigger
sum to ad to these C marks yearelie, out of those monies to pay Mr Ball yearelie
Cu and a competent allowance to an assistant to him, as also to complaine of the
great and unequall burden in taxes for the Armies by the Com1 of the Countie put
upon the towne, and to get some redresse therein yf it may be.
The deputation met with some success in their petition to the
committee for the augmentation of benefices. On their return,
the assembly anticipated the expected favours, and ordered the
town bailiffs to pay the 100 marks from the fee farm rent (which
had sometime belonged to the dean and canons of Windsor) to Mr.
Ball, agreeing to be responsible if any damage or trouble accrued
to the bailiffs for this appropriation. In January, 1651-2, it was
reported that Mr. Wollaston and Mr. Collins were going to London
on their own affairs, but were anxious to take a little pains towards
furthering the application for augmentation and for an act of par-
liament with regard to the income of the minister of All Saints,
whereupon the assembly agreed that they should be repaid what-
ever moneys they were out of purse in that behalf.
In May, 1652, the required grant from the augmentation
committee and the necessary act or order of parliament had been
obtained, but the assembly still thought it most prudent to pass
yet another resolution agreeing to hold their bailiffs harmless if
any harm or trouble arose, apparently even at that time mistrust-
ing the duration of the then civil power.
In December, 1654, £20 was delivered by the assembly out of
the chamber into the hands of the mayor, by him to be paid to
Mr. Ball, minister of All Saints, which was overdue from last
year, "and allso Tenn more to be paid out of the Chamber unto
the countrie ministers towards the maintenance of the lecture."
In 1656 a petition was propounded to the assembly touching
the maintenance and support of the ministers within the town,
and for delivering two letters to the Lord Cleypoole and Sir
Gilbert Pickering. Mr. Gifford was desired to undertake the
presenting and performing of the same at the town's charge.
ALL SAINTS' AND OTHER CHURCHES. 401
In March, 1657-8, it was ordered that the money expended by
the aldermen (the usual wine bill) with the lecturers about the
settling of the weekly lecture be paid by the chamberlains, and
that for the time to come the minister's dinner that preacheth
shall be paid out of the chamber. At the same time it was resolved
that the mayor and aldermen prepare a letter of thanks, in the
name of the whole assembly, to be " presented to the Lecturers
to signifie their thanks to them for their readiness in this
businesse."
In 1689, Dr. Conant, who had been vicar of All Saints for
nineteen years, resigned the living by reason of old age, and a
sharp contest arose as to his successor. Mr. Ward, of Old, was
supported by the mayor and some of the aldermen, "but ye major
part was for Mr King, wherefore ye Mayor put some out of ye
house ; but at last there being 2 to i for Mr King he is minister."
The following memorandum is inserted amongst the orders of
assembly for 1717: —
Memd The Mayor Bailiffs and Burgesses who are of the usual Assemblys of the
said Towne of Northampton and of the parish of All Saints in the said Towne did
at a Meeting in the Guild Hall of the said Towne on the seventeenth day of
May 1717 name and choose the Twelve persons whose names are wrote in the
margin hereof (being all of the said parish of All Saints) to be Trustees of the
Rectory Impropriate of the Parish Church of All Saints aforesaid with the
Appurtenances of the Advowson or Right of Patronage thereof in the room of
those deceased, the old Trustees being all dead except Mr William Else.
Mr John Wallis Mayor
Mr John Agutter Alderman
Mr John Clarke Grocer Alderman
Mr John Scriven ] Present
Mr George Tompson J Bailiffs
Mr John Chapman
Mr Stephen Winston
Mr Gyles Twigden .
Mr Richard Jeffcutt
Mr Thomas Ives
Mr Nicholas Jeffcutt
Mr John Clarke Burgess
The next extract is thoroughly discreditable to the corporation.
On December i5th, 1746, they actually agreed to sell the next
presentation to All Saints, to help to discharge the debts they
owed. We are glad to find that a respectable minority voted
BB
4O2 NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
against this proposition, and insisted upon the names of the
division list being recorded : —
That the next Avoydance or Turn of the Vicarage of All Saints in this Town
be sold with all convenient speed for the best price that can be reasonably got or
had for the same and that the money arising by the said sale be applyed in and
towards paying off and discharging the Debts owing by and from the Corporation
and that the Mayor and Aldermen for the time being or the major part of them
have power to contract and agree with any person or persons for the Sale of the
next Avoydance of the said Vicarage.
For selling the next Turn were Against selling the next Turn
Mr John Gibson Mr John Pasham Mr Peter Dunkley
Mr Thomas Peach Mr Joseph Matthews Mr Lucas Ward
Mr Edward Bayly Mr George Bayly Mr Robert Tryers
Mr John Fawsitt Mr Joseph Weston Mr William Fabian
Mr George Hayes Mr Richard More Mr John Woolston
Mr William Williamson Mr Thomas Gurney Mr Hatton Howes
Mr George Tompson Matthew Jolland John Tebbutt
Mr Henry Jeffcutt William Gibson Thomas Green
Mr Thomas Greenough William Peach Henry Cranwell
Mr Samuell Lambell Robert Lucas Richard Day
Richard Wall William Osborne
N.B. — Wm Clarke and Wm More appeared, but were Neuters, they refusing
to vote.
At an assembly held in February, 1749, power was conferred
on the mayor and such aldermen as reside in the parish of All
Saints to sell the next avoydance of the vicarage and church of
All Saints, to be sold for ^"300, and not under, "to be paid down
in payment of the corporation's debts," and a bond be given to
the purchaser that the clerk whom he shall nominate shall be
lawfully presented to the said church within three calendar months
after the church shall be void by the death or resignation of
the present incumbent. It was further ordered that John Frost,
the present curate, or his relations and friends, have the preference
of purchase. As a sequel to this it may be recorded that John
Frost was appointed vicar in 1752.
The following entry occurs in the orders of assembly on March
2oth, 1794 : — " The Revd Edward Miller clerk having been appointed
to the Rectory of the Parish Church of All Saints, ordered that the
expenses of the Presentation thereof forthwith be defrayed at the
expense of this Corporation/'
The assembly recommended on August loth, 1802, that whenever
there may happen any vacancy for a vicar of All Saints, that the
ALL SAINTS' AND OTHER CHURCHES. 403
mayor for the time being call a meeting of the members of
the corporation resident in that parish as early as possible for the
purpose of conferring together as to the nomination.
Mr. Hall's MS. history relates that in 1804 the Rev. Mr. Miller,
the vicar of All Saints dying, a sharp opposition took place to
appoint a successor. " The candidates were Mr. Stoddart, the late
curate, and Mr. Tufnell, the present one. The election lies in the
members of the corporation residing in the parish, of whom 46
voted, 26 were for Mr. Tuffnell, and 20 for Mr. Stoddart ; the
latter had the misfortune to lose his sight some time by reason
thereof many thought him ineligible in consequence."
In August, 1811, the corporation subscribed 25 guineas in aid
of the subscription to the vicar of All Saints for his afternoon
sermons.
A like sum was voted to the vicar " as a donation "in October,
1813, and again in 1814 and 1815.
The chamberlain's accounts for 1822 have the following entries : —
" Paid the Revd. Wm. Thursby for expenses attending the presen-
tation and induction to the living of All Saints by order of
Assembly, £150. Pd do. gratuity voted to him by Assembly,
£26 5s. od."
In the same year the assembly gave leave to the vicar of All
Saints to exchange the parsonage house in Gold street for one in
Marefair.
In January, 1824, the assembly voted £1000 to the patrons of
the living of All Saints "to enable them to purchase and convey
a Messuage or Tenement and Premises in Gold St in the occu-
pation of Mr. Richard Henry which they have agreed to purchase
as a residence for the Vicar of All Saints."
After the passing of the Municipal Reform Act in 1835, the
living was sold, in accordance with its provisions, for £1000 to
Mr. Lewis Loyd, from whom it passed by descent to the late Lord
Overstone, and subsequently to Lord Wantage, the present patron.
THE FABRIC.
The assembly held on January i8th, 1594-5, ordered a cess of
£10 upon the parishioners of All Saints, towards the repair of
their parish church, then "greatlie in decaye."
On April 4th, 1595, it is recorded in the order book that
since the last assembly "a great parte of the churche is fallen
BB 2
404 NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
downe by means of the greate wynde that happened on Thursday
(twentieth of March) last past So that the same cessment of tenne
powndes is thought to little and insufficient for to sett the same in
repaire agayne; therefore it is nowe agreed by consent of this
assemblye that the same Scessment shallbe made Sixtene powndes
thirtene shillinges and four pence." Mr. Thomas Craswell was
chosen " Surveyor of the Worke."
With regard to this storm, Freeman's History says — "a great
wind made such spoil of houses and trees, that no man durst set
his foot out of doors ; and having blown many large stones from
the top of All Saints church on to the leads just before service, it
forced the roof down just over the mayor's seat so that if Mr.
Mayor and his brethren had come never so little sooner they had
been all in no little danger of death."
In 1617, extensive repairs were done to the steeple, and in
1619 there was again an alarm amongst the congregation lest "the
Church would have fell in Service Time when a gale of wrind was
blowing."
In the great fire of September 2oth, 1675, the church of All
Saints was in the centre of the conflagration. The fabric was
reduced to such a ruinous condition that nothing save the present
west tower and its supporting arches could be re-used, when its
successor was designed.
Through the energies of Dr. Conant, funds were rapidly raised
for the re-building. It was re-opened on September 5th, 1680,
when Dr. Lloyd, the bishop of Peterborough, preached the sermon.
This date is commemorated in the inscription over the mayor's
seat, in the corporation pew : —
ANNO MAIORATUS 11° RICARDI WHITE ANNO DOM. 1680.
The names of the contributors to the new church have been
already given in a previous section, after describing the great fire.
Henry Lee, in his manuscript account of the town, describes
the new church as built upon the foundations of the old chancel,
adding that " many thought the old church as large as some
cathedrals." A good deal that has not been printed might be
brought together about the fine old cruciform church, but this is
not the place for such an effort. In the proceedings of the
Northampton and Oakham Architectural Society for i8Si is a
paper on this church, about which a word of warning must be
ALL SAINTS' AND OTHER CHURCHES. 405
given. The paper is illustrated by an enlargement from a fradu-
lent and wholly imaginative view of the old town of Northampton,
which was issued in a local publication printed in 1844, to
commemorate the entry of Queen Victoria into the town on her
way to Burleigh house. It is surprising that neither the writer of
the paper, nor the draughtsman of the view of the church detected
the clumsy fraud.
The great west portico of the church was not completed till
1701. Extending the whole width of the church, it is supported
by twrelve pillars, and surmounted by an effective balustraded
cornice, ornamented with urns.
In the winter of 1703 it was decided, with questionable taste,
to beautify the summit of the tower with an open cupola and fane.
The vestry passed the following resolutions on April I7th, and
June i Qth, 1704, respectively:—
That the new Churchwardens take to their assistance such workmen and Artists
as they shall think fitt To conssult and advise about setting and fixing the Cupilo
upon the Steeple with the Fane upon the same for the best advantage and
Ornament of the place.
That Alderman Selby Alderman Collins and Alderman Ivory Mr Henry Jeffcut
and Mr George Hayes Assist the present Church Wardens in the ordering of the
Fane and Setting the same upon the Cupiloe on the Steeple.
No sooner was the portico erected than its convenient and
attractive shelter gave rise to an unexpected trouble and expense.
It became a favourite resort of the troublesome boys of the town.
In 1702 an order was made to allow one of the Serjeants twenty
shillings a year for " cleering the Portico and Churchyard of
boyes." This order was afterwards vacated, but it was renewed
at Christmas, 1705, when ten shillings was voted to William Wallis,
a Serjeant, "for his care in cleering the churchyard and Portico of
the boys and others playing there till Easter next/'
On November 24th, 1707, the vestry invoked legal diocesan aid
for a like purpose, the minutes of that date containing the following
entry : —
It is the desire of this Vestry to Mr Chancellor that he will make an Order to
cleere the Porticoe of the Church of idle boyes and loose fellows playing there and
to cause the same to be affixed on the church dore in the portico.
Further resolutions of the vestry about this period show that
the condition and use of the portico gave continuous trouble. One
of the last resolutions on this subject that appears in the parish
books is dated February ist, 1713, when the vestry ordered: —
406 NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
That William Lane be allowed and paid Twenty Shillings per ann. by the
Churchwardens for cleering the Porticoe of the church and keeping the same cleane
and free from boyes and loose fellows and alsoe the grave stones and churchyard.
The court of aldermen had the same matter before them in
1717, when it was resolved to spend five shillings of the town
funds in cleaning the portico of All Saints of " dirt and filth/'
and to request the vestry to see to it being kept decent and free
from noisy boys.
On September 4th, of the same year, an order was made for
gilding the ball and fane on the top of the cupola, and at the same
time an assessment of £60 was voted towards the repairs of the
church, and the cost of erecting the cupola.
The town now desired to further ornament the imposing portico,
and strange to say, decided upon placing in the centre of the
parapet a statue of Charles II., in memory of his having given "a
thousand tons of timber towards the rebuilding of this church, and
to this town seven years chimney money collected in it." The
mayor's accounts for 171 1-12 show that £4 155. was spent " in placing
up King Charles and finding all Materials and Laborour," £4. los.
"for Stone and Carridge" of the same, as well as 145. to "John
Huching for Cullering King Charles." Not satisfied with colouring
or painting the presentment of the merry monarch over the main
entrance to the House of God, the corporation in the next year
paid £3 " to Mr. Hunt for Gilding ye stature of King Charles ye
Second." Faint traces of the colour and gilding still remain. The
king is absurdly represented in the impossible combination of a
Roman toga and greaves, with a long curling wig !
Immediately below the statue of the king are the royal arms,
effectively carved in bold relief. Though the town paid for the
statue, the parish paid for the arms upon the portico, Mr. Hunt,
receiving for the latter £g by vote of the vestry on April 2ist, 1712,
THE SEATS.
But little is to be gleaned from the assembly orders with regard
to the seating of the church before the great fire.
At the assembly held on March I5th, 1566, it was ordered :—
That from this daye forward that hathe ben baylys off the towne of Northampton
shall syt or place thereselffes on the Sondaye or other festivall daies in the body of
the Parish Church of All Sayni.es, but in the time off the Redinge of the sacreed
scriptures or sermons in the chapell heretofore apointed in paine of forfaicture
ALL SAINTS' AND OTHER CHURCHES. 407
of iiijd off every defaulte to be presently receyved by the collectors to the use of
poore off the parishe.
In November, 1625, the assembly ordered the bailiff's seat in All
Saints' church to be fitted up with cushions. During the following
year the stand for the great mace by the mayor's seat was repaired
at a cost of 2s.
When the new church was completed after the fire, the vestry,
on August yth, 1680, made elaborate orders as to the seating : —
Ordered that the seats on the right hand upon the entrance into the chancel be
for the use of Dr Conants wife and family to sitt in, And the seats on the left hand
thereof be for Sr William Farmer if he please to accept of it until he shall Build
a seat for himselfe.
That the uper broad seat on the North side of the midle ile of the Church |be
appointed for the best sort of Gentlemen of this tovvne to sitt in.
That the 2 small seates behind the said broad seate be disposed off as followes
viz the Lower most to Sr Edmund Bray Kn< the upermost to the midle sort of
Gentlemen to sitt in such as Mr Robert Ward Mr William Smyth and gentlemen
of that Quality.
That the greate seat over against the Pulpit adjoining to the great Pillar on the
North be appoynted for the Mayor and Aldermen to sitt in.
That the 2 next seates below the said Maior and Aldermans seates be appoynted
for the Bayliffe and such as have been Bailiffs to sitt in.
That the 3 next seates below the said 2 Bailiffs seates (the halfe seates adjoining
to the Pillar reserved for the Churchwardens only excepted) be appoynted for the
Eight and fforty to sitt in.
That the other Seates below and the seates under the North windowes be
disposed of by the Church Wardens to other Inhabitants of the Parish until
further order.
That the uper broad seate above the reading pew on the Sowth side of the
middle lie be appoynted for the best sort of Gentlewomen to sitt in.
Further directions of a like kind follow, pertaining to the seating
of the "middle sort" of gentlewomen, aldermen's wives and
daughters, wives of the forty-eight, etc.
At a Vestry held in the Parish Church of All Saints the 4th day of February
1683 Mr Serjeant Mayor Mr John Carr Church Warden with divers Parishioners
then and there present.
Ordered That Captain Litleton with his Lady and Relations have Liberty to sitt
in the Pew on the left hand of the Entrance into the chancell.
Ordered that Mr Gow with his Lady and family have Liberty to sitt in the litle
Pewe behind the Pewe where the gentlemen comonly sitt called Mr Wards, pew the
Entrance being in the North Ile of the Church.
The vestry made the following order on May 5th, 1696:—
408 NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
That the Master of the Freeschoole and the Schollers now taught by him be
placed in the Chancell and that noe others sitt in the Chancell except persons of
Quality that sitt in the 2 front seats of the Chancell And that all other persons be
removed out of the Chancell by the Church Officers.
In 1702 the following quaint order was passed by the vestry,
to prevent daughters sitting with their mothers :—
That Locks be putt on the Seat dores of the Bailiffs wives and 48 seates to
keepe out young mayds.
The odious habit of appropriated pews and class distinctions in
church led, as in this case, to a distinction being made between
married and unmarried women solely on the score of dignity.
There are several cases on record where girls were actually cited
in ecclesiastical courts for sitting with their mothers. A case is
recorded in Archdeacon Hall's Proceedings in the Diocese of
London, of a young woman named Hayward, "that she beinge a
young mayde sat in the pewe with her mother, to the great offence
of many reverent women ; howbeit that after I, Peter Lewis, the
vicar, had in the church privatlie admonished the said young
mayde of her fault, and advised her to sitt at her mother's pewe
dore, she obeyed ; but now she sits againe with her mother."
The assembly ordered, on December 2ist, 1736: —
That Mr Bunington have authority under the Corporation Seal if their Counsel
shall advise the same to be necessary to pray a License or Faculty concerning the
Pews in the Parish Church of All Saints in the said town now in Dispute between
the Corporation and some of the Parishioners.
Amongst the corporation deeds are two official licenses or
faculties for corporation pews.
The first of these is dated July i8th, 1735, and is a license for
the mayor, deputy recorder, and aldermen of the town, as well as
their wives and widows, and for the town clerk and other cor-
poration officers, to sit in several seats of the parish church of
All Saints.
The second document is dated July, 1737, and is a faculty issued
to Joseph Matthews and John Pasham for appropriating seven pews
in the church of All Saints to the use of themselves, the aldermen,
bailiffs, and burgesses of the town, and their wives and widows.
At the beginning of the nineteenth century there are various
entries in the chamberlains' accounts for basses and hassocks in
the mayor's, aldermen's, and aldermen's wives' seats.
ALL SAINTS' AND OTHER CHURCHES. 409
The assembly decided, in September, 1824, that the whole of
the pews in All Saints' church belonging to the corporation be kept
exclusively for the use of members one day in the year, namely,
on May 2gth, being the anniversa^ of the governors of the cor-
poration charity schools, and that the whole of the members are
requested to attend the mayor to church on that day ; that the
pew next adjoining and below the mayor's seat be refitted up and
kept for the bailiffs, and the adjoining pew for the common
council, and that the two pews on the opposite side be fitted up
in the same manner for the families of the members of the cor-
poration ; and that these pews shall be kept by the beadles every
Sunday, and on other days of divine worship.
At one time the assembly made orders, and at another time the
vestry with regard to the seating, whilst the mayor's accounts, or
those of the court of aldermen furnished the money for the embel-
lishment of the seat of the chief magistrate.
The cushion of the mayor's desk was usually a splendid affair,
and gave rise to no small expenditure. In 1699, 133. 3d. was paid
" for neare j ell of Satten, 7 yds of Lace silk, and j yd of stuff for
ye mayors Cushen at Church." A new mayor's cushion was pro-
vided in 1709, with fringe and tassels, at an expense of £i ijs. 6d.
The court of aldermen ordered, in 1724, that Mr. Mayor do pay
Alderman Ives' bill for " flowered Sattin Lace and Tossels for the
Mayors Cushion in Church." The same court, in 1742, ordered
"that a new cushion be forthwith provided by Alderman Agutter
at the Corporation Expense to lay the Mayors Book on in All Sts
Church." Covering the mayor's cushion in velvet, and otherwise
ornamenting it, cost in 1794, the astonishing sum of £10 us. gd !
In 1719, a prayer book was bought of Mr. Fowler for the
mayor's seat, at a cost to the corporation of £2. " New Prayer
Books and Version (Psalms) Books " provided in 1804 for the use
of the mayor and aldermen cost £4 8s.
The mayor's accounts for 1713-14 show an expenditure of 303.
for hanging the mayor's seat and pulpit in black cloth. This was
probably done at the death of Queen Anne, for one of the next
entries is 2os. for an escutcheon of the queen's arms.
Subsequently, it became customary to cover the mayor's seat
and the pulpit with black cloth on the death of an alderman. In
1810-11, a bill for black cloth for this purpose reached the large
total of £6 i8s. 6d.
410 NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
From 1820 to 1835 there are several entries in the mayor's
accounts for six guineas to the clerk and sexton of All Saints'
church, " in lieu of the cloth put on the mayor's seat" on the
occasion of the death of an alderman. We can only conclude that
the custom was for the black cloth to become the perquisite after
use of these two officials, and that the corporation, sensibly
objecting to this frequent disfigurement of God's House, preferred
to pay the money without any result.
In August, 1825, the town clerk laid plans of the aldermen's
wives' seat and the alterations thereto in All Saints' church before
the assembly, whereby it appeared that the west side of the seat
had been taken by the parish by a faculty, and that the parish had
given up that part where the pulpit, reading desk, and clerk's desk
stood, and part of the vicar's pew, and laid the same into the
aldermen's wives' seat, to make the same uniform with the alder-
men's seat ; whereupon the order of the previous assembly was
rescinded.
A curious vestry entry of 1702 relative to the carpetting of two
official pews seems worth recording : —
The Churchwardens are desired to Buy the Carpett now brought into this Vestry
as cheape as they can Which Carpett being cutt into 2 parts will serve the
Judges Pew and Sheriffs at the assizes and Noblemen that come to Church at
other tymes.
GALLERIES.
The accommodation in the new church (owing to the unfortunate
habit of allotting pews) being considered insufficient, a proposal
to erect a gallery was passed by the vestry on May 8th, 1710, when
it was
Agreed that a case for a gallery be Erected on such part of the church as the
Churchwardens Mr John Cowper, Mr James Manning, Mr John Agutter and Mr John
Chapman with the consent of the Doctor shall find to be convenient not injuring
the church and so make their reports the next vestry.
The expression " case " for a gallery evidently means the general
framework ; it being intended that pews therein should be erected and
paid for by the householders to whom they were allotted.
This proposal was, however, strenuously resisted by others in
the parish, which caused much delay. But in 1714, formal appli-
cation was made to the bishop's court for a faculty to erect the
gallery. The mayor and the majority of the corporation decided
to oppose the granting of the faculty, and they had sufficient
ALL SAINTS' AND OTHER CHURCHES. 411
influence with the vestry to secure the passing of the two following
resolutions in April and June :—
Vestry 26th April 1714.
Ordered and Agreed by a general consent of the Vestry that the petition read att
this vestry and handed by them that then appeared and a great part of the parish
afterwards Directed to the Bishop of Peterborough be forthwith sent to London by
a speciall messenger and presented to the Bishop to oppose the Petition lately sent
by some small number of the parish to build a gallery over the North He of the
Church to the great prejudice of all them that sitt on that side who will neither
see nor heare the minister And that the charge thereof be borne by the parish and
defrayed by the Churchwardens.
Vestry yth June 1714.
It is ordered and Agreed by the Said vestry that whatever money the present
Churchwardens or any succeeding Churchwardens shall expend in any Law Sute or
Law Sutes in opposing the Erecting any Gallery in the said Parish Church All
Saints or any Law Sute Relating thereto or whatt mony they shall expend in getting
the Best Advice they shall be Reimburst by the Parishioners of the Parish of
Allsaints by a Levy.
B. King Curate.
Rich. Parr ")
f Churchwardens.
Stephen Winston )
Tho. Carr Mayor.
(Here follow 37 signatures.)
A gallery over the north aisle was, however, erected, the bishop's
consent being secured before the end of 1714; but the work was
accomplished at the sole expense of private persons requiring
seating accommodation.
ORGAN AND ORGANIST.
A large organ was built for the new church in 1700, and a
gallery provided for its accommodation at the west end. It is not
until November 25th, 1706, that we meet with any reference to it
in the vestry books, when it was
Ordered that there be an allowance to an Organist not exceeding twenty pounds
per ann out of the monys received for the Bell and Grave if it will reach so far.
By another resolution of December 23rd, of the same year, it was
Ordered that Mr Morris be Organist att All Saints and his tyme to begin from
Michaelmas last past, By a generall desire.
A rescinding resolution is entered in the books on March I7th,
of the next year, to the following effect : —
At a Vestry held then in the parish Church of All Saints Dr King Vicar Mr
412 NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
Thomas Carr Mr Johh Labram Church Wardens and other parishioners then and
there present.
Wee doe Order that the 2O1 formerly ordered to an Organist be disannulled as to
the future. And that the mony for the Bell and grave be appropriated to the uses
as formerly 51 being already payd by the Churchwardens to be allowed.
Thirteen signatures follow, but it is stated in a marginal note
that this order was made and entered after Dr. King went from
the vestry.
On the following day, the vicar and churchwardens repudiated
the foregoing statement, and appended this strongly worded
explanatory note : —
Memorandum that the Order bearing date the seaventeenth day of this Instant
March and said to be ordered before Dr King Minister and Mr Thomas Carr and
Mr John Labram Churchwardens is a notorious falsity And Wee the Minister and
Churchwardens of the parish of All Saints in Northampton do hereby notifie
and declare that Wee were not present at the time of entering the said Order but
that it was entered and Ordered contrary to our approbation and Consent and
consequently very illegall. "Witness our hands the i8th day of March Anno
Dni 1706.
Benja King DD Vic.
Thomas Carr ~)
_ , _ , f Churchwardens.
John Labram )
In 1826-27, the mayor's accounts have an entry of £8 2s. for
" singers at All Saints church." This was probably on the occasion
of the anniversary sermon for the Society for the Propagation of
the Gospel, when the corporation were present in state, and paid
" musicians and constables attending the procession" £3 us.
In 1818 the assembly subscribed ^30 towards the alteration of
the organ gallery.
The organ was re-constructed in 1844 at an expense of £600.
In 1884 the instrument was unfortunately removed to an organ
chamber on the north side of the chancel.
THE BELLS.
In 1583, the assembly ordered a cess of £30 upon the
parishioners of All Saints, towards the re-casting and re-hanging
the ring of six bells, and seem to have made up the considerable
requisite deficiency out of the chamber or common town fund.
The corporation renewed the chimes of All Saints in 1651, and
gave a new set in 1809.
ALL SAINTS' AND OTHER CHURCHES. 413
The interest that the town at large took in the bells of the
principal church was only fair, for the bells were frequently used
by order of the assembly for town as opposed to parish purposes
as is exemplified in several other parts of this volume.
A vestry resolution of 1696 shows that the parishioners at that
time allowed the third bell to be used as the school bell of the
town's free school : —
Ordered that the 3rd Bell be Rung by the Under Sexton this Summer at Six
of the Clock in the morning to give notice to the Free Schoole Schollers to hasten
to Schoole, and from Michls to Lady day at seaven of the Clock, except on Sundays
then as formerly.
In 1677 it was ordered by the vestry that every one should pay
53. to the assessment fund of All Saints "for tolling and ringing
the great bell upon the death of any person, to be paid to the
churchwardens of the said parish before the said bell toll." A like
order, with regard to the great bell, was made at the same time
by the assembly, to cover, we suppose, the case of non-parishioners.
At the like date, the vestry resolved that the charge for tolling
and ringing the fifth bell should be 2s. 6d. ; out of which 8d. was
to be paid to the sexton, and 4d. to the clerk.
A further order was made in 1680, to the following effect : —
That the great Bell shall begin to Toll for those that are to be buryed at the
hour of the Invitation to the funerall and that it shall toll one full hour and no
more. But if the Bell toll longer then there shall be payd two shillings and sixpence
per hour for every hour it shall toll longer And in like manner one shilling per
hour for the 5th Bell And the small Bell not to toll longer than one hour.
A charitable order was made in 1681, whereby it was resolved
that " the third bell be tolled gratis for poore prisoners."
In 1695 the first bell was re-cast, when the vestry ordered on
March 26th : —
That Mr Bagly Cast the first Bell and returne weight for weight and that he
be payd ffifty shillings for casting the same ; And also that the Brasses be now
cast and weight for weight returned and payd for by the Church Wardens.
"Mr. Bagly" of this resolution, would be one of the Bagleys
of the well-known Northamptonshire bell foundry of Chacombe.
Towards the end of the same year the whole ring required re-
hanging. A parish cess of £30 was made for that purpose, the
work being done by one "John Baxter the Bellhanger."
Bagley's re-casting of the first bell could not have been a success,
for it was again re-cast in 1706.
414 NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
In 1782 eight new bells were placed in the tower, founded by
Chapman & Mears, of London. They are still in use.
CUSTOMS OF THE CHURCH, 1620.
The earliest of the church books now extant is of the year
1620. It opens with an elaborate statement as to the use the volume
was to be put, followed by an interesting record of the customs
of the church then prevalent.
This Booke was provided for the parishe church of All Sainctes in the Towne
of Northampton aforesaide the Tenth day of December in the yeare of our Lord
God 1620 and in the Eighteenth Yeare of the raign of our soveraign Lord King
James; and of Scotland the foure and fiftith ; Mr Henry Chadwicke then being
maior of the saide towne, Mr. Jeremiah Lewis then being vicar of the saide parishe,
John Danby and John Harbert being then churchwardens of the saide parishe, for
the recording of all such auncient customes and dueties as have bene heretofore
used and taken within the saide parishe, and also for the recording of the names
of the Churchwardens and Sidesmen yearely to be chosen for the saide parishe and
of all such sumes of money as shall hereafter be agreed upon at any vestry for the
repaire of the church aforesaide, or any other business concerning the same Church,
and of all suche plate carpetts cushions candlestickes, surplesses and other ymple-
mentes bookes and other moueables as are belonging to the same Church, to the
end that it may appear in whose tyme any of the same thinges are or shalbe lost
that due satisfaction may be made to the parishe for the same.
First it is the auncient custome of this parishe that the Churche wardens doe
appoynt seates in the Church for every newe marryed Couple and have for the
placing of their wives xijd which they doe employe about the repaire of the Church.
If the same parties growe to better estates or come to beare any office in the
said towne, they are to be removed higher to other seates according to the dis-
cretion of the Churchwardens of the same parishe without any further payments.
3. Item it is the auncient custome of this parish to take for every
parishoner that shall dye in this parishe that hath the great Bell tolled for him xijd.
And more to the Sexton xijd.
And to the Clarke vjd
And for everyone of another parishe that hath the great Bell of this parishe
tolled for him ij8.
And more to the Sexton ij8.
And to the Clarke xijd.
4. Item if any of the said parishe be buryed in the said church they pay for
breaking up of the ground towards the repaire of the same church iijs iiijd.
And they are to bring into the same Church within one moneth next after the
buryall a sufficient gravestone to cover the same grave, or els to pay unto the
parishe for the repaire of the same church iiijs iiijd.
5. Item if any of the same parishe be buryed in the Chauncell they pay for
breaking up of the ground towards the repaire of the said church vjs viijd.
ALL SAINTS' AND OTHER CHURCHES. 415
6. Item for every parishoner that is buryed in the chauncell within one moneth
after his buryall there is to be brought a sufficient gravestone to cover the said
grave or els to be payd iiijs iiijd.
(7 and 8 provide double payment for non-parishioners.)
9. Item it is an auncient custome that everyone that hath bene maior of this
towne payeth at Easter towards the repaire of this Church when he payeth his
Easter dues if he be a parishoner xijd. And everyone of the same parishe that is
not a freeman if he be reputed of so good estate as the maior to pay likewise at
Easter xijd.
10. Item, everyone that hath bene bayiiffe payeth in like manner at Easter viijd
And everyone that is not a freeeman that is of as good estate as the bayliffs viijd.
11. Item all other housekeepers within the same parishe pay likewise at Easter
towards the repaire of the same church iiijd.
Item if any of other parishes be buryed in this churchyarde they are to pay for
the breaking up of the ground there towards the repaire of the church xijd.
INVENTORIES.
The old church book contains, under the year 1621, the following
interesting inventory of church goods : —
Imprimis twoe silver bowles, two flaggons of pewter, twoe dishes, and twoe
plates for bread, one brasse Candlestick.
It: a carpet of woolen, and a Lynnen Clothe for the Communion table, twoe
velvet Cushines, and twoe surplisees. Item one great bible, twoe books of Common
prayer, one book of Jewell and Harding, and another of Erasmus paraphrase, one
book of Canons, and twoe bookes cf thanksgiving one for the sixth of August and
another for the fifth of November, and a booke called the Remonstrance of King
James. And a Register book of Baptisms Marriages and burialls.
With regard to this inventory, it may be mentioned that the
" carpet of woolen" would mean the altar cloth or cover; it is a
later use of the word carpet that assigns it exclusively to a floor
cloth. As to the books, the injunctions of Edward VI. in 1547
ordered that each parish was to provide within a year a copy of
the Paraphrase of Erasmus, "to be sette up in some convenient
place within the Churche " ; this injunction was repeated by Eliza-
beth in 1559, until there was probably no church without one.
About one hundred copies still remain in our churches, most of
them with chains, or marks of the chains for fastening them to the
desk, still remaining. The celebrated " Apology " of Bishop Jewell
was also ordered to be placed in every parish church in the year
1569. ' The Remonstrance of King James " is evidently another
title for the tract written by the king in 1607, called " An Apologie
for the Oath of Allegiance, " which was a cumbersome theological
justification of the extreme severity of his actions towards the
416 NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
Romanists. The thanksgiving service for August 5th was the one
relative to the " Gowrie House Conspiracy " of August, 1600, when
it was alleged that the king was saved from assassination.
In 1625 it is stated that all the goods above named were de-
livered to the new churchwardens, with the addition of " a grene
broadclothe carpet with a grene silk fringe for the Communion
table and one Lynnen Clothe for the same table/'
In 1627 the same inventory was repeated, with these additions :
" Three wholl ladders, two broken ladders, one sledge hamer, and
twoe cables or pullie Ropes of six score two pennies weights, and
one grene velvet cushin."
In 1635 "four firre poles, one and twentie formes, and twoe
Tomes of Homilies " are the additions to the usual inventory ; and
in 1636 two fire-hooks are also mentioned.
The altar plate of this large church was singularly poor, accor-
ding to the 1621 inventory, the vessels being all of pewter save
the " twoe silver bowles." At the visitation held on October i6th,
1637, the commissioners reported that " The Communion cups were
like drinking-bowls, and ordered them to be made chalice fashion."
Dr. Conant, the vicar of All Saints at the time of the fire,
married the daughter of Dr. Reynolds, Bishop of Norwich. The
bishop died in 1676, and in 1677 n^s widow, who came to live at
Northampton, gave to her son-in-law's church " Two large flagons,
two large chalices with their covers, two dishes for the reception
of offerings, and two dishes for the bread, to be used for the
celebration of the Eucharist/' all of silver.
During the latter part of Dr. Conant's incumbency, the assembly
and vestry sanctioned his employment of a curate, though neither
authority pledged themselves as to the salary. The curate's stipend
in 1680 was not forthcoming, and he appealed in vain both to the
assembly and to the bishop. At the vestry meeting held April
27th, 1681, it was ordered: —
That what moneys was raised by the sale of the materialls of the house lately
taken down in the Churchyard be paid to Mr Collins the Curate towards paying
off his arreares.
A far more questionable method was adopted towards raising
Mr. Collin's stipend in the following year. It is strange to think
that the bishop should have connived at the scandal of selling the
Holy Communion plate for such a purpose, though Mrs. Reynold's
recent gift afforded some justification.
ALL SAINTS' AND OTHER CHURCHES. 417
At a Vestry held the First day of Jany 1682 In the Parish Church of All Saints
Dr Conant being Vicar Mr Samuel Short and Mr Robert Styles being Churchwardens
with divers Parishoners then and there present.
Ordered then that the two old Silver Cuppes and two Silver plates be sold by
the Church Wardens and the moneys Paid to Mr Collins towardes paying off his
Arreares if the Bishop will be pleased to give his order or leave for the same.
On June i5th, the bishop's consent was obtained in the following
words : —
The Right Reverend Father in God William Lord Bishop of Peterborough has
given free leave to the Churchwardens of the parish of All Sts Northton to sell and
dispose of the old Church Plate provided the money thereby raysed be imployed to
payment of the Church or Parish debts which relate to the church witness my hand
Tho Sheppard.
The following entry and receipt are in the vestry book under
date August iyth, 1683 :—
Memorandum that the old cupps and plates being the Parish plate were sold
to Mr Bayly for Seven Pounds and Five Shillings.
Received then of Mr William Wallis and Mr John Carr Churchwardens of the
parish of All Saints the aforesaid sum of Seven Pounds Five Shillings by Mr
Samuel Collins late Curate of the said Parish in part of the Arreares due to me for
serving the cure there Wittness my hand the day and yeare aforesaid.
Sam1 Collins.
These different accounts of the communion plate of All Saints
are somewhat conflicting ; it seems most probable that the two
silver cups and the two silver plates of the above resolutions were
those provided after the visitation of 1637.
SEXTON.
The sexton of All Saints, sometimes called " the upper sexton,"
ranked among the minor servants of the corporation ; he continued
to be provided by the town with an official costume down to 1836.
In 1518 the assembly voted los. a year to "Corry the sexton"
for ringing the day bell ; at the same time they ordered that the
clerk of All Hallowes was to pay the sexton a shilling every quarter
towards the greasing of the bells.
It was agreed by the assembly in March, 1592, that William
Nutt, sexton of All Saints, should have "a coate clothe everie
yearlie hereafter."
In 1625 the assembly ordered a yearly sum of 135. 4d. to be
paid to John Friend, sexton of All Saints, to provide him with
cloth for a blue coat, which he was to have finished and made up
cc
NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
at his own charge. He was also ordered, in common with the
bellman and the waits, to wear on his livery coat the cognisance
or badge of the town. If any sexton refused to make up or to
wear the coat and badge, then he forfeited the allowance.
In 1637 " it is agreed and ordered that whereas John Friend
Sexton of All Saints is now sued in Lawr for taking of Schevidge
due (see page 269), being aunciently due to the towrne Cryer and
Sexton, for come brought to the Markett Hill, That the suite
shalbe defended at the charge of the Corporation out of the
Chamber."
On September i3th, 1666, the conduct of Jeremiah Friend,
sexton of All Saints, was brought before the court of the mayor
and the aldermen. He was accused of speaking many uncivil
words of the mayor, of many misdemeanours, of a lewd life, and
of keeping a disorderly house. The court being fully satisfied of
the truth of these charges removed him at once from his office.
The vestry, however, of All Saints, disputed the right of the
mayor's court to dismiss a sexton. Although clothed, and to a
considerable extent paid at the cost of the corporation, the eccles-
iastical courts upheld the claim of the vestry or parishioners. For a
further period of twelve years the parish persisted in retaining the
services of the dissolute Friend, and when at last they discharged
him, they absolutely chose one who was at that time in prison
(possibly only for debt) as his successor.
At the vestry held on January 28th, 1678, it was ordered : —
That Jeremy Freind should be and is dismissed and put out of his place as
Sexton of the Church of All Saints.
At the same Vestry John Symons elected into the Sexton place for the parish
church of All Saints whereas it was ordered that if John Symons did not procure his
Lyberty out of prison within six weeks tyme then there should be another vestry
cald to choose another Sexton.
In 1719, and for many subsequent years, Robert Watts is
mentioned as sexton both in the vestry books, and in the records
of the aldermen's court. In 1742 he was succeeded in his office by
John Cox.
In 1750 Peter Quenby, who was one of the forty-eight, was
displaced from that office by reason of his poverty, which led him
to accept the position of sexton to All Saints, in the room of
William Spence, recently deceased. The appointment of Peter
Quenby, if not actually made by the mayor and aldermen, was
certainly confirmed by them, and is recorded in their journal.
ALL SAINTS' AND OTHER CHURCHES. 419
In the chamberlain's accounts, 1764, Richard Claridge, sexton,
is paid £i 6s. 8d. for attending the mayor to church. In the same
accounts the following names of sextons appear under their respec-
tive years for a like salary: — 1771, John Wright; 1776, John Cox;
1784, Samuel Wright; 1791, Charles Wright ; and 1821, John Wright.
VARIA.
The following details, connected with the church of All Saints,
that are of some interest, are taken from the town or church records.
A remarkable order was made by the assembly in 1585,
to the effect that every person, of whatsoever degree, that commu-
nicated at the church of All Saints, should pay at every time they
received the communion one farthing, over and besides their Easter
due. The churchwardens wrere to make a true account of these
farthings to Mr. Mayor twice a year, namely, the week after Easter,
and the week after " Bartholomewtide." Such a collection of
communicants' farthings (altogether apart from voluntary alms)
to be applied to civil uses is surely unprecedented !
At a vestry held on December i8th, 1694, it was
Ordered that there be payd to the Church Wardens for everyone that shall be
buryed in the Portico Fifteen shillings as formerly and for everyone that shall
be buryed in that part of the Churchyard that lyeth on the West of the Church
Steeple Five shillings besides other Dues And if any ground be opened before the
Church Wardens have received the Money due as aforesaid That the Church Wardens
shall be answerable for the same And yt is further ordered that all those persons
that do not pay by reason of their poverty to the Churche Poore shall be buryed
at the uper part or End of the Church yard that lyes on the Eastside of the Church.
A further resolution concerning the charge for tombstones in
different parts of the churchyard, was passed at a vestry held 27th
March, 1733 : —
Ordered at the same vestry that no person shall Erect a Hussock or Tombstone in
the first Church Yard without paying the sum of five pounds into the Hands of the
Churchwarden before the same shall be erected and that no person shall erect the same
in the Back Churchyard without paying the sum of fifty shillings as before directed.
Chimes were given to the church at the expense of the cor-
poration in the time of Elizabeth, and again after the great fire.
In 1727 the assembly complained of the irregularity of the church
clock and chimes, with the result that the vestry entered into a
contract with Thomas Eyers, of Kettering, clockmaker, to keep the
clock and chimes in good and sufficient repair, and well going, for
twenty-one years, at an annual payment of 403.
CC 2
420 NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
In 1820 a subscription was made amounting to £800, with which
was purchased two houses standing at the north-east of the church
of All Saints, of Edward Parkinson. They were taken down to the
great improvement of that part of the town. Several county
gentlemen subscribed liberally.
The corporation claimed the right of sanctioning the erection of
monuments within the church, and receiving the fees for the same.
The last instance of this is in 1822, when the assembly gave
leave to the executors of the late Mr. Kirby to erect a monument
in the church of All Saints, on payment of the usual fees, provided
the mayor and justices approve of the design.
OTHER CHURCHES OF THE TOWN.
The churches of Northampton were remarkably numerous. The
churches of All Saints, St. Sepulchre, St. Giles, and St. Peter
still exist. The others were the churches of St. Mary, St.
Katharine, St. Gregory, and St. Michael, the great church
of St. Andrew's priory, the four churches of the four orders
of friars, and the chapels of St. John, St. Martin, and the Rood-
in-the-Wall, all within the town gates. Outside, but within the
liberties, there were the churches of St. Lawrence and St. Bar-
tholomew on the north, St. Edmund on the east, St. Margaret
(pertaining to the abbey of St. James) on the west, and St.
Leonard on the south ; as well as south bridge chapel of St.
Thomas of Canterbury, and the chapel of St. Thomas' almshouses.
The town records contain a few incidental references to some
of them.
ST. KATHARINE'S was a chapel-of-ease to All Saints. It was
surrounded by a burial ground of some size. Leland, writing in
the time of Henry VIII. says— " There is a Chapelle of S*
Caterine sette in a cemetarie in the towne longging to the Chirche
of Alhalowes."
It has been generally assumed that this church or chapel was
pulled down at the time of the Reformation, but the town records
show that the windows and roof were repaired at the town charge
in 1587.
We are not able, however, to prove that it was at this time
used for any purposes of worship, whilst a lease granted a few
years later, points clearly to its being used for secular purposes.
ALL SAINTS' AND OTHER CHURCHES. 421
In 1602 the assembly granted a lease for forty-one years to
Edward Henseman, mercer, of the churchyard of
Sl Katherines Church or Chappell and the grounde and soile whereupon the
saide churche or chappell and the walls thereof stande, and the groundes wayes and
passages thereto belonging from the goeing out of the College lane throughout the
saide church yarde to the lanes ende leading to the horsemarket at a rental of forty
shillings with a covenant for the making repairing and maintayning of two crosse
moundes for the inclosing and separating of the same, thone at the weste ende of the
same, next the College lane where a paire of gates lately were thother cross wall or
mound at the west ende of the lane.
The lease also reserved to the mayor and burgesses all the
stone and timber of the building, with free access for removing it,
and also free liberty for the burial in the churchyard " of all suche
dead as yt shall please god at anie tyme to visite with the plague
or any extraordinarie or infectious death."
It was ordered, in 1610, that St. Katharine's churchyard should
be walled up at the Horsemarket end, and a gate made for the
end abutting upon College lane, and that the two lanes called
I vie lane and Ball's lane should be taken in and walled up at
both ends.
In 1612 Edward Mercer obtained leave to erect a small house
in the churchyard, and was granted a lease thereof for 41 years,
at a shilling rental.
It was agreed on August 23rd, 1631, " that suche and soe
much of the walls of S. Katherine's Chappell shalbe taken down
and the stone thereof arising shalbe employed to the repaire of
the Town Hall, as the chamberlains of this towne shall thinke fitt
and appoint."
The quarry, however, of St. Katharine's was not yet exhausted,
for at the outbreak of the commonwealth disturbances, the remains
of this fabric wrere utilised in repairing the town walls and other
fortifications.
The church of ST. MARY, which stood in St. Mary's street, was
also united to All Saints in 1549. Towards the end of the reign
of Elizabeth, the town were desirous that the small income of this
old vicarage should be appropriated as a stipend for the usher or
second master of the free school.
At the assembly held in July, 1684, it was agreed that
Ther shalbe a letter directed to the L. Bysshoppe of Peterborowe for the pro-
cureinge and getteinge of the vicaridge of Sl maries Towards the maynteyneinge and
Kepeing of one ussher for the Teacheinge of Chyldren at the Freeskoole under Mr
422 NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
Saundeurson, but yff the same vicaredge cannot be obteyned at the Bysshopes handes,
then yt ys agreed that Mr Saunderson shall provyde a sufficient ussher and he to
have Twentie Shillinges a yere paid hyn owte of the chamber of the Towne Towards
his mayntenaunce.
This church in early days was sometimes called St. Mary's by
the Castle, and was used officially for various purposes when the
court was at Northampton. In 1318, the chancellor (John de
Sendale, Bishop of Winchester) was with the king at Northamp-
ton. On July 2oth, he left Northampton as royal envoy to the
Earl of Lancaster, and delivered the great seal to William, the
senior chancery clerk. The seal was then, according to custom,
sealed up in a bag by William and his two fellow clerks, and
deposited for safe keeping in the church of St. Mary. But the
same day the king required the great seal for witnessing certain
documents, so the three clerks proceeded to the church and there
opened the bag and used it.
The church of ST. GREGORY which used to stand to the east
of St. Peter's, in the narrow street which still bears the name of
St. Gregory, was one of those small parish churches which ceased
to have any separate existence after the Reformation. Bridges
gives a list of incumbents, the date of the last appointment being
1532. The parish was annexed to All Saints. Cardinal Pole, in
the short reign of Queen Mary, bestowed the fabric of the church
on the corporation for use as a school house. Up to that date the
church had remained unmolested.
In the first volume of the orders of assembly, under the date
of June 6th, 1556, there are several entries relative to the "weight
of the leades belles and somes of money come to the handes of
Anthony Bryan of and concernings the churche of S* Gregorie."
One Randall Smythe was the purchaser of the lead, and on June
26th handed over £10 to the town in part payment for two fodders
of lead. Entries are then begun to be made of the weight of lead
that Smythe, who was a carter by trade, removed from the church
day by day. Up to July gih, he had taken 41 cwts., 2 qrs. Here
unfortunately, the entries came to an end, eight pages of the
book having been torn out. Otherwise we should probably have
known several more interest particulars as to the fate of St.
Gregory's when it was being demolished and turned into a school
house. On pulling down the old buildings in 1840, various portions
of the church came to light, including a Norman arcade in good
preservation.
ALL SAINTS' AND OTHER CHURCHES. 423
Although the church of ST. GILES, for several centuries, so far
as the assembly was concerned, was considered the first church of
the town, the affections of the corporation were naturally turned
to All Saints, when that church was given to them by Queen
Mary. From that time onwards the town records are a blank
with regard to St. Giles, save that in the chamberlain's accounts
many years there is an annual payment of is. to the vicar, being
" his dues out of S* Georges Leys."
There is, however, an Elizabethan reference to the guild or
fraternity of St. Clements, which assembled in this church.
Thomas Baxter, carpenter, of Northampton, at the age of 80,
made a deposition on December 4th, 1581, before the mayor, as to
the early tenure and ownership of a certain plot of land then in
dispute. Therein he described himself as having been " twise
maister of S* Clements."
The chamberlain's accounts for many years record the payment
of is. 6d. to the rector of ST. PETER'S, being " his dues out of
the Foot Meadow."
The only other reference in the corporation records to the church
of St. Peter is the following entry of March i8th, 1816, relative to
a restoration undertaken at that date : —
"That the petition of W. H. Fitton M.D. praying this House
to aid the subscription lately opened for restoring the interior of
S* Peter's Church be referred to the next assembly and that the
same be Noticed in the Summons to be issued for such Assembly."
At the assembly held on May 3oth, the sum of ten guineas was
subscribed by the house for the restoration of the interior of St.
Peter's, " which has been much obscured by modern repairs and
alterations, and which when restored and improved according to
the plan proposed, is expected to be one of the most curious and
best preserved specimens of ancient architecture in England."
There is only one reference of any importance to the interesting
church of ST. SEPULCHRE, and that of late date. In 1796, the
Rev. G. Watkin, vicar of St. Sepulchre, claimed a modus of 6d. in
the pound, usually paid for the land of Northampton field, belonging
to the corporation in lieu of tithes. It was ordered by the assembly
that the trustees of the corporation commons pay, for the future,
this modus to the vicar year by year.
SECTION ELEVEN.
THE DEFENCES OF NORTHAMPTON
AND THE
COMMONWEALTH STRUGGLE.
GRANTS OF MURAGE — WALLS RE-BUILT 1301 — BAILIFFS RESPONSIBLE FOR THEIR
REPAIR — THE TOWN GATES AND BRIDGES — FREQUENT BRIDGE ASSESSMENTS — THE
GREAT CIVIL STRIFE — SHIP MONEY DENIED BY NORTHAMPTON — REFUSAL OF TRAINED
BANDS TO LEAVE THE LIBERTIES — NORTHAMPTON GARRISONED FOR THE PARLIAMENT
— WORK AT THE FORTIFICATIONS — SCOUT HORSEMEN — TREES FELLED — THE
GARRISON AND THE COVENANT — RAISING OF VOLUNTEERS — DEMOLITION OF THE
WALLS AND CASTLE — SOLDIERS AND TRAINED BANDS — TROOPS FOR THE ELIZABETHAN
WARS IN IRELAND — BILLETING SOLDIERS 1627-9 — MUSTER ROLL OF 1667 —
VOLUNTEERS OF 1794 — ARMS AND ARMOUR, temp. ELIZABETH AND JAMES — TOWN
ARMS AND MUNITION IN 1643 — ARMS SURRENDERED IN l662 — WATCH AND WARD —
ELIZABETHAN REGULATIONS — THE ORDERS OF 1645.
NORTHAMPTON AND THE COMMONWEALTH STRUGGLE. 427
THE WALLS, GATES, AND BRIDGES.
TN pre-Norman days the walls of Northampton probably consisted
of mere earth ramparts, surmounted by wattled palisades. In the
time of the Conqueror, Simon de St. Liz not only built the castle,
but surrounded the town with walls and gates. In 1224 Henry
III. granted leave to the town to levy certain tolls, in aid of in-
closing the town, for a term of three years. About the same time
the king further granted 6d. out of every 2os. of rent received
within the liberties of Northampton for a like purpose, which was
a much more exceptional procedure. In 1251 a somewhat more
extensive grant of tolls was made, but only for two years, for the
amendment of the walls.
The inquisition, recorded in the hundred rolls, held at North-
ampton, as to encroachments, peculations, etc., in 1275, states that
the jury charged William Gangy, who was mayor in 1253, with
having appropriated to his own use £20 out of the murage tolls
that he received during his year of office.
In 1301 Edward I. made a third grant of murage, or right to
levy tolls for wall purposes, on a much larger scale, almost every
conceivable article of commerce being included. This murage, too,
was for the longer period of five years. It is no exaggeration to
say that the third murage grant would bring in at least ten
times as much as either of its predecessors. There are certified
office copies, with translations of the three murage grants from the
patent rolls, with the town muniments, and they were printed in
English in the proceedings of the great toll case of 1833. They
are given in vol. i. of this work at pp. 37, 41, and 58. There is
no copy in the town records of the remarkable grant of sixpence
in the pound from the rents of Henry III., because that would be
of no service in the toll case for which these copies were made.
It is to be found in the close rolls for that year at the public
record office. There can be no doubt, though not expressly stated,
that the 1224 murage, as well as that of 1251, were both for the
substantial repairs of the old walls of the Anglo-Norman town ;
428 NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
but the far bigger grant of 1301 would probably suffice, or be a
considerable contribution towards the very serious undertaking of
the new walling of an enlarged and extended towrn.
The descriptions, drawings, and remains of the old walls show
that they were mainly of Edwardian date. The last quarter of the
I3th century, and the first quarter of the i4th, were busy times
throughout England, not only in re-constructing castles, but also
town walls on newer and improved principles.
The walls are said to have been of considerable width, so that
they admitted of six persons walking abreast.
In 1378 the mayor and bailiffs wrere warned by letters patent to
repair the defects in the town walls, turrets, dykes, and other
defences with all speed. All the town was to contribute to this
work, save the privileged, the feeble, and the mendicant poor.
Another royal murage grant of tolls for two years was made in
1400.
The orders of the privy council for February, 1549-50, give
sanction for five loads of stone to be taken out of " the Steeple of
S* Edmunds' in Northampton " for the repairing of the town walls
and of the west bridge. It was further ordered that if this
quantity of stone did not suffice, that as much as was required
should be taken from u the Graunge of S* Andrews."
The maintenance of the town walls, gates, and bridges were
naturally a source of continued expenditure to the town of North-
ampton. The references to their repairs in the surviving town
records are frequent.
In 1594 the walls seem to have been in an exceptionally bad
plight. The assembly agreed : —
That there shalbe a scessement made of Thirtie poundes towards the repaire of
the towne Walles which are nowe in great decaye and a great part fallen downe and
readie to fall more and more ; And those persons whose names doe followe are
appoynted Scessors to scesse everie man indifferentlie according to his abilitie; to
witt, Thomas Craswell, Thomas Cowper, John Denbrook, John Maynard, Hughe
Coles, William Cockyn, Richard Watts, and Thomas Walker; to be collected by
the constables in their severall wardes.
The first business of the assembly that met at the Guildhall,
on September I4th, 1599, was the condition of the walls : —
Imprimis yt ys agreed and ordayned that the bailiffes elected to supplie the office
of bailiwicke of this towne for the yeare next ensueing the feast of St. Michael next
shall at their own proper costes and charges in all good and artificial! manner erect
and build or cause to be erected and builded one pearche of the towne walles nowe
NORTHAMPTON AND THE COMMONWEALTH STRUGGLE. 429
decayed in suche manner and forme, and in all respectes answearable to the best
parte of the towne walls now standinge, beginning at the East gate on the Northe
parte, towardes the North gate. Provided alwayes that they shall not by any wayes
take or cause to be taken out anie stone from anie parte of the saide walls either
standing or decayed out of the compasse of the pearche to be by them builded as
aforesaide. In consideracion whereof the same bailiffes shall have the toll of all
manner of cattell and all other tolls latelie graunted by the quenes matie to the
corporacion in manner and forme heretofore constituted and ordayned. And in respect
of which toll graunted as aforesaide It ys agreed and ordayned that the corporation
shalbe utterlie freed of the xvii11 ijs heretofore graunted by the corporation towards the
discharge of the fee-farme and of everie parte and pennie thereof. And yt ys likewyse
agreed and ordayned by consent aforesaide that the bailiffs that now are, in regard
they have not had and enjoyed the toll aforesaide above halfe a yeare, and in regard
that they also before the daye aforesaide shall at their owne proper costes and charges
erect and build one other pearche of the towne wall aforesaide, without taking stone
as aforesaide shall have Eight powndes and no more of the seaventene powndes two
shillinges to them before tyme graunted towards the dischardge of the fee-farme
aforesaide.
Soon after this the town adopted another expedient for raising
money, which was occasionally afterwards resorted to at different
times during the reigns of James I. and Charles I. The freedom
of the town was conferred on those who undertook to repair a
perch (or sometimes a shorter length) of the walls. The earliest
instance of this that we have noted occurred in May, 1600, when
the assembly decided : —
" That Mr Prichergh doctor of the lawes shalbe admitted a
freeman into the liberties and precinctes of the said towne of
Northampton, and have and injoye the liberties and priviledges
there according to his petition in this behalfe made, and in con-
sideration that he shall and will at his owne proper costes and
charges build a pearche of the towne walles nowe decayed."
It was reported to the assembly, April, 1606, that several of the
bailiffs, since the order of 1599, had failed in completing the repair
of the length of wall annually assigned to them. They alleged
the chief cause of this defection arose from " the scarcitie of stone,
which can not be supplyed but to their great charge." It was
therefore ordered that the past bailiffs who were behindhand with
their stipulated quantity, as well as the bailiffs of the current year,
should be authorised to make use of the stone of a ruined tower
near to the parts recently rebuilt (that is on the north-east side of
the town), and also all other loose stones in any part of the
decayed places of the walls between the east gate and the north
430 NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
gate. Six shillings and eightpence was voted at the same assembly
to Baldwyn Bernard, Esquire, towards making up the breach in
the town walls at Pyrfoot, for which he was responsible.
It was this comparative scarcity and great costliness of stone,
owing to the distance of suitable quarries, and the absence of
effective water carriage, that caused old Northampton to be built
so largely of timber. Stone was found near the surface in the im-
mediate neighbourhood of the town, but of a poor and perishing
quality. In 1602 a stone pit was dug on the town lands just outside
the east gate. It was leased to Richard Adkyns and Edward Gibson
by the mayor, who were allowed to sell the rough stone to the inhabit-
ants at sixpence a load, upon condition of their repairing " the over
part of the south bridge from one end to the other " within a year, and
continuing to keep the same in good repair. To avoid danger, they
were also required to make a sufficient fence and mound round the
pit or quarry. But this stone quarry of Messrs. Adkins & Gibson
was clearly riot a success, for though they thoroughly repaired the
south bridge and south gate in 1602, early in James* reign both
bridge and gate required very considerable renewal in stone.
Hence the bailiffs wisely refrained from resorting to the east gate
stone pit for the repair of the town walls.
In their anxiety to leave no means untried for the repair of
the town walls, the town authorities went dangerously near to
compounding a felony in 1610. In January, of that year, the
assembly decided that, as one William Wheeler dyer, had submitted
himself, and acknowledged diverse injuries that he had done, and
had promised to pay the costs incurred in prosecuting him, and his
son and daughter, and also to rebuild a perch of the town wall,
he should be fully restored into the company.
In 1611 an order was made that henceforth the chamberlain
should pay yearly out of the common fund ^5 for the repair and
amendment of the decayed places of the town walls, whenever he
may think it most fit and convenient to be amended. At the same
time the present and past bailiffs who had not obeyed the old order
as to the annual perches were to be fined ^"3 6s. 8d apiece, to be
paid to the chamberlain, who was to cause the arrears in the wall
building to be at once undertaken.
In addition to the walls, the mediaeval town of Northampton
was also defended, particularly on the west, by a series of mounds
or earthworks, which were probably the remains of the pre-
NORTHAMPTON AND THE COMMONWEALTH STRUGGLE. 431
Conquest ramparts adapted to the days of greater defensive skill.
Down to the time of the Commonwealth, it was usual in corporation
leases of lands and tenements that bordered or comprised parts of
these earthworks, to have a clause specially providing for the
repair and maintenance of the " mounds. Some of the mounds
were at right angles to the walls, and were termed " cross mounds. "
There were various dykes and ditches in connection with the
sluices and mill runs on the south side of the town, but there was
also a considerable ditch or fosse all round beneath the walls.
Among the earlier recorded orders of the assembly is one directing
the annual scouring and cleansing of these ditches by the chamber-
lain. He had the power of calling upon every householder to help
in the work, either personally, or through a deputy or servant, and
in default of labour he could summarily levy fourpence. In 1612 it
was ordered " that the inhabitants of the towne shall allowe and
paie xiij3 iiijd yearlie to the Chamberlains of the towne of North-
ampton for and towards the scouring of the arches and ditches
belonging to the towne of Northampton."
This term " arches" leads us to the brief consideration of the
gates and bridges of the town. The town was laid out about 1300,
on a fairly geometrical plan (see plan at the end of this volume),
with the checker or market place in the centre, and with
outlying wards corresponding to, and named after the four
points of the compass. Entrance would be obtained through
the walls to each of these wards respectively, by the north,
south, east, and west gates. There was also, in addition to
two or three small postern gates, another gate of some importance
termed the Dernegate, which was the gate leading down to the
mills and sluices of the river Nene. There seems no reasonable
doubt that the name is derived from the Celtic dwr or water, which
we find in Derwent, Darent, and other old river names, and
probably is an interesting reminiscence of the rude earthworks with
an opening to the river that occupied this site in pre-historic days.
In the highly interesting and long account of the town of North-
ampton contained in the hundred rolls of Edward I. (1275) mention
is also made of a sixth gate, which was very near to the south
gate. This opening in the walls, which was doubtless a small one,
was termed the Cow gate, and served for the exit and entry of
the cattle to the adjacent pastures or cow meadow.
The four fortified gate-houses all had rooms over the archway,
432 NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
but the one to the east, according to Bridges, was the largest,
loftiest, and the most embellished.
The south gate, however, which was the entrance from London,
was the one of the most importance. It was separated from the
bridge by a considerable interval, which was eventually built over,
termed the outer south quarter, or more usually the south quarter,
or even by the still shorter name of the quarter. Close to the
south gate, just outside the wall, was the hospital of St. Thomas
of Canterbury, but a far older foundation than this was the bridge
chapel, also dedicated to the same St. Thomas, which stood partly
on the bridge piers on the further or Cotton side of the water.
From this circumstance the south bridge now and again went by
the name of St. Thomas' bridge. There was a second strong gate-
way on the south side on the bridge itself, and in front of this
archway there was no regular causeway, but a drawbridge fell
down between the piers. On the piers at the town end of the
bridge there was a small hermitage and other tenements.
From the west, Northampton was also approached by a bridge
which spanned the narrower of the two heads into which the Nene
divides itself close to the town. Here, too, was a drawbridge over
one of the arches, and another hermitage at the bridge approach.
In 1608 an assessment of £4.0 was voted by the assembly for
the repair of " the west bridge and other bridges within the towne
of Northampton " which were very ruinous. In 1615 a further sum
of £20 was raised by assessment for the repair of the " west bridge
and other bridges." The south bridge was repaired in 1621 at a
cost of £20. It was reported to the assembly that met on July 5th,
1622, that " an arch of the west bridge next to the Armitage by
the great violence and force of the late waters and floods ys
ruinated, so that there ys noe passage for people nor for Cattle
and carriages over the same," with the result that a levy of £40
was ordered to be instantly collected. In 1623 the west bridge
was again reported as out of repair, as well as the bridges next
to Mr. Chadwick's and Fisher's houses respectively and a small
levy of £13 6s. 8d. was ordered.
The "other bridges" not infrequently named in the orders,
usually referred to the dry bridges or arches over the town ditch
or fosse, which were a necessity at the east and north gates, as well
as the Dernegate, or wherever the wall was pierced for traffic. We
have found two or three allusions in the orders of Elizabeth and
NORTHAMPTON AND THE COMMONWEALTH STRUGGLE. 433
James' reigns, to both the east and north bridges. Here there was
no river or other water, and the arches over the dykes must be
meant. These are the "arches'" which are several times specified
in the early orders as requiring scouring out and cleansing in
common with the town dykes or ditches.
In 1633 £40 was raised by assessment for the repair of the
bridges ; £30 in 1636 ; and £40 in 1640.
In the days of frequent civil wars and troubles, we may be
sure that no piercing of the town walls other than the accustomed
gates would be permitted ; but during the quiet days that prevailed
from the accession of Henry VII. to the Commonwealth, much
greater license was permitted, and the orders of the time of Eliza-
beth and James contain various references to the walling up of
other quasi-private gateways, or the permitting of such to be made.
The following are two instances. In 1593 it is stated that :—
Whereas there is a dore within the south gate, on the west side for a passage into
a waye leading from the saide gate to Mervilles mylls, by meanes whereof there is a
muck hill made there harde by the saide gate lyeing to greate annoyance ; for
reformation whereof and avoidinge of further inconveniences that therebye maye
ensue It is condiscended and agreed that the saide dore shalbe walled up by the
chamberlyn and soe kept walled, as in tymes past it hath bene.
A penalty of los. was imposed on any one re-opening the door
after it had been walled up.
The assembly of June 5th, 1601, ordered that : —
Mr Eusebye Isham shall have liberty to make and sett a paire of gates for his
passage out from against his owne grondes into the fieldes and to fill up the dyke
for a passage accordinglie against the gates, soe as he doe at his owne costes and
charges erecte and build in all good available and substantiall manner two or three
pearches of the towne wall.
It was found in December, 1636, that several of the past bailiffs
were behind in building up their respective perches of the town
walls, and the chamberlains were directed to levy £3 6s. 8d. on
each bailiff thus in arrears before next Lady-day, and to see that
the money was at once expended on the walls. At the same
time it was ordered that the bailiffs for that year were to pay £6
135. 4d. to the chamberlains before March 26th, in lieu of building
up their two perches, and that similar payments were to be made
by the new bailiffs from year to year.
In January, 1641-2, it was again reported that the bailiffs were
behind in building of their perches of the town walls, and they
were bidden "to bring in their moneys that is Fyve markes a peece
DD
434 NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
to the Chamber upon Monday come seaventh night." In 1650 it
was found necessary to repeat and to re-inforce the order of 1636
on negligent bailiffs.
In January, 1660- 1, the old order of 1636 was again rehearsed,
and the defaulting bailiffs were ordered to pay £3 6s. 8d. each
before March 25th, or else prove that their perch of the town wall
had been substantially repaired in workmanlike fashion.
At the crisis of 1640, the assembly ordered the immediate
repair of all the town gates at the chamber charge.
In January, 1641-2, a further order was issued for the repair of
the town gates and that they should be made ready to shut; an
order that shows the previous carelessness with regard to them.
On January loth, 1641-2, it was ordered that " for the safetie
of this Borough, there shalbe fourthwith provided at the Chamber
charge Chaines and great postes to them to chaine up the bridges "
This, of course, refers to the drawbridge between two of the piers
of both the south and east bridges.
It was reported to the assembly in the spring of 1647 that the
bridges were very much decayed and dangerous. Whereupon a
cess of £50 was voted for their repair. Another £50 was raised
for a like purpose in 1651. In 1656 the bridges were reported to
be " ruynous and in greate decaye and very daungerous for pas-
sengers," and £30 was voted for their repair.
THE GREAT CIVIL STRIFE.
Before we relate, from the local records, the special military
precautions taken by the town of Northampton during the great
Civil War, it will be well here in the briefest possible manner, to
name one of the chief causes that led to this unhappy strife. Notwith-
standing the general rejection by the country of the " benevolences "
or loans that Charles I. tried to exact at the beginning of his reign,
his advisers in their next difficulty again attempted an extra
parliamentary method of taxing the nation, continuing to rule
without a parliament. Having failed to exact a sufficient
revenue from old feudal sources and patents for monopolies, the
king decided in 1634 to raise money by ship writs. Hitherto
such writs had only been issued in time of war, and then merely
to seaport towns. The ship writs, however, of October 2oth, 1634,
were issued at a time of peace. England, taken by surprise, for
the most part quietly submitted, and a sum was raised of £100,000.
NORTHAMPTON AND THE COMMONWEALTH STRUGGLE. 435
The court growing bolder, on August i8th, 1635, ordered a second
issue of ship writs to extend to inland as well as maritime
counties and towns.
Northampton's share of the £6000 ship-money, charged upon
the whole county, by this writ amounted to £192. There was
considerable resistance to this, and much delay both in the town
and county ; but the state papers show that a receipt was given
to the corporation for the full amount in 1636.
Resistance was so widespread in many parts of the country
that in February, 1636, Charles submitted a case to the judges as
to the legality of the levy. This judgment was that such writs
for ships, men, and victuals, were legal, " when the good and safety
of the kingdom in general is concerned, and the whole kingdom
is in danger" ; adding that the king was the sole judge, both
of the danger, and how it was to be prevented. Fortified
by this judgment, the king issued a third set of ship writs
in the following August, when the share of the town of North-
ampton amounted to £200.
At an assembly held in the Guildhall, on October 28th, 1636, this
new application was discussed, with the result that the following
order was made : —
Whereas there is a New Writt come to the Corporation for the levyeing of
monyes towardes the preparing of a shipp for deffence of the sea and kingdome
Nowe in regard Twoe Hundred Powndes imposed upon the Towne the last yeare
is a heavie burden that the Inhabitants thereof are not able to beare It is ordered
and prayed the Mayor of this Towne in case he cannot obtayne an abatement of
ccu Imposed upon the Towne in the behalfe shall not subscribe or sett his hande
to an allowance of the rate of ccu raised againe in this libertie.
A fourth ship writ was soon after issued, but Northampton
paid not a farthing to either of the two last writs. There was the
greatest difficulty in collecting them in many parts of the country,
and when the money was obtained it was not until after much delay,
and many arrests. The Domestic State Papers shew that the sad
prevalence of the plague in 1638 was a general excuse for the
non-payment of the ship money throughout the county.
On September loth, 1638, Sir John Hanbury, Sheriff of North-
amptonshire, writing to the Earl of Manchester, sets forth certain
reasons why he has not been able to press on with the ship money.
He alleges his own and his servant's sickness; poverty of the
county from lack of corn ; but especially the tax on the county of
DD 2
436 NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
£148 a week for the relief of the sick from the plague in North-
ampton, being so heavy a charge. He had proceeded as roundly
as he could with the numerous defaulters, having distrained the
goods of about 200 men, and imprisoned some ; but the prison
being in Northampton, where scarce any man dare venture for
fear of infection, has been a great hindrance to the service.
The next question in which the independent borough of North-
ampton found itself at issue with the crown, was the endeavour
made by the deputy lieutenants of the shire, to insist upon the
town paying an assessment towards the general military forces,
and sanctioning the removal of their bands and arms outside the
liberties of the town.
These requests involved a complete break with the immemorial
customs of Northampton, if not with their definite charter rights.
In 1639, letters were addressed to the town authorities by the
deputy lieutenants, to raise £14.. 6s. 8d., for the conducting and
furnishing of soldiers into the northern parts for his majesty's
service. Thereupon a motion was made in the assembly for cess
to cover this amount and other moneys laid out in apparelling
soldiers, but the assembly by a large majority rejected the motion.
The mayor, Richard Fowler, however, caused a cess of £30 to be
made by the constables on this behalf, apparently on his sole
authority. Some paid this cess, but the greater part refused be-
cause it had not been ordered by the assembly. On July 2ist, the
assembly took the matter again into consideration, when, (( for
divers goods causes and being much importuned/' they voted
£14. i6s. 8d., out of the chamber stock.
Letters were received from the deputy lieutenants in April,
1640, requiring £32 for conduct money, and coats for the soldiers.
The assembly was summoned on April 2yth, and again refused to
comply "for diverse good causes, and that Mr Maior shall retorne
no other answere but that the corporation will not yeild either to
the payement or cessment of it, without telling the names of any
particular person of this Assemblie whoe are against it, and that
Mr Maior shalbe kept Indemnified by the Corporation for anie
trouble or danger that shall come unto him by Retorneing of
that answere."
At the same assembly it was reported that the deputy lieuten-
ants required the trained men and town arms to be sent to Weldon.
It was answered that they shall go and be sent at this present,
NORTHAMPTON AND THE COMMONWEALTH STRUGGLE. 437
but that the trained men shall part with no arms, but return them
back again for the safety of the corporation.
The assembly of July 2nd, 1640, agreed " that there shalbe a
gratuitie of Fortie Shillinges out of the chamber to anie that will
undertake to deliver the souldiers nowe pressed to their Captaine
att the place appoynted, And that alsoe the Souldiers shalbe
apparrelled somewhat where need is, att the Chamber charge for
the present."
In the same year the dispute as to the soldiers' conduct money
claimed by the deputy lieutenants was renewed. The mayor (Mr.
John Danbie), who had been called to London by a messenger for
not paying this claim, made a very earnest appeal to the assembly
on July 2nd, to grant a cess, " which was put to voyces whether
there should be an Assessment for the raiseinge of itt and the
voyces beinge taken are against itt and will not yeild to anie
assesment."
At an assembly on July I3th, 1640 : —
" There is a motion made by Mr Danbie now Maior for £>fj. 10s. to be allowed
which he saith is defreyed in the charge of the sendinge of the thirteene souldiers
laitely presed to be delivered over at Stamford, and notwithstanding there was but
Fourtie shillings allowed towardes itt by the last Assemblie by way of a gratuitie
to them that should take upon them the deliverie of the same souldiers att the
place aforesaid, and the same motion beinge not well approved of by divers of the
Assemblie Mr Maior moved to have the whole ^7. IDS. allowed els not at all,
which was referred to be allowed or disallowed by the companie, whereupon itt went
to vovces accordinge to Mr Maior's proposition, and by the voyces of the Companie,
itt would not be yeilded to."
At the next assembly held on September 4th, 1640, the deputy
lieutenants of the county again demanded that the Northampton
trained band should be put at their disposal, but the majority of
the voices of the house refused to permit them to leave their
liberties.
The assembly of March 4th, 1640-1, agreed that complaint should
be made to parliament of the abuse offered to the corporation by
the deputy lieutenants in calling upon them for conduct and apparel
money for the soldiers, and in summoning the Northampton trained
bands and arms out of the liberties.
In August, 1642, the long parliament, which the king found himself
obliged to summon, made short work of the ship-writs, by "An
Act for declaring illegal and void the late proceedings touching ship
money and for vacating all records and processes concerning the
438 NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
same.'7 At the same time, in token that it was the system and not
the head of it that was hated, a liberal grant was made to the king
of tonnage and poundage, and all other custom duties. No doubt
it was this straightforward action of the national parliament that
encouraged the local assembly of Northampton in its bold resistance
to other royal demands at exactly the same period.
THE FORTIFYING OF NORTHAMPTON.
At last the continued and unhappy divisions between the king
and parliament came to an issue, and on August 22nd, 1642, the
royal standard was raised at Nottingham, Northampton at once
became a garrison for the parliament, under the command of Lord
Brooke. A pamphlet published on September gth, of that year,
describes Northampton as having a strong garrison in it, and with
walls and fortifications strongly repaired. An assault had been
made upon the town by the royalists, but they had been repulsed
chiefly by two pieces of ordnance, which played on them for two
hours, when they retired with the loss of twenty men.
On September gth, the Earl of Essex, the commander-in-chief
of the parliamentary forces, arrived at Northampton, where 1500
men were assembled, and thence marched into Worcestershire.
Although the walls and fortifications had been sufficiently re-
paired to resist the skirmishing attack of the royalists at the end
of August, they were still in a very delapidated condition.
When the assembly met on November i5th, 1642, the first
business for consideration was the pressing need of improving the
fortifications and outworks of the town for the preservation of the
inhabitants and their property then much threatened through the
dangers of civil war. Eventually the assembly voted £100 towards
the scheme, and appointed assessors in each ward to levy the cess
on those of ability. In May, 1643, a further order was made
directing every householder to send every day one out of his house
at one o'clock in the afternoon to labour on the fortifications, and
to continue in that work till six o'clock in the evening, under pain
of 6d. a day for every breach of this order, and so on from day to
day till the works are finished. It was also ordered that five mem-
bers of the assembly oversee the afternoon's work daily during the
appointed hours.
On June loth, 1643, a more elaborate order was made for the
more speedy setting forth of the works of defence. It was therein
NORTHAMPTON AND THE COMMONWEALTH STRUGGLE. 439
provided that every householder of the chequer ward was to come
himself (or provide an able substitute) with sufficient tools, to work
at the works upon every Thursday ; every householder of the
south ward every Friday ; every householder in the east ward
every Monday; every householder in the north ward every
Tuesday ; and every householder in the west ward every Wednes-
day. The householders of each ward, on their respective days,
were to assemble at the market cross at seven o'clock in the
morning, at the tolling of the great bell of All Saints, and to con-
tinue at work till eleven o'clock. They were to assemble again in
the afternoon at the tolling of the bell, and to continue at their
labour so long as the overseers of the work should think good.
In the following August the works were still in progress, and
the assembly ordered that every mayor and alderman should pay
8d. a week, every bailiff or past bailiff 6d., and every one of the
forty-eight 4d. towards rinding labour.
On October 4th of the same year, another sum of £160 was
laid on the town for the completion of the defensive works.
In the third volume of Northamptonshire Notes and Queries,
is an interesting account of the fortifications of Northampton taken
from a rare book, written by Uavid Papillon, and printed in 1645.
The book, which is a small quarto of 124 pages, is entitled — A
Practicall Abstract of the Arts of Fortification and Assailing,
and is dedicated "to His Excellencie Sir Thomas Fairfax, General-
lisime of the Forces of the honourable Houses of Parlement." In
the fourth chapter, the writer argues against the custom of burning
or pulling down men's habitations in suburbs or hamlets adjoining
towns, not only for humanity's sake, but because such suburbs
properly fortified are powerful outworks, and of great advantage to
the town. He bewails over what had been done in this respect
with regard to Leicester, and then proceeds to mention that it is
understood " that Cotton End, a small Hamlet, adjoyning to the
South bridge of Northampton, is to be pulled downe, if they be
threatened of a Siege, to make the circumference of their works
the lesse, and to secure their Bridge. But I will maintain that if
Nature itselfe and the Art of Man had plotted together to place a
commodious seat to serve as a Bulwark, not only to the South
bridge, but to the whole Towne, they could not have found out a
better than part of Cotton End is." On plate XXIIL, David
Papillon drew a plan of " Northampton Rightly Fortified," wherein
440 NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
Cotton end is shown as included within the walls, and strengthened
by a quadrangular fort, with four bastions. A large square fort is
shown a little east of Derngate, another to correspond on the other
side, just south of the west gate. This all works out with
geometrical completeness on paper, but it would have involved an
entire reconstruction of the walls and existing defences, so that,
if otherwise desirable, the time and great expense required for its
accomplishment rendered Papillon's plan an impossibility.
On June 26th, 1643, in order to preserve the town and inhabi-
tants from sudden dangers and surprises, it was agreed to imme-
diately provide " skout horses with their furniture and able men
to ryde out upon them as skouts from tyme to tyme." For this
purpose a cess of £100 was imposed upon the inhabitants.
At an assembly held on August ist, 1643, the trees standing on
Little Holme, close to the West bridge, were ordered to be cut
down and sold. This was obviously done to prevent them supplying
a shelter for the enemy.
At the same time it was ordered that the fee farm rent and
other money be spent in purchasing a store of corn and coals for
the town's use " in case of a siege is laide to the towne which is
dailie feared. "
THE GARRISON AND THE COVENANT.
On March 2ist, 1643-4, the committee of parliament for the
town and county of Northampton sat with the mayor, aldermen,
bailiffs, and forty-eight, at the guildhall, when it was agreed that
the \veekly tax of £18 should be part of it taxed by the pound
rent, according to the ordinance of parliament, and the rest upon
men's personal estates, the tax to be by wards.
The order made a year later, viz., on April 8th, 1645, shows that
this heavy weekly tax of £18 a week ordered by parliament, was
for the maintenance of the soldiers of the garrison of Northampton.
The head quarters of the garrison was at the castle, but a
large number of the troops were billeted on the townsmen. The
governor of the garrison was Colonel Whitham : he frequently sent
aid from the garrison of Northampton to the various attacks upon
Banbury, arid other places in the district.
On March i8th, 1643-4, the assembly resolved that: —
Whereas the billeted souldiers which are nowe in paye and of the garison of this
towne for the defence and safetie thereof under the Comaund of Colonel Witham, are
NORTHAMPTON AND THE COMMONWEALTH STRUGGLE. 441
all of them this next day to goe of their places of guarde as well to take the covenant
appointed by Ordinance of Parliament to be taken, as to be exercised, it is agreed
and ordered that the Sergeant in everie ward in this libertie shall fourthwith somon and
warne all householders in ther severall wards in this towne to appear with their Armes
and furniture compleat in their owne persones this next day in the mourning by seaven
of the clock at the markit crosse there to be directed and appointed to guard all ports
and places in the said towne, in the Rometh of the said soldiers for one wholl day
untill they shalbe relieved by the said soldiers at night And that yf anie housholder
being warned or warning left at his howse by anie Sergeant shall Refuse or be negligent
therein That then such person soe Refusing or neglecting shalbe bound by Mr Maior
to the next sessions of the peace of this towne there to appeare to answear his con-
tempt in this behalfe, or els it shalbe lawfull for Mr Maior to sett forth punishment
upon him as to his discretion shall seeme best.
On July 1 2th, 1644, a demand was made on the town to furnish
thirty-six horses with bridles and saddles, to be delivered to Sir
William Waller Knight " to be imployed in service the warrs for
the King and Parliament." The assembly at once consented, and
ordered their officials to levy a cess of £100 on inhabitants of
ability, to defray the expense. The defaulters were to be proceeded
against by distress, and if any of the town officers in the discharge
of their duty should be sued or molested by any one, they should
be held harmless at the cost of the chamber.
The Domestic State Papers state that in July, 1645, £2O,OO°
was despatched by the Goldsmith's Hall committee, by order of the
committee of the two kingdoms, to Northampton in twenty chests,
for the payment of the Scottish army. A receipt for the due
arrival of this immense sum was given at Northampton by John
Rikman, on July gth.
At the assembly held on June 2yth, 1648, the following order
and preamble commenced the proceedings : —
" Imprimis whereas the tymes in this kingdom are now verie
dangerous and there are muche risings of the malignant partie to
the disturbance of the peace thereof that a new warre is feared
Nowe at this assemblie Mr John Spicer maior Mr Peter Whale
Mr John Gilford Mr Samuel Martin and Mr Francis Rushworth
are nominated Captains to be enabled to raise all volutions
(? volunteers) they cane to be in companies for the defence of
this Towne."
At the next assembly, held on July iyth, it was voted that the
aldermen, bailiffs, and burgesses of the assembly be all enlisted
under the five captains who have commissions to raise volunteers
442 NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
in the town, and are contented and agreed to act under them in
arms for exercising, and for the defence and safety of the town
and not otherwise.
In 1648, diverse Scotch soldiers who had been taken prisoners
were sent to Northampton to be there detained till further orders.
The assembly, on September 5th, agreed that the mayor should
pay the prisoners' charges, and that he should be eventually
reimbursed out of the chamber, or out of the next town cess.
In January, 1648-9, the assembly imposed a cess of £50 on all
householders of ability, to repay the charges to which the inn-
keepers and alehouse keepers had been exposed by the frequent
billetting of soldiers. In the following April, 503. of this money
was assigned to Richard Holies, late postmaster, towards his loss
of a house which was suddenly taken and employed for the state
service. The billetting of soldiers on the innkeepers and alehouse
keepers continuing, a further cess of £30 towards their relief was
voted by the assembly in December, 1649.
A special case of hardship was relieved by the assembly in
November, 1650. A billetted soldier, entertained by Widow Taylor,
a poor victualer, fell sick on her hands, and was nursed by her till
the time of his death ; 2os. was voted towards her charges.
THE DEMOLITION OF THE WALLS AND CASTLE.
As soon as the restoration was an accomplished fact, the king
gave orders for the immediate demolition of the wralls of Northampton.
The duty of seeing to the execution of this work was committed
to the Earls of Exeter and Westmoreland, who had been united
together as joint lord-lieutenants of the county of Northampton in
July, 1660.
There was some delay in carrying out the Royal order, and the
Domestic State Papers contain the following interesting letter
from Sir Edward Nicholas, Secretary of State, to the two lords.
My Lords, — I have receved both yor Letters of ye nth and I2th instant by Mr.
Willoughby, & have read them both to his Matie, who comands me to disire you to
returne his thankes to ye Lord Cullen, Lord Spencer, Sr Justician Isham, Sr
Thomas Cave, Sr Sam Danvers, Mr. Stafford, and Mr. Clerke, yor Deputy Lieutents,
for their forwardnes to assist you in putting his Mats comands in execution for
demolishing ye walls of Northampton. His Matie enough considers ye season of ye
yeare, and that ye approaching Harvest will oblige ye Labourer to intend his owne
concerne and pfitt in ye country, and therefore, ye worke requiring hast, he doth
consent yt you assigne ye stone of ye wall to such persons of ye Towne as will under-
NORTHAMPTON AND THE COMMONWEALTH STRUGGLE. 443
take ye paines and charge of takeing it downe, so as it be speedely and througly
pformed ; but if those of ye Towne shall refuse or delay ye demolishing ye walls on
those termes, you may then assign ye materialls to such loyall persons of ye neigh-
bouring country upon ye same conditions as yor Lops shall thinke fitt ; and it's hoped
that this, together with the 5oli. wch lyes ready in my Ld Trear's hands, to be reced
by such persons as yor Lops shall appoint, will be sufficient encouragemt for carrying
on of ye worke. If not, his Maty would not have it delayed, though it should occasion
him a greater expence; but therein he is confident yor Lops will be very good husbands
for him. As for ye Castle yard, his Maty is content yt so much of it should remaine
as is necessary for ye shelter of ye Justices in ye Bench, according as yor Lops desire-
And for ye Armes you have seized, ye King desires yyu would cause them to be layd
up in some safe place for ye use of ye Country. As to yor Lops' Requestes of repayring
to youre homes when a considerable part of ye Towne shall be dismantled, his Maty is
pleased to comply therewth, so as from time to time ye returne to hasten ye busines
untill it be perfected, & yt in ye meane time you leave some of yor Deputy Lieutenants
to overlooke it & secure his Mat's peace, least there should be any disturbance.
The King thinkes not fitt to consent to yor request in behalf of Mr. Willoughby,
as believing him not of a fortune answerable to ye employmt, but otherwise he hath
a gracious esteeme of him for the zeale he expresses to his Maty's service, which he
desires you to cherish in him. I have more in comand, but to returne his Mat's
hearty thankes to yor Lops for yor diligence and activity in pformance of his comands,
& to desire yor continuance, & so I humbly take leave, and remaine,
Hampton Court, My Lords,
dated Your Lop's
I3 Jul7> J662. Most, faithfull, humble servt,
E.'N.
To ye Ea: of Exeter & the
Ea: of Westmoreland, Lord
Lieuts of ye County of
Northampton.
It will be noticed from the above letter that the castle was also
demolished, save so much as would serve for assize courts.
At the assembly held on October gth, 1665, the following
interesting order was passed. The town was evidently anxious to
plant out the eyesore of their wall-less condition :—
In May, 1663, the sum of £160 was granted by letters of privy
seal to the Earl of Exeter "to defray the charges of demolishing
the walls of His Majesty's towne of Northampton."
" Ordered that Mr Hatton Farmer hath a lease of the new
pastures and croft about the late towne walls thereunto belonginge
for the terme of forty yeares at the rent of five pounds per annum
by sufficiently moundinge and planting the same with trees/'
The foundations and remnants of the walls soon came to be
looked upon as quarries for building stone, but in 1685 this action
444 NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
was stopped by the assembly, who ordered that the bailiffs and all
other persons that had " dugg stone att the Crofts where the Towne
walls stood bee forthwith called to Account for the same. And
that they pay in the money received for the same stones into the
Chamber, or els that they be sued for the same at the charge of the
Chamber stock."
The west gate was taken down in 1684, and the stones used
for the new buildings at the conduit hall. At this date all the
three other principal gates were standing, as well as Derngate.
It is abundantly evident from the records that the destruction of the
town walls at the restoration did not include the removal of the
covered gateways into the town.
SOLDIERS AND TRAINED BANDS.
Under this heading are gathered together a series of statements
from the corporation records with regard to soldiers furnished by the
town for national purposes, and to trained bands for use within the
liberties and for the defence of the borough. Various references,
however, to soldiers and trained bands of the time of the Common-
wealth struggle have already been given in the previous part of
this section.
It has often been a temptation in writing this volume to digress
beyond the limit marked out by the extant records of the borough.
It is at all events lawful just to state here that there is consider-
able material at the public record office for the future historian of
the town with regard to the supply of national troops by Northampton,
from the thirteenth century. One instance may be given. On
May 2ist, 1322, the mayor received the royal command to supply
forty armed men to meet the king, on the eve of St. James, at
Newcastle-on-Tyne, to proceed against the Scots. The town was
also to provide funds for their support for forty days, and to select
only the strongest men. It is some guide to the relative import-
ance of towns at that period (though not altogether conclusive) to
note that only one town was ordered to find a larger contingent,
namely Winchester, which had to furnish fifty soldiers. Salisbury
had to supply forty, Exeter twenty-six, Oxford twenty-five, Canter-
bury and Cambridge twenty, Leicester twelve, and Bedford ten.
The first reference in the orders of assembly to the supplying of
soldiers at the expense of the town, under the General Musters Act,
is on Dec. 10, 1585, when the assembly agreed : —
NORTHAMPTON AND THE COMMONWEALTH STRUGGLE. 445
That there shalbe a sceassment made to the valewe of Syxteyne pounds for the
settinge forthe of the Sowldiers, and theise on the Sceasson appoynted Mr. John
Henseman Mr. Craswell Mr. Rutland Mr. Freare Mr. Colles Mr. Bycheno Mr.
Wattes junior, Vyncent Gregorie John Glover Thomas Homfrey Lawraunce Ball to
be Collectors for the same.
A system evidently prevailed in Northampton of excusing payment
of the soldier cess provided the one assessed was ready personally to
serve. In 1590 the assembly resolved : —
That William Atkyns, glover, shall have payde him by the towne Power
Shillinges whiche hee payde and layede out for the provision of the Soldiers in
consideration hee served himselfe as a Soldyer.
A small levy of £3 for the furnishing of soldiers to serve in
Ireland was made in the town in the autumn of 1595, and the
assembly wisely decided to defer the raising of this money until
some other taxation or assessment should be made. In cases like
this the money would be advanced out of the town chest.
At the meeting of the assembly in September, 1596, it was stated
that the sum of £$ had been disbursed during the year out of the
chamber stock u for the furnishing and setting forthe of souldiers into
Ireland, " and that about £15 more was demanded of them for a
like purpose. It was, therefore, resolved to form an assessment
committee of twelve members to raise £20, the moneys to be
gathered by the constables of the different wards.
In September, 1597, the assembly ordered £19 to be raised by
assessment, to refund £6 for furnishing soldiers, which had been
advanced in April, and a further sum of £13 recently disbursed " for
the furnishing and arayeinge of Souldiers to wit Fyve with armor
and weapon and trayneing of them intended to be imployed in the
service with the Right Honorable the Earle of Essex/'
These repeated levies for soldiers in an unpopular war evidently
met with much tacit resistance at Northampton. Many of the in-
habitants refused, and continued to refuse to pay their share. In
May, 1598, the mayor's serjeant was instructed to make a furthur
demand on those in arrears, and the defaulters were warned that
they rendered themselves liable to be kept in ward by the mayor's
serjeant until payment was made. The ward constables were at the
same time ordered to make immediate account of all they had
received for the war tax under pain of imprisonment.
In September, 1598, it was notified to the assembly that £5 53.
had been advanced during the year as the town's share towards the
446 NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
cost of furnishing a hundred soldiers for the war in Ireland from the
town and county of Northampton, and that demand was then being
made for £6 155., as the town's share in the furnishing of yet another
hundred soldiers from the same town and county. The assembly,
departing from the precedent of the last two years, now determined
to make an assessment of £12 on " the inhabitants of habilitie."
To carry out this delicate assessing, the following were appointed : —
" In the Checker warde, Roger Pendleton, constable, Lawrence Ball
the elder ; in the East ward, Thomas Harrison, constable, Thomas
Bradford ; in the South ward, John Meynard, constable, Henrie
Symondes, Henry Chadwick; in the West warde, Richard Britten,
constable, Thomas Potter, Pichard Potter ; in -the North ward,
Thomas Atkins, constable, Hugh Coles, Robert Randes the elder."
The costly war against Ireland resulted in £7 los. being levied
on Northampton in the following December, which was advanced
out of the chamber stock. It will be noted how the expenses for
furnishing the hundred soldiers from the county and town gradually
increased. On February i6th, 1598-9, "fiftie shillings at the least "
was required in addition " for the apparelinge of suche soldiers as
shalbe pressed out of the towne" for service in Ireland, and the
assembly had again to raise £10 from the inhabitants of ability to
pay. The commissioners of musters were at that time at North-
ampton Castle to set the press gangs at work in town and county.
On February 2yth of the same year the Northampton assembly
levied another £$ on the town for a like purpose in a like
manner.
In June, 1599, the demands of the Privy Council increased, the
town and county of Northampton being then required to furnish
one hundred and fifty soldiers. The press gang was set to work
again in Northampton, and £13 6s. 8d. was levied by assessment
on all the inhabitants " being of habilitie to contribute thereunto."
The sum of ^15 had to be raised in Northampton for the
soldiers in Ireland in February, 1599-1600. At the same time a
further demand on behalf of cavalry was made on the town, but
this claim at once met with resistance. The following is the full
text of the assembly's order : —
11 Item it is agreed and ordeyned that whereas diverse freemen
and inhabitants of this towne are assessed by the commissioners
for musters in the countie of Northampton towardes the payment of
a certain sume of money for the furnishing and setting fourthe of a
NORTHAMPTON AND THE COMMONWEALTH STRUGGLE. 447
certaine number of Horses and Horsemen to be furnished and sett
fourthe out of the countie aforesaide for her maties service for Ireland
according the queenes maties commission and the direction of the right
honorable the lordes and other of the queenes maties most honorable
privie councell by their letters to the saide commissioners directed.
Forasmuch as the saide Freemen inhabitantes are not (as is con-
ceaved) chargeable or to be charged with the countie for that service
by virtue of the said letters ; That therefore a letter shalbe drawne
and sent to her saide maties privie councell to know their honoures
pleasures in that behalfe, and the charges of the messenger that
shalbe sent with the same letter and for that purpose shalbe borne
out and defrayed at the comon charges of the corporation."
So far as we can make out from the local records and the
documents at the Public Record Office, Northampton was successful
in resisting this endeavour to make it contributory to a cavalry
force.
On July nth, 1600, the assembly found themselves compelled
to order another assessment of those of ability for £13, as the
town's share of a further contingent of soldiers for Ireland.
During July, 1601, £16 was raised in like manner for a similar
purpose.
On October yth, 1601, the orders of assembly seem to give
evidence that the Irish war was coming to an end. The commis-
sioners for musters' last demand from the town and county of
Northampton was only for fifty soldiers. The town, as their share,
voted an assessment of £6 ; but a fresh precept for another supply
of soldiery was received within a day or two after the last-named
assembly. This necessitated the summoning of another assembly
on October I2th, when it was agreed to amend the last order and
make an assessment of £12 to cover both demands.
The assembly of June 3oth, 1613, ordered £11 los. to be levied
by an assessment committee on the townsmen of ability (to be
collected by the constable of each ward) for the fitting of armour
and other necessary equipment for those of the townsmen who
were to be mustered and trained for his majesty's service. This
was about the time when the country was much disturbed in the
affairs of Sir Thomas Overbury. In the following year £12 was
raised for a like purpose.
A military spirit seems at this period to have laid hold of
the townsfolk of Northampton. In 1617 the assembly resolved that
44-8 NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
" Whereas the inhabitants of this towne are very desireous upon the
fifth day of August next to assemble themselves together in trayning,
and to exercise and perform some martiall discipline, It is agreed and
ordered that they shall have the sume of fourty shillings allowed
and delivered them out of the Chamber stock for and towardes the
defraying of their charge therein." It was just at this time that
there was considerable danger of England being involved in an
European war through the attacks of Sir Walter Raleigh in the
Spanish settlements in South America.
In March, 1626, the mayor of Northampton received letters from
the Privy Council for the levying of a sum of ^13 on the inhabitants,
" to be imployed towards the furnishing setting fourth apparelling
and conducting of One Hundred souldiers out of the West division of
this Countie to the Port of London there to be employed for his
Maties service. " At an assembly held on March igth an assess-
ment of £16 was voted for this purpose. These troops were doubt-
less required for the ill-judged war with Spain.
On May 25th, 1627, the assembly "ordered that there shalbe
fourthwith Twentie Pounds lent out of the Chamber to be employed
towards the defraying of the charge of Billeting of Souldiers in the
said towne."
At another assembly, held on June 26th, £30 was voted for
a further charge of billetting. Newly levied troops were constantly
on the move throughout England at this time in connection with the
unfortunate expedition of the Duke of Buckingham for the relief of
the French Protestants at Rochelle.
In 1629 divers victuallers of the town complained that they had
been lately compelled to billet many soldiers at very considerable
expense. They stated that they were poor, and unable to bear
the charge, and the assembly voted ^19 to defray their expenses.
A muster roll of 26 armed men, or soldiers of the town trained
band, is given in the 2nd vol. of the orders of assembly under the
year 1667.
A list of the Trained Soldiers appoynted by the Mayor and Aldermen as
followeth : —
Robert Hearne Swords John Barrowes
Richard Dust „ Henry Dover. Pike
Thomas Fitzhugh „ Richard Bland
Swords Joseph Dobson ,, Richard Clifford
„ Henry Roper. Pike „ John Langford. Pike
„ William Oakely „ Tho. Rands. Pike
NORTHAMPTON AND THE COMMONWEALTH STRUGGLE. 449
Swords John Clifford jun. Swords Tho. Lacy. Pike
„ John Bidles jun. „ Jon. Cox jun.
,, John Saunders „ Matthias Dawes jun.
„ Robert Harbert „ Nathaniel Potter. Pike
„ Richard Drury „ Thomas Chadwicke
„ Matthew Barnes „ Samuel Hayes
„ William Agutter „ Jonathan Ebrall
In the chamberlain's accounts for 1680 we find that £i i2s. 8d.
was paid " for Buttons for redd Coates and ribon for Colours for
Soldiers."
The court of aldermen, meeting at the George inn on April
i4th, 1794, unanimously resolved "That Major Kerr, son of Dr.
Wm. Kerr, a worthy and respectable inhabitant of this Town,
have the sanction and good wishes of this Meeting for raising
the Complement of Men directed by Government, for his future
promotion of which they heartily wish him all the success
possible."
It was in 1794 that the first volunteer and yeomanry corps
were being formed in England, through the fears of invasion from
abroad and disturbances at home.
ARMS AND ARMOUR.
The old statutes of armour, 27 Henry II., 13 Edward I., and
i Edward III., by which all subjects, according to their
means, were bound to furnish a certain quantity of arms and
armour, subject to annual inspection, were all superseded by the
more elaborate act of 4 and 5 Philip and Mary, c. 2, entitled " An
Acte for the haveinge of Horse, Armour and Weapon." It was
under this last act that the local forces of England were raised
and armed during the last half of the sixteenth century. James I.
somewhat altered the system in 1604.
The fifth section of the Philip and Mary act provides that
"the inhabitants of every city, burgh, town, parish and hamlet,
shall find and maintain at their common charges such harness and
weapons as shall be appointed by the Commissioners of the
Musters on View of Armour within such city, etc., and the number
and kinds thereof to be written on a pair of indentures to be made
between the said Commissioners and twelve, eight, or four of the
chief of every such city."
The assembly, on November 8th, 1586, ordered :—
That there shalbe a Scessment of xxxu sceassed for the buyinge of certeyne
Armour and other furnyture for the service of the Queenes Maties according to the
EE
450 NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
Commyssioners warrant which scessment ys by the waye of loane and ys to be
scessed within Tenne dayes next ensewinge the date hereof, by the scessors
followinge, viz., Henrie Wandleye, William Raynsford, Lauraunce Ball, John
Glover. John Lowicke, Vyncent Gregorye, William Harpoll, Thomas Potter,
Richard Watts thelder, John Watts, Hugh Colles, and Robert Dukeson, and there
are alsoe chosen collectors for the same Scessment, John Dunbrooke and William
Burrows who are to collect the same within tenne dayes nexte after the booke of
Collection shalbe delivered to them, And to certifye the names of them that
Refused to paye the Scessment scessed upon them to Mr. Mayor."
It was further ageed at the same time that any one refusing
payment of this armour tax should be at once committed to
gaol, there to remain till the cess was paid ; and that every one
paying the cess shall be repaid " at such tyme and tymes as the
chamber of the Towne shall have any moneye."
On March 6th, 1601, the following order was made by this
assembly : —
It ys agreed and ordayned That everie person an inhabitant and housholder
within this towne shall before the foure and twentieth daye of June next coming
provide and keepe a club standing in some parte of his habitation therewith to be
readie for the preservation of the Quenes Matie* peace, when need shall require,
upon paine of everie person not providing to forfeit and paye twelvepence."
From an order made on October nth, 1605, is it fair to
conclude that the " keeping the peace " by means of the house-
holder's club was no offence, providing there was no shedding of
blood ! This order punished any one drawing knife, sword, or
dagger against his fellow by a fine of 33. 4d., and if blood was
shed the penalty was doubled.
In 1606 twenty halberds were bought at the town's charge "to
be employed and used in the behalfe and in the affaires of the
saide towne from tyme to tyme as occasion shall require."
At the assembly held on February 4th, 1612, "It is decreed
ordered and enacted for the better strengtheninge of this Corpora-
tion againste adversarie powers that the Mayor for the time being
and the aldermen his brethren late mayors of the said Towne and
the Baylifs and all those that have been Baylifs of the same towne
and the Fourtie and eight Burgesses and such Commoners of
habilitie as Mr. Mayor and the Justice shall thinke fitt shall pro-
vide at their owne charge on this side and before the feast daye
of Easter next ensueing such Armour and furneiture to stand and be
readie in their houses as followeth that is to saye the mayor and
aldermen and his brethren everie one of them severally a severall
NORTHAMPTON AND THE COMMONWEALTH STRUGGLE. 451
musket with furneiture, the Baylifs all those that have been
Baylifs every one of them severally and several callever with
furneiture and a severall holberd, and the xlviij Burgesses and
everie other Commoner as shalbe thought sufficient by Mr. Mayor
and the Justice every one of them a severall Callever with furnei-
ture upon pairie of everie person making defaulte herein to forfeit
x8 apeece to the use of the Corporation the same forfeitures to be
levied by distres."
The musket originated in Spain in the latter half of the six-
teenth century, and the English at last adopted it from their
enemies. It superseded the clumsy matchlock handgun, termed
the arquebus The musket, however, of this date, though it
had a wheel lock, was long and heavy, and required a rest for
its support when fired. The caliver was lighter and less expensive
than the cumbersome musket ; it had a wheel lock and a magazine
for bullets in the butt. It was three feet two inches long, and
was fired without a rest ; it obtained its name from the calibre
being in accordance with a standard regulation.
New muskets were bought in 1618 by the corporation for the
due equipment of their musters.
A breath of the coming national disturbances seems to have
reached Northampton early in Charles I. reign, for on February
2oth, 1627-8, it was agreed that "there shalbe forthwith bought
and provided at the chamber charge Two hundred weight of gun-
powder, and half a hundred of matche, and four new pikes, and
store of bullits to be in a readines for the Corporation upon anie
occasions."
On May 8th, 1640, it was resolved that the mayor, bailiffs,
burgesses, and other persons of abilty in the town be forthwith
provided with halberds, bills, or clubs, to be ready on any
occasion for use in these dangerous times.
All those persons of the assembly who had promised to provide
muskets were ordered, on January ist, 1641, to at once procure
them and to show them on Monday week. The next assembly,
held on January loth, further ordered that those who had muskets
were to " provide themselves of powder and Bulletts to lye by
them for use if need be." The same assembly voted £10 for the
purchase of pikes, " that the townsmen of this libertie shall have
them they payeinge after the Rate they shall cost."
EE 2
452 NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
On June 26th, 1643, there is an interesting and remarkable
entry in the orders of assembly. It is rather curious to find that
Sir Christopher Yelverton, who had only been made a baronet by
the king in 1631, should be now taking so decided a stand on the
parliamentary side. The interest, however, of his family with the
town of Northampton was very intimate, for both his father and
grandfather had been recorders for over half a century. Monu-
ments to the memories of these three Yelvertons still remain in the
church of Easton Mauduit.
Whereas it hath pleased the Right Wo11 Sr Christofer Yelverton tonight at the
request of the Corporation to send for present use for defence of this towne in
this dangerous tyme of war and deliver by the hands of Mr. Watts diverse parcells
of Arms and Amunition, the particulars whereof are hereunder written, Nowe it is
agreed and resolved and by this whole Assemblie promised That the same Arms
and Amunition shalbe restored againe upon demaund, Or in case anie of the same
shalbe spent or loste that the value and quantitie of the same Arms and Amunition
be spent or lost shalbe rendered or restored to the said Sr Christofer his executors
or administrators by the Corporation.
Twoe drakes with cariages Thirtie nyne Cast shott
Twoe aprons for the same Fyve bagges of small bullets
Foure Cheynes Twentie eight muskets
Foure Bridge barrells Eightene Pikes
Twoe Horns Thirtie Rests
Twoe Lynstocks Seaven swords
Twoe Tomkins One barrell of powder
Twoe Banners One bundell of charges
Twoe Sponges
One Worme These came first.
Twoe Ladles Six granadoes
One hundred and tenne shott Thirtie twoe Cast shott of Tynne
Twentie eight Bandileers Three bagges of bullets
Two Bundles and a half of matche One Ensigne
At an assembly held on January yth, 1660- 1, it was ordered
"that all the Towne Arms of this Corporation be with all speed
fixed and made fitt for service at as easy a charge as may be, and
the present chamberlaines out of the Towne moneys in their hands
are to take to see this worke done accordingly."
The Earls of Exeter and Westmorland, as joint lord-lieutenants
of the county, were not only ordered to see to the demolition of
the town walls, but also to secure all the arms in the official
possession of the burgesses. On their removal the town clerk
drew up the following interesting list of the weapons, etc., of which
they were deprived : —
NORTHAMPTON AND THE COMMONWEALTH STRUGGLE. 453
An inventory or accompt of the Town Arms taken out of the Towne Hall
there, by order of the Lords Lts of the County of Northampton the iyth day of
July, as followeth : —
Musketts fixed Six score and two, whereof 20 for the
Traine
Blunderbusses ... ,,. ... ... Two, wherof one left with Capt. Ekins.
(These were brass)
Musketts unfixed Twenty seaven
Match ... ... ... ... ... One hundred and a halfe weight
Old Swords Thirty
Old headpeeces ... ... ... ... Twenty three
Old skirts for pikemen ... ... ... Fower, and one breast
Hand Granadoes ... ... ... ... Seaven
Carthrage cases ... ... ... ... Fifty six
Earthen Granadoe shells Fifty nine
Iron Granadoe shells... ... ... ... Two
Wooden Cases for small shott for Cannon Two
Peeces, being Implements for fireworkes :.. Three
Md There was six new traine pikes all marked with the Towne marke left in
the Towne Hall, for the Townes use for tymes of traineing.
Allsoe there was left of old Armer five suites, besides three breasts.
WATCH AND WARD.
One of the most burdensome duties imposed upon town bur-
gesses was that of keeping watch and ward. Never, even in
times of peace could this duty be relaxed, for the times were such,
that every householder was expected to have his weapon, even if
it were nothing more than a club or bludgeon, as we have seen
was provided in the Elizabethan days of Northampton. Each ward
in the town had its definitely appointed constable and thirdboroughs.
Moreover, the sergeants had their special duties in the times of
night disturbance. But yet it was recognised that " for the safety
of the community/ ' each householder was bound to take his turn
in keeping nightly watch and ward in the streets, unless formally
excused by the assembly.
An excuse of this kind in consequence of old age, occurs at the
very opening of the first book of the orders : —
Md that the first day of August in the third and fourth yeres of reignes of
Kynge Phillipe and Quene Marye, Thomas Ferebrother being above the age of Ixx
yeres was pardoned and licensed from all manner of ewatchis and sutes of courte
by Anthony Brian mayor.
The following elaborate regulations with regard to this duty
were passed by the assembly on May nth, 1599: —
454 NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
Yt is agreed ordained and enacted that everie householder within this towne
or the liberties or precinctes thereof that at anie tyme hereafter shall have somance
or warning given unto him, or else at his dwelling house with one of his household
of sufficient discretion, to watche within the saide towne or precinctes thereof, by
the serjeant to the mace of the bailliffes of the saide towne everie serjeant for the
tyme being in his warde or warder, or in the absence or want of anie serjeant in
his warde anie other serjeant shall come himselfe sufficientlie furnished to watch,
or send a sufficient and able person sufficientlie furnished to watche, to the dwelling
house of the constable of such warde, where he shall have had somance or warning
given as aforesaide to watche, and at such tyme as he shall have had somance or
warning given as aforesaide to watche, to receive his charge, and everie such
person shall there continue in civill and quiet manner at the constable his house,
untill he have receaved his charge of the constable or his deputie in the absence
of the constable upon paine of anie householder not coming himselfe or sending a
sufficient and able person sufficientlie furnished to watche to forfeite for everie suche
default twelvepence, And that everie person that shall hereafter receave charge of
the constable or his deputie of watching and shall not watch shall forfeit for everie
suche offence sixepence, All which forfeitures aforesaide in this order mentioned
shall goe and be imployed for the use of the mayor bailliffes and burgesses, And
yt is further enacted that yt shalbe lawfull for the mayor to committ everie person
that shall offend or doe contrarie to this ordinance and refuse to paye the penaltie
or forfeiture aforesaide by him forfeyted to prison, there to remaine untill the saide
forfeiture shalbe paid, Provided allwayes, and yt be further ordained that yf anie
person aforesaide, to whom somance or warning shalbe given or left as aforesaide,
shall make default to come or send a sufficient and able person to receave the
charge as aforesaide That then the constable of that warde or his deputie in his
absence shall hire and provide a sufficient able person to watche in the stead and
rometh of every person for making defaulte, and paye to such person soe hyred
and procured to watch for his watchinge what the said constable or his deputie
shall hyre him for and that to be allowed to the constable againe out of the
penalties and forfeitures aforesaide.
Amongst a variety of repressive orders of 1605, occurs one pro-
hibiting any townsman from walking in the streets after nine o'clock
in the evening, unless he is carrying a light ; forbidding any
handicraftsman, servant, or labourer, playing by day or night at
"dyce cardes tables bowles or any other unlawful games; and that
no innkeeper or alehousekeeper allowr suche games, or have in his
house dice, cards, tables, etc., or keep open at prohibited times."
This order is mentioned here, as those serving on watch and
ward had to be responsible for the due observance of such bye-
laws as these, as well as the arresting of strangers, or the keeping
of the king's peace in any fray that might arise.
At the assembly of May 8th, 1640, it was ordered that during
those dangerous times a bailiff and one of the forty-eight should
NORTHAMPTON AND THE COMMONWEALTH STRUGGLE. 455
patrol every night "to viewe and oversee the watch as well for
countenance as directions upon anie occasion upon paine of forfeiture
of xijd a peece for everie default."
On January ist, 1641-2, it was provided, for the further safety
of the corporation, that a watch of twenty men should be set every
night, that is, four out of each ward ; and that every householder
whatsoever shall be charged to watch in his own person or else to
find a sufficient substitute upon summons of the ward sergeant ;
and that there shall also be one bailiff and two of the forty-eight
to oversee the watch every night, and that the watch begin at
eight o'clock at night. At an assembly held nine days later, that
part of the last order relative to the bailiffs and the two forty-
eight men was repeated and emphasised, they being ordered to
meet in the market place at eight p.m., and to walk throughout
the town all night to and fro, under penalty of I2d each, and any
one making breach of this order, and refusing to pay the forfeit
to be at once imprisoned.
In November, 1642, the nightly overseers of the watch were
increased from three to eight, the eight being chosen by rotation
from the bailiffs and former bailiffs, and the forty-eight. Two of
the eight overseers were to watch and guard at the castle, and the
other six to ride the round of the town by turns all night.
The following special order was made on 8th November,
1645 :-
Whereas this Corporation is in great danger in this tyme of Civill Warrs by
reason of the remissnes and slacknes of souldiers at the guardes and by reason of
treacherie which is much feared, And whereas there are Eleaven places of guarde in
this towns, It is agreed and ordered that everie householder and man of qualitie
in his libertie, as shalbe thought fitt by a selecte comittee chosen to this purpose,
shall watch in their owne persons twoe at a guarde everie night, such guards at
their lotts shall fall to from tyme to tyme, and that lotts shalbe made and Drawne
to this purpose, so at which guard everie twoe shall watch upon paine of everie
severall person neglecting to come to the hall over the conduit at anie one night,
by nine of the clock to this purpose having had warning by a sergeant to the
mace of the Bailiffs of this towne to forfeite and pay ij* vjd for everie severall
omission, the one half of which forfeyture from tyme to tyme shalbe to the use of
the Sargeant that warneth him and omitteth coming and the other half to the use
of him that he should have guarded withall if he had come, And it is further
ordered that if anie person shall refuse to pay his forfeyture upon Demaund thereof
That then it shalbe lawfull for Mr. Maior of this towne for the tyme being to
appoint anie officer or person by warrant under his hand and scale to levie the
same by distres of everie Refusants goods and cattells, And it is also ordered that
456 NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
such persons as the said selecte Comittee thinking not fitt to guard as aforesaid shall
appoint and send a workman or laborer to work at the walls, and shall send a
workman or laborer accordingly upon notice given him overnight, upon paine
likewise of forfeyture of twoe shillings and sixepence for everie omission, the same
forfeyture to be levied by distress in like manner.
The assembly resolved, in June, 1648, that there was special
need of an extraordinary watch in the town and liberties, and it
was agreed that the sergeants should summons six out of each
ward night by night, making thirty in all, that is, ten more than
the ordinary watch. All summoned were to watch in their own
persons in their own ward from sunset to sunrise, or to provide
" verie able men in the rometh of them," and in default to pay
2s. 6d.
At the end of two of the MS. lists of mayors of Northampton,
are entries of the names of some of those on duty as night
watchmen, from May 2oth, to the beginning of August, 1656, in
two of the five wards of the town. The one from which the
list is copied was evidently written at the time of the alarm, when
this special watch of four from each ward was ordered. The
following is a verbatim copy ; the original entries are in double
columns for the chequer ward, and in single column for the east
ward. The second set of week-day names in the latter ward
evidently refer to the reappointment of the same four watchmen
at a later date.
The Watches began the 2Oth of May 1656 by the appointment of Mr John
Spicer then Maior.
Checkuer Ward.
Tuesday night being the 2Oth day of May Fryday night the 23th May
Mr John Ball Thomas Atkines
Mr Daniel Symons Edward Cocker the younger
Jeremiah Freind John Labram
Richard Clifford Mr Richard Rands
Wednesday night the 2 Ith day of May Satterday night the 24th May
Thomas Stevens Mr John Smith
Edmund Archer Edward Medbery
John Cockraine Samuel Gibbs
William Davison Richard Hooke
Thursday night the 22th May Sunday night the 25th May
Mr John Parr Mr John Freind
Thomas Evans Mr Vaughan
William Grimes John Ashby
Robert Barcole Tho: Aleyley
NORTHAMPTON AND THE COMMONWEALTH STRUGGLE. 457
Munday night the 26th May
Mr John Stevens
John Sale
William Browne
George Marshall
Tuesday 2yth May
Mr Roger Williams
John Austin
Edward Atkines
Mr Henry Lee
Wednesday 28th May
Mr Skarborow
John Elborow
Edward Gent
Obadiah Lord
Thursday 29th May
Tho: Silsby
William Rogers
Sam: Smith
Robert Ivory
Fryday 3Oth May
Jo: Scriven
Ed: Parker
Mr Jo: Selby
Mr Peach
Satterday 3ith May
Ed: Cricke
Tho: Houghton
Raphael Coldwell
Jos Keyes
Sunday night Ith June
Goodman Pattison
Jo: Stannard
Mr Kymbole
Mr Massey
Monday night 2d June
Paul Matlocke
Wm Lowick
John Hensman
Tho: Storer
Tuesday night the 3d June
Jo: Neale
Mr Ed: Cooper
Mr Tho: Cooper
Tho: Rands
Wednesday 4th June
James Walker
Mr Joseph Hensman
Tho: Bradford
Mathew Andrewes
Thursday 5th June
Peter Dunckley
Tho: Dunckley
Wm: Flaxney
Goodman Price
Fryday night 6th June
John Brookes
Wm: Lane
Tho: Pidgeon
John Digby thelder
Satterday night 7th June
Ed: Oldham
Mr Jo: Atterbury
Ed: Cocker thelder
Rich: Massenberg
Sunday night 8th June
Mr Sam: Poole
Mr Whiston
Robt: Coles
Jo: Clarke
Monday night 9th June
William Spencer
Henry Dover
Tho: Atterbery
Jo: Cox
Tuesday night ioth June
Daniel Harbert
Jeremy Harbert
John Mercer
Rich; Dust
Wednesday night IIth June
Samuel Harbert
Fraunces Roy
Jeremy Stevens
William Thorpe
Thursday night 12th June
Sam: Cricke
Sam: Wickens
Sam: Stevens
Clifford Cockerill
458
NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
Friday night 13th June
Mr Henry Stratford
Tho: Chapman
Tho: Brookes
Ed: Tebbutt
Satterday night 14th June
John Caudell
George Davison
John Steevens
James Rogers
Sunday night 15th June
Edward Reeve
Ben: Tiplady
Mathetv Singleton
Rich: Browne
Monday night i6th June
Robert Coles
Thomas Taylor
Stephen Harman
Sam: Harman
Tuesday night the 17th of June
Rtch: Deinton
Goodman Sloth
Mr John Ball
Mr Daniel Symons
Wednesday night i8th of June
Jeremy Freind
Rich: Clifford
Mr Edmund Archer
Charles Turland
b not yys nice for u
littel c what a f oole u b*
Thursday night the 19th of June
Thomas Stevens
John Cockraine
William Davison
Mr Jo: Parr
Fry day night the 2Oth of June
Tho: Evans
Robert Barcole
Tho: Atkines
Edw: Cocker the younger
Satterday night the 2i&t of June
Jo: Labram
Mr Richard Rands
Mr Edward Medbery
Samuel Gibbs
Sunday night the 22th June 1656
Rich: Hooke
Mr John Smith
Mr John Freind
John Ashby
Monday night the 23th June 1656
Mr Vaughan
Tho: Alleyleye
John Idle
Mr John Stevens
Tuesday night the 24th June 1656
Wm Browne
George Marshall
Jo: Austin
Ed: Atkynes
Wednesday night the 25th June
Mr Roger Williams
Mr Wm: Skarborrow
Mr Henry Lee
John Elborrow
Thursday night 26th of June 1656
Edward Gent
Obadiah Lord
Tho: Silsby
William Rogers
Fryday night the 27th June
Sam: Smith
Robert Ivory
John Scriven
Edward Parker
Satterday night the 28th June 1656
M* John Selby
M' Tho: Peach
Edward Cricke
Tho: Houghton
* The mayor's clerk here broke out into a jest ! Possibly some crabbed alderman was at that
moment looking over his shoulder. The rendering of this written joke is — " Be not wise nor over
nice, for you little see what a fool you be ! "
NORTHAMPTON AND THE COMMONWEALTH STRUGGLE. 459
Sunday night the 29th June 1656
John Royes
Goodman Pattisson
John Stannard
Jo: Preston
Monday the 30* June 1656
Mr Kymbold
Mr Massey
Paul Matlocke
Wm: Lowicke
Tuesday night the first of July 1656
John Hensman
Thomas Storer
Jo: Neale
Mr Edward Cooper
Wednesday night the second of July
Mr Tho: Cooper
Tho: Rands
James Walker
Mr Joseph Hensman
Thursday night the 3d of July, 1656
Thomas Bradford
Goodman Sloth
Mathew Andrewes
Peter Dunckley
Fry day night the 4th July 1656
Tho: Dunckley
Wm: Flaxney
Goodman Price
John Brookes
Satterday night the 5th July 1656
Wm: Lane
Tho: Pidgeon
John Digby thelder
Ed: Oldham
Sunday night the 6th July 1656
Mr John Atterbery
Ed: Cocker thelder
Mr Richard Masingberd
Mr Sam-. Poole
Monday night 7th July 1656
Mr Whiston
Robert Coles
John Clark
Wm: Spencer
Tuesday night 8th July 1656
Hen: Dover
Tho: Atterbery
Jo: Cox
Daniel Harbert
Wednesday night the 9th July
Jeremy Harbert
Jo: Mercer
Richard Dust
Wm: Thorpe
Thursday night the iOth July 1656
Fra: Royes
Jeremy Stevens
Sam: Harbert
Sam: Wickens
Fryday night the IIth July 1656
Sam: Stevens
Clifford Cockerill
Mr Stratford
Tho: Chapman
Satterday night 12th July
Tho: Brookes
Edward Tebbutt
John Caudell
George Davison
Sunday night 13°' July
Jo: Stevens
James Rogers
Edward Reeve
Ben: Tiplady
Monday night 14th July
Mathew Singleton
Richard Browne
Robt: Coles
Thomas Taylor
Tuesday night the 15th July 1656
Steeven Harman
Sam Harman
Goodman Deinton
Mr John Ball
Wednesday night the i6th July 1656
Mr Daniel Symones
Jeremiah Freind
Richard Clifford
Charles Turland
460 NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
EAST WARD 2oth day of May 1656 Tuesday night
Edward Webb
John Knight 31th July
John Hancock
John Smith
Wednesday night the 2 Ith day of May
Thomas Wright
Robert Whetston ist August
Mathew West
William Middleton
Thursday night the 22th May
Thomas Radford Second August
Richard Cley
Robert Brownsgrave
William Wright
Friday night the 23th May
Anthony Cory
John Preston
Edward Nicholas 3d August
George Preistley
Satterday night the 24th May
Goodman Judkyn Sheapheard
Goodman Eales
Mr Jo: Scriven 4th August
John Bay ley
Sunday night 25th May
Tho: Laundon
Joseph Jackson
John Sparks 5th August
Walter Robinson
Munday night 26th May 1656
Mr Jo: Gary
William Stonner
George Clarke
Arthur Burbedg
27th May Tuesday night
Stephen Ashby
Tho: Jeyes
Anthony Cox
Goodman Plowman
28th May Wednesday night
Richard Keeper
Mathew Dawes 7th August
Jo: Howes
Mr Bennett
NORTHAMPTON AND THE COMMONWEALTH STRUGGLE. 461
29th May Thursday night
Prothero Kibworth
Jonas Woodard
Goodman Hutchines
William Peters
Fryday 3oth May
James Balding
Wm: Reynolds
Wm: Woodard
Goodman Haddon
Satterday 31th May
Wm: Coleman
Henry Allen
George Bott
John Evans
Sunday night Ith June
Tho: Burrowes Ed: Bennett
Goodman Holenby
Tho: Evans
John Stormer
Monday night 2d June
Jo: Hewlett Fryday night
Wm: Barnes
Robert Cory senr
John Smith
Tuesday night the 3d June
Tho: Haddon Satterday night
Tho: Aleston
Richard Roberts
Daniel Child
Wednesday night 4th June
John Porter
Richard Knott Sunday night
John Hill
George Large
Thursday night the 5th June
George Daves Monday night
Tho: Collins
William Richardson
Henry Sheaphard
Fryday night the 6th June
Henry Cockin Tuesday night
John Osborne
Richard Lee John Howes
Richard Longstrap
462
NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
Thursday night
Friday night
Sunday night to begin
Satterday night the 7th June
John Lambert Wednesday night
Augustine Mulliner
Tho: Judkin
Wm: Trader
Sunday the 8th June
Tho: Lanton
Joseph Emerton
Symon Rands
Sam: Dawes
Monday night pth June
Mr Billing
Tho: Newman
Abram Baxter
Jo.- Purser
Tuesday night the ioth June
Henry Ashby Saterday night
Goodman Rock
Edward Cox
Robt: Man
Wednesday night IIth June
Goodman Walker
Sam: Witsee
Tho: Smith
Amos Child
Thursday night 12th June
Edward Aleyly
Robt: Durham
Goodman Howes
Jo: Smith
Fryday night 13th June
Walter Longe
Edward Webb
John Knight
John Hancocke
Satterday night the 14'
Jo: Smith
Tho: Wright
Robt: Whetston
Wm: Middleton
Sunday night the 15th June
Mathew West
Tho: Radford
Richard Cley
Robert Brownsgrave
Jo: Hill
Sunday night
Monday night
June
NORTHAMPTON AND THE COMMONWEALTH STRUGGLE. 463
Monday night i6th June
Wm: Wright
Anthony Cory
George Preistley
Edward Nicholas
Tuesday night the ifh June 1656
Goodman Judkin
Goodman Eales
Mr Jo: Scriven
Jo: Bayly
Wednesday night the i8th June
Tho: Laundon
Joseph Jackson
John Sparkes
Walter Robinson
It was resolved in October, 1669, " That all persons shall
watche in their turnes and none to be excused upon any priviledge
or pretence whatsoever, and the watch to continue until orders to
the contrary, and that there be a penalty of twelve pence imposed
upon everie refuser and to be levyed by the constable by distress
of the offender's goodes."
It was omitted to be stated in the right place in this section,
that parliament considered the garrisoning and fortifying of North-
ampton of sufficient importance to justify a special levy on the
county at large. On the i2th October, 1644, an ordinance was
made by the lords and commons assembled in parliament whereby
William, Lord Fitzwilliam, and twenty-nine county gentlemen, and
the mayor of the town for the time being, or any three or more
of them residing in the town, were appointed a committee for the
purpose of raising such sums of money (not exceeding £600 a
week) in the county for the furnishing of arms and ammunition,
making fortifications, and payment of garrison's officers and
soldiers.
SECTION TWELVE.
ROYAL VISITS AND NATIONAL EVENTS,
ROYAL VISITS— NORMAN, PLANTAGENET, AND TUDOR KINGS — QUEEN ELIZABETH'S
THREE VISITS — JAMES I. AND HoLDENBY HOUSE — CHARLES I. AND QUEEN MARY —
WILLIAM III. — QUEEN VICTORIA IN 1844 — NATIONAL EVENTS — THE ARMADA —
FIFTEENTHS AND TENTHS — NATIONAL ASSESSMENTS — OATH OF ALLEGIANCE — JAMES
II. AND REMOVAL OF TOWN OFFICIALS — THE REVOLUTION OF l688 - BONFIRES FOR
VICTORIES — QUEEN ANNE AND THE MARLBOROUGH WARS — THE FOUR GEORGES —
THE ASSASSINATION OF MR. PERCEVAL — GEORGE IV. AND WILLIAM IV.
FF
ROYAL VISITS AND NATIONAL EVENTS. 467
ROYAL VISITS.
is probably no other town in England which has been
so frequently visited by royalty as the ancient borough of
Northampton. It was the first fortified town of any importance on
the great road from London to the north, whilst its central position
in the south midlands, and its commodious castle, made it a
desirable lodging for our kings and queens at a time when both
courts and parliament were frequently itinerant. Doubtless, too,
the adjacent royal forests of Rockingham, Salcey, and Whittlebury,
made Northampton a highly desirable residence for hunting
purposes.
In 1106 Henry I. had an interview here with his brother Robert,
Duke of Normandy. The same king held his court at Northampton
during the festival of Easter, 1123; and in 1130 the nobles swore
fealty to the Empress Maude at Northampton. Stephen held a
council here in 1138, and again in 1144. Henry II paid frequent
visits to Northampton, the most memorable being on the occasion
of the council in 1165, which condemned Thomas a Becket.
Richard I. kept Easter here immediately on his return from
captivity in 1195. King John was here with much frequency ; and
in 1208-9, being much displeased with the citizens of London, he
removed the centre of his government to Northampton. This
restless king visited Northampton once in 1199, twice in 1200,
four times in 1204, twice in 1205, once each year in 1206 and
1207, four times in 1208, three times in 1209, twice in 1210, once
in 121 1, four times in 1212, twice in 1213, and three times in 1215.
Henry III. kept the festival of Christmas, 1218, at the castle of
Northampton. This king was a frequent resident in this royal
borough throughout his long reign, particularly during his strife
with the barons. In 1224 extensive repairs were done to the
royal chambers in the castle. Edward I. made Northampton his
residence for a considerable time during the years 1290 and 1300.
Edward II. and III. assembled several parliaments within the town.
In 1380 Richard II. tarried here for a month whilst an important
parliament was sitting.
Henry IV. lodged with the Grey Friars on the night before the
FF 2
468 NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
important battle of Northampton, 1459. Henry VII passed through
the town on several occasions.
On July 2 ist, 1540, Henry VIII. visited Northampton on his
way to York, sleeping at the house of Mr. Humphrey, without the
south gate.
Queen Elizabeth's first visit to Northampton was in the
summer of 1564, when great preparations were made for her
reception. The town was re-painted, the houses decorated with
hangings of coloured stuffs, and the main streets strewed with
sand. The corporation presented her with an embroidered purse
containing a hundred marks, and allowed the mayor £20 towrards
his extra expenditure. The following entries relative to this event
are copied from the orders of assembly : —
At the Assembly held on August 4th, 1564, it was ordered that there should be
levied among the Comens and inhabitauntes of the towne of Northampton to be
presented unto the Quenes Matie one hundred markes sterlinge.
At the same time, it was further ordered —
That Mr. Richard Wharley then beinge maior shold have allowed him towardes
his Charge at the Quenes Maties beinge in Northampton xx1'.
Item that every maior for the time being when any Kinge or Quene shall
fortune to come to Northampton shall hereafter have towardes his Charges the
some of xx1' to be payde owte of the treasure of the Chamber of Northton over
and besides his standinge stypent.
In the summer of 1575 the queen again passed through North-
ampton, and must have been received with some state, for the
mayor presented her with a memorial in reference to the defiance
of the assembly's orders relative to malt kilns within the walls. *
This was the occasion when Elizabeth made a formal progress
through the counties of Northampton, Warwick, Stafford, and
Worcester, and thence to Woodstock.
In the spring of 1585 the queen planned a progress to York,
intending to pass through the boroughs of Northampton, Leicester,
and Nottingham. Communications of much detail were entered
into with the respective mayors of these towns, the purveyor for
royalty specially insisting on the quality of the ale to be provided.
This progress was, however, subsequently abandoned, but a part
of it was accomplished, the queen visiting Holdenby house, the
grand new residence of her favourite, Sir Christopher Hatton.
This visit was apparently paid in either August or September,
but the unfortunately fragmentary entry in the order book, under
* See page 241.
ROYAL VISITS AND NATIONAL EVENTS. 469
1585, merely states that "John Henseman beinge maior of the
Towne of Northton have towardes his Charges at the Quene
Matic3 progresses through the towne to Holmebie the lowance some
of xx11 owte . . . ."
In June, 1603, James I. was followed from Scotland to
London by Queen Anne and the young Prince Henry. They
tarried a night on the way at the great house of Holdenby, and it
was owing to the queen's appreciation of its magnificent pro-
portions and beautiful site that the king wras induced a few years
afterwards to purchase the estate and turn Holdenby House into
a royal palace. On leaving Holdenby the queen and prince passed
through Northampton on their way to London, and were received
in state by the corporation. In February, 1608, the king com-
pleted his purchase of Holdenby, and paid his first visit there of
about a fortnight in the following August.
On Wednesday, August I5th, James and his queen made their
first state entry into Northampton. The following highly in-
teresting extracts from the orders of assembly relative to the event
are now for the first time published : —
Orders agreed upon and concluded at an assemblie of Edward Henseman mayor
of the towne of Northampton the Aldermen his brethren late mayors of the same
towne the Baylifs all those that have bene Baylifs and the fourtie eight Burgesses
of the Common Councell of the same towne assembled in the Guildhall of the same
towne the Sixth daye of August in the yeares of the Raigne of our soveraigne
James by the grace of God King of England &c the Sixth and of Scotland the Twoe
and fourtieth, for and about the meeting and entertainment of the nowe king's
most excellent Matie and his gratious Quene Anne into the libertie of this towne,
whoe intend their progresse in state Royall upon the Fifteenth daye of this instant
month of August, through this his highnes Corporation of Northampton, as
followeth, 1608.
Imprimis yt ys ordered that there shalbe fourthwith provided at the costs and
charges of the Corporation out of the towne chamber, twoe faire pieces of plate
guilded, to present to wit one to the Kings Matie and the other to the Quene,
which saide pieces of plate shall both of them together with cases for them amount
in value neare the sume of fiftie poundes.
Item wheare his Matie intendeth to come into this Corporation in progresse
upon the Fifteenth of this instant upon which daye being a faire daye commonlie
called the first Ladie daye in Harvest, his Matie intendeth to come into the Cor-
poration from the North Gate, throughout the Sheepmarket, It ys ordered for his
Maties more easier passage there, that for that faire daye onelie, the Sheepmarket
shalbe removed into Abington streate, and shall there be kept for that faire onelie,
and noe longer.
470 NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
Item yt ys ordered that every householder from the Northgate the sheepmarket, and
from thence of the sheepmarket by the hynde gate over the Checker or market
place, and from the Checker against the Woodhill directlie by the bell dore downe
to the South bridge, shall cause their houses to be painted or coloured with colours
called white and blacke, upon paine of everie householder making defaulte to
forfeit xxs and shall likewise provide sande for every one of their dores to spread
abroade the streates upon like paine.
Item yt ys ordered that the Northgate, Southgate, Market Crosse, and bothe the
towne Halles shalbe forthwith coloured or caste into colours, at the towne charge.
Yt is ordered that the Mayor and Aldermen his brethren shall rydd in their
scarlet gownes with their best attyre, and with their horses furnished with fair foote
clothes, to meet the King and Quene at the verie beginning of the liberties.
Yt ys also ordered that all those that have bene Bayliffs of this towne and the
forty eight Burgesses shall come and appeare decentlie and comelie attyred in their
black suites and faire gownes before Mr Maior and his brethren in the Guildhall of
the same towne, by eight of the clock in the aforenoone of the Fifteenth of this
instant, then and there to doe and be ordered as by them shalbe prescribed, upon
paine of everie person making defaulte to forfeite fyve powndes.
On the occasion of this first state visit of James to Northamp-
ton, the corporation presented to him a petition relative to the
tolls exacted by the city of London on the goods of the North-
ampton hosiers, contrary to their charter rights. To this petition
no reply was returned, and after waiting till the last day of
October, the assembly instructed one of their chamberlains to
proceed to London to endeavour to obtain an answer.
James, with his court, also sojourned at Holdenby in the years
1610, 1612, 1614, 1616, and 1618, generally in the month of August.
He also appears to have paid several briefer visits. On each of
these occasions James would be almost bound to pass through
Northampton, and would, no doubt, be always received with some
degree of royal acclaim, but so far as we can judge from the extant
records, he was only specially entertained by the corporation in
1612 and 1618. The only reference in the orders of assembly to
the first of these two visits is in a resolution of October ist, 1612.
The assembly then directed that the money which the late mayor
had disbursed " in and about the entertainment of the kinges most
excellent majestic at his passing thorough this Corporation in the
time of Mr Humfreys Mayoraltie shalbe repaid by the chamber-
laines." In 1618 the then large sum of thirty-seven pounds was
spent in connection with the royal entry from Holdenby ; but we
can glean no particulars as to the details.
ROYAL VISITS AND NATIONAL EVENTS. 471
Charles I. and his queen frequently resided at Holdenby, and
must have been well known by sight to the Northampton burgesses.
Queen Mary (for she was never called Queen Henrietta, or Hen-
rietta Maria in contemporary documents) paid an unexpected and
informal visit to Northampton from Holdenby in the summer of
1627. The queen was waited on by the mayor, and stayed some
two or three hours in the town.
The only occasion on which we have found any record of the
civic reception of Charles I. and his queen was on July 2Oth, 1634,
when the assembly made the following order : —
Whereas the kings most exelent Matie that nowe is wth his gratious Queene doe
intend to make this Corporation in their progresse or way from Holmebie, It is
agreed and ordered that there shalbie fourthwith provided and bought at the chamber
Charge twoe faire peeces of plate of the value of Threescore Powndes one of the same
to be presented to the King's Matie and the other to the Queenes grace at their coming
in prograsse thorough this Corporation and all the charge of officers and fees and
other occasions for the meeting and attending the kinge and queene thorough the
liberties shalbe defrayed out of the Towne Chamber.
When Charles was brought to Holdenby in February, 1647, by
arrangement with the Scotch army, he came by way of Market
Harborough, but on his removal thence in the following June by
Cornet Joyce, he passed in his coach for the last time through
Northampton on his melancholy journey to London.
So far as we have been able to ascertain, Northampton was not
visited by either Charles II. or James II.
William III. made an evening progress through Northampton
in the winter of 1689, " great illuminations being made." On
October 25th, 1695, the king made another visit at eight o'clock in
the evening, when the streets from the south gate to the north
were "very much inlightened." According to the chamberlain's
accounts, Northampton was visited for a third time by William III.
on October 2ist, 1700, when the aldermen drank eighteen bottles
of claret in his honour, at a cost of £i gs. 6d.
In 1804, and again in 1805, the Prince of Wales (afterwards
George IV.) passed through the town, when the bells were rung in
his honour.
On November I2th, 1844, the Queen, accompanied by Prince
Albert, passed through the town on her way to the christening of
the daughter of the Marquis .of Exeter at Burghley House. The
town was most lavishly decorated, and the royal carriages stopped
for a short time at the foot of the Drapery, to receive an address
472 NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
from the inhabitants. The Queen returned through the town on
the 1 5th, when she was again met by the authorities, and escorted
through the borough.
A costly volume was produced in honour of this visit of the
Queen to Northamptonshire, which is now of some rarity. The
book, however, is much disfigured by what can only be regarded
as either a stupid hoax or a fraudulent imposition. At the end
of the volume is an imaginary picture in colours, of Northampton
in the time of Elizabeth, which purports to be a facsimile from an
old manuscript. This is accompanied by letterpress, descriptive of
Queen Elizabeth's entry into Northampton in obsolete spelling, and
is supposed to be taken from the town records. These impostures
have not even the merit of cleverness, for though they may take
in the unwary, they could not for a moment deceive any true
antiquary or historical student.
THE ARMADA.
It is proposed, in the remainder of this section, to group
together, in chronological order, a considerable number of extracts
and statements from the town records and accounts, relative to
national, rather than local affairs.
It is interesting to find that Northampton determined to hold a
pageant in honour of the defeat of the Spanish Armada in 1589.
The following are the two accounts of this entertainment, given by
local chroniclers : —
" A warlike Fight prepared by the Townsmen in honour of
victory over the Spanish Armada was well performed, and all the
Towns far and near came to see it."
"This year a warlike feat was exhibited in the market place>
by the townsmen ; the hall over the conduit (in which the com-
panies of tradesmen used to meet) was metamorphosed into a
Castle, and surnamed the Groyne, on the top of which a tower was
made. In the front of the hall, towards the market place, a court
was made, with a fence like to the town wall, fitted up with gates.
Edward Hensman was captain of the Groyne, and he with his
band kept the castle, while Thomas Judkin and Thomas Sanbrook
commanding the besieging party (called the English) ; after various
marches, countermarches, manoeuvres and skirmishes, were, on the
first two days of attack, repulsed, though without any very serious
loss ; but on the third day the attack succeeded, and the assailing
party having beaten their opponents in their stronghold, set the
ROYAL VISITS AND NATIONAL EVENTS. 473
tower on fire. This business was well performed ; and all the towns,
far and near, came to see it."
The captains of this affray were chosen from leading townsmen.
Thomas Sambrook was at that time one of the two bailiffs, while
Edward Hensman, his opponent, was bailiff in 1592.
NATIONAL ASSESSMENTS.
The next two entries relate to the cumbersome and unfair
system of national taxation then in vogue. Various early imposts
such as hidage, scutage, and tollage, became merged at the end of
the twelfth century in a general system of taxation by grants of
fractional parts of moveables. At first these grants differed in
amount from a fortieth to a tenth, but in process of time the
practise settled down to fifteenths for the counties and tenths for
the towns. The former were levied on the cattle and crops of the
landowners, and the latter upon the capital value of stock in trade
and chattels.
In 1334 a certain sum was taken by way of composition of
fifteenths and tenths granted from each township. Henceforth a
fifteenth and a tenth wrere merely a form of expression for the total
sum settled in 1334. This system of grants of nominal fifteenths
or tenths remained in force for nearly three centuries. As money
became more plentiful, instead of an assessment, several fifteenths
and tenths were granted at one time. The last of these curious
assessments was that granted to James in 1623.
So far as the towns were concerned, there was no attempt at
any universal principle of taxation. Provided the money was paid
to the national exchequer, it was a matter of indifference how it
was collected. These two extracts are of much interest, as
they refer to the last of these assessments collected for Queen
Elizabeth, and to the final one of all collected for James I.
At the assembly held on May i6th, 1598, it was agreed to
make a general assessment on the town for the sum of £54 "for
two Fifteenthes-Tenthes of those Sixe Fifteenthes and Tenthes
granted to her highness by the act of Parliament holden at West-
minster in the nyne and thirtieth yeare of her majestie's most
gracious reigne." The assessment was to be levied only on those
of ability to pay.
In 1624 Northampton had to pay ^"27 as a second fifteenth of
three whole fifteenths granted by parliament. The assembly
474 NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
ordered that £g should be paid out of the chamber, and £18
raised by assessment.
Another assessment entry of the time of James I. refers to the
national dowry provided for the Princess Elizabeth on her marriage
with Frederick, Count Palatine of the Rhine. In 1612 an assess-
ment for £20 was ordered on all owners of lands writhin North-
ampton "being soe much as this corporation hathe compounded
to paye for and towardes an aide in the marriage of the Royal
Ladie the Ladie Elizabeth the kinges Maties daughter." This
marriage subsequently involved the country in war. In 1619
James' son-in-law claimed the crown of Bohemia in the protestant
interest, and was resolutely opposed by the imperialists, with
the result that he was shortly driven out of the Palatinate. A
voluntary subscription and a loan at a high rate of interest were
raised for an English expedition on Frederick's behalf. Parliament
approached the subject in a half-hearted way so far as grants were
concerned. These brief statements are necessary in order to
understand the action of Northampton with regard to this custom.
In 1623 Mr. Leonard Wollaston collected the gratuity given out
of the corporation towards the recovery of the Palatinate, but as
he was not pressed or urged to pay the same, the assembly agreed
on March nth, 1623-4, that he should pay every person's money
back again, and that for this action he should be held harmless.
In July, 1637, Northampton was visited by Lord Holland, Chief
Justice in Eyre of the Forests, whereupon the corporation presented
him with a silver-gilt cup of the value of £15 or £16.
The stirring events of the great civil war in which Northampton
played no small part, have been recorded, so far as the town was
concerned, in the previous section. Here, however, it may be
mentioned that in December, 1654, General Cromwell was " chosen
Lord Protector of England, Scotland, and Ireland, and soe pro-
claymed throughout England here (Northampton), by the Maior
and the rest of his officers." [Peirce's MS.]
OATH OF ALLEGIANCE.
On September igth, 1662, before Sir Justinian Isham, Sir
William Dudley, Sir Samuel Danvers, and ten other royal com-
missioners, the corporation of Northampton took the oaths of
allegiance and supremacy, according to the act of 13 Charles II.,
ROYAL VISITS AND NATIONAL EVENTS. 475
and subscribed their names in the great order book, after the
following declaration : —
" I doe declare that I hold that there layes noe obligation upon
me or any other person, from the oath comonly called the Solemne
League and Covenant ; And that the same was in it selfe an un-
lawfull Oath and imposed upon the subjects of this Realme against
the knowne Lawes and Liberties of this kingdome."
It was signed by John Brafield and Thomas Thornton, who
both claimed to be mayor, by William Langham and John Woolston,
bailiffs ; by William Rushton, steward ; by John Fowler, town
clerk; by Francis Pickner and Lawrence May dwell, bailiffs then
elected; by Thomas Maydwell, town attorney; and by Henry Lee,
who claimed to be both town clerk and mace bearer ; and by thirty
four other members of the corporation. After their names come
the signatures of sixty other burgesses, of the four serjeants-at-
mace, of the sexton and town crier, and of three churchwardens.
A large number of the members of the corporation who apparently
cheerfully subscribed to this declaration, had equally readily sub-
scribed to the solemn league and covenant a few years earlier !
In January, 1672-3, the assembly ordered " That those Farmers
of this towne that have lately drawne the kings carriages and are
not satisfyed for the same be payd .by the severall Constables of
towne out of their levyes, or as Mr Mayor and the Justices shall
this order. " This refers to wagons impressed for the conveyance of
ammunition and other stores. Several like entries occur in later
years.
DUKE OF MONMOUTH.
In the end of January, 1682, the Duke of Monmouth made a
progress from London to the north, with a view of keeping himself
in evidence, and adding to the number of his supporters. He
travelled with a hundred attendants on horseback, and wherever
the Whig interest prevailed, he was received with fervid acclaim.
The Duke does not appear to have stopped a night at Northamp-
ton, but merely to have passed through the town, baiting his
troop on the way. The only reference to this visit in the town
books is, that the chamberlain paid £2 93. " for the duke of
Monmouth's wyne at the George. " From this entry we assume
that some of the Northampton corporation took wine with the
popular duke.
NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
JAMES II. AND REMOVAL OF TOWN OFFICIALS.
On February 6th, 1685, Charles II. died, and the following
extracts from the mayor's accounts show the expenses incurred by
the Northampton corporation in proclaiming his successor : —
£. s. d.
Pd the Drumers att Proclayming the King ............ 050
Pd to the Towne Waytes ......... ............ 050
Pd Wm. Richards for wyne att proclayminge the King ... ... 240
pd Mr Flekney more for wyne .. ... ... ... ... ... ... o 10 o
Later on in the same year occur the following entries in the
mayor's accounts, which probably refer to some of the numerous
arrests in connection with Monmouth's rebellion : —
£. s. d.
Pd the charge of the Prisoners sent in a Wagon to Oxford ...... o 15 o
Pd Packwood for hoops to tilth the Wagon... ... ... ... ... 050
Two years later, 1687, the accounts afford proof of the frequent
movement of troops that characterised the brief but inauspicious
reign of James II. : —
£. s. d.
Pd Mr Bostock for wyne for the Officers that were in Towne ... o 14 o
Pd for bringing back a Wagon from the Soldiers goeing to Harborow... o I o
Pd Mr Bostock for wyne for ye Officers that mett in the Towne ... o 10 o
In July, 1683, the corporation had petitioned for a new charter,
which was granted in the following September. It corresponded
in most respects to its predecessors, save that it concluded with a
most significant clause, by which the king reserved "power to
amove the Mayor, Aldermen, Recorder, or other officer of the town,
or any of them by letters under our signet." When James II.
found himself in difficulties with his subjects, he did not hesitate
to freely use such powers as these, for the removal of municipal
officials whom he distrusted.
On March ist, 1687-8, the orders of the king and council, dated
February 24th, in accordance with the revised charter, were received
in Northampton, whereby the mayor, the elected justice, three
other aldermen, the town attorney, eight bailiffs, and twelve bur-
gesses were removed from their places in the assembly. By an
order of the following day, delivered at Northampton on the same
date, the king and council filled up these vacancies with other names.
The town most meekly submitted. An assembly was called on
the very day the letters patent were received. The book of orders
ROYAL VISITS AND NATIONAL EVENTS. 477
gives the royal decrees in extenso, and then states that " the
aforesaid Orders of King and Counsill were Obeyed. " The only
other business done by the assembly was the conferring of the
freedom of the town on the Duke of Berwick (the illegitimate son
of James II.), " and alsoe on the Noblemen Comn Officers and
Gents that came to this towne with him."
On April 6th, 1688, the assembly was summoned to receive the
orders of the king and council dated March 25th, whereby three
more aldermen, two bailiffs, and eleven burgesses were displaced
from their offices in the corporation, accompanied by a second
royal order dated March 26th, nominating others to fill their
places. The assembly listened to the orders read, agreed that
they should be enrolled in their book of orders, and obeyed.
A third set of royal orders, removing an alderman and six
bailiffs, and substituting others, was received in May. The fourth
exercise of this much strained royal prerogative was made under
date of September 2nd and 3rd, when the two acting bailiffs were
removed, and others substituted in their places. These warrants
were received in Northampton on September 2ist, and were on
the same day humbly read, enrolled, and obeyed by a duly sum-
moned assembly.
This arbitrary exercise of the king's power, particularly with
regard to the mayors, must have thrown the government of most
of our towns into much confusion. It is somewhat extraordinary
that the peace of an important and excitable town such as North-
ampton was so completely preserved through these rapid changes.
John Willoughby, the country gentleman made mayor of the town
by the king in February, 1687-8, presided over an assembly held
at the guildhall, on September 25th, 1688. Henry Flexney was
then unanimously chosen mayor-elect. But the court would have
none of this popular election, and James II. 's last act, so far as
Northampton was concerned, was to remove Flexney from the
mayoralty, and by royal proclamation (not a warrant of the council)
to put Thomas Atterbury in his place. This proclamation was
received on November 8th (three days after the landing of William
of Orange at Tor Bay), and on the same day an assembly was
summoned, presided over by Mr. Atterbury. Probably the news of
the imminent overthrow of the court party had reached North-
ampton, for Mr. Atterbury, after presiding as mayor on this one
occasion, had the courage to decline to act any longer. Where-
478 NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
upon the assembly unanimously elected Mr. John Selby to act as
mayor for the residue of the year, and gave him also two popularly
elected bailiffs.
James II. fled from London on December nth. The convention
of the estates of the realm met on January 22nd, 1688-9, and
William of Orange accepted the formal offer of the crown made to
him on February i3th. During this interregnum several assemblies
were held at Northampton, the dates of which are given simply
by the year of grace. A certain shrewd anticipation of possible
further changes seems to have prevented an official acknowledge-
ment of William in the town documents until June, when an
assembly was held uAno dni 1689, Ano j° Will9 & Marie R &
Regine Angl stc."
THE REVOLUTION OF 1688.
The chamberlain's accounts for 1688-9 contain a variety of
entries relative to the revolution of 1688, which resulted in the
coronation of William of Orange. They afford the first instances
that the accounts supply of a town bon-fire. We suppose
the " Governor Walker " who visited Northampton, was the old
clergyman of that name, celebrated for his share in the defence of
Londonderry.
£. s. d.
Pd for ye Militia and Trayned men to ye Constable of Hardingston ... o 4 8
Pd ye Clerk of ye Militia for bringing the Armes from Ld Peterborows,
and given to the men 2s ... ... ... ... ... ... 320
Pd for carrying the Armes into ye Chamber ... ... ... ... 016
Pd Val Massey for halfe hogshead of Ale on ye Coronation day ... I 5 o
Pd Thomas Webster for Ale by yc Mr Mayor order the Souldiers drunk
at proclaymeing the King ... ... ... ... ... ... o 10 o
Pd Abram Mennard for halfe C. of faggotts on the Coronation Day 070
Pd att George for Wine by Mr Mayors order ... ... ... ... 100
Pd for fire at ye Guard at ye George I o o
Pd the Ringers when Governor Walker was in Towne ... ... ... 050
Pd for 6 bottles of Ale for him o i 6
Pd for his Treate in wine ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 200
Given to the Lord North'ton's servants by order Mr Mayor and others
being there 3 7 6
And Given to the Ringers at Ashby 050
BONFIRES FOR VICTORIES.
Throughout the reign of William III., the town accounts
contain numerous references to bon-fires and other methods of
celebrating victories in Ireland and elsewhere.
ROYAL VISITS AND NATIONAL EVENTS. 479
In 1690, I2s. 6d. was spent over a bonfire, in addition to other
payments for ale, dinners, etc., to celebrate William's victory at
the battle of the Boyne. In the same year, the taking of Galloway
was commemorated by the following expenditure : — 8s. gd. for
faggots, 2s. for drummers, and 2 is. 4d. for ale at the hall and for the
soldiers.
At the taking of Limerick, in October, 1691, which ended the
Irish campaign, large wine bills were incurred at the Swan, and at
the Rose and Crown ; 60 faggots were consumed on the bonfire,
which was guarded by the three bellmen ; the drummers were paid
55. ; ale was consumed round the fire to the extent of 53. ; while
2s. 8d. was spent on eight links.
November 5th, 1691, was celebrated with the usual bonfire,
wait music, and ale ; but this year the next day was also celebrated
by a bonfire of 60 faggots, a pitch barrel and pole, while £3 2s. gd.
was consumed in beer by the " train soldyers " (local train band)
in several places.
The great naval victory of La Hague was commemorated on
May 24th, 1692, by £2 ys. in beer ; los. worth of faggots ; 53. to
the ringers ; and 35. to the bellmen.
The train soldiers, numbering 26, were out for two days in 1691,
and were paid £6 los. The town at the same time spent is. on
wine for the officers ; 303. in fitting up the town muskets ; and
315. id. for " scouring and fitting up Armes."
The accounts for 1692-3 give the following details of the
expenditure on yet another thanksgiving day for success in the
Spanish Netherlands : —
s. d.
Pd the Waytes the Thanksgiving Day at night at Rome's Coffee House ... 5 o
Pd the 3 Bellmen for attending att the Thanksgiving night ... ... 3 o
Pd Richd Taylor for Ale then 3 o
Pd Mr Brafeild for Wyne then 9 6
Pd John Bradshaw for five score Faggotts ... ... ... ... ... 10 5
Pd Thomas Dunckley for 12 C. of woode ... ... ... ... ... 12 o
Pd Wilby for an Oyle Barrell on Thanksgiving night to place on a pole... 2 o
The chamberlain's accounts for 1694-5, show that there were
two thanksgivings that year. At the first of these, wood, helpers,
waits, and ale, cost f32 73. 9d. The second was for the taking of
Namur, when the expense of the invariable bonfire and ale only
reached £i 33. gd. The ringers on this occasion were paid six
shillings from the mayor's account.
480 NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
Queen Mary died of small pox on December 28th, 1694. The
assembly, on January 24th, 1694, ordered that the common seal be
affixed to an address to the king to condole with his majesty on
the death of the Queen, " and Mr Mayor desired to carry it att as
easy charge as he can."
The mayor's accounts give the details of this expenditure as
follows : —
£. s. d.
Spent att John Baylys about the Addres to the King ... ... ... 040
Pd John Earle goeing to the E. of Northton about the Addresse ... 020
Given Mr Recorder for his Advise and assistance in the d'lvring the
Adres to the King ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 150
Spent upon that occasion in Coach hire and charges up and down... 533
The first entry in the mayor's accounts, 1697-8, is the sum of
53. given to the king's messenger when he arrived with the
" Proclamations of Peace." This refers to the important Peace of
Ryswick. The chamberlain's accounts show that in honour of that
treaty, Northampton spent ten shillings on sixty faggots for a
bonfire; £$ los. on claret for the corporation; and three shillings
on the town drummers.
In the same year the corporation rejoiced at the king's return
from the continent, at the cost of nine shillings worth of wine ;
whilst in 1698 the king's birthday was celebrated in a like fashion
at the expense of £3 53., a modest 53. 6d. being paid at the same
time "for Ale for the Officers."
The following extracts from the mayor's accounts during
William's reign show how frequent were the movement of the
soldiers through Northampton : —
£. s. d.
1691 Pd Mr John Bayley for his journey to London and for horse hire
about removeing the Soldiers out of towne ... ... ... 2 10 o
Given to 120 men of the Ld Cutts his Regiment to pass throw
the towne ... ... ... ... ... ... .. ... o 10 o
Pd for conducting several Soldiers to Daventry... ... ... 060
1692 Spent upon Officers at Peacock and Richd Taylors 056
Spent upon Officers at George and Mr Brafields 070
Pd Mr Lucas for Linkes and a Tarr barrill ... 046
Spent at Hall when Generall Jenkle came to Towne ... ... o 2 10
Gave to severall wounded soldiers as came from Ireland .. ... 080
Pd Matt Honnor his Bill for his horses for officers and soldiers
at severall tymes ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 2116
1693 Pd Harman Hutt for carrying out Warrants to Impresse Waggons
at Old Foxon and Walgrave o i 6
Pd him more for goeing to 7 Townes for Waggons 040
ROYAL VISITS AND NATIONAL EVENTS. 481
£. s. d.
Pd Hutt more for 2 jurneys to impresse Waggons... ... ... 020
1694 Spent at Rose and Crown upon the Officers Ld Oxfords Regimt 026
Spent at George upon Col. Rowe's Officers to gaine them to
march the next morning... ... ... ... ... ... 030
Spent upon Col. Bellasies Officers .. ... ... ... ... o I 6
Spent upon Officers of Ld Arom's Regiment... ... ... ... o I 6
Pd the Kings messenger and for a Procl. about Col. Parker... o I o
Pd for the use of the little house upon the hill Mr Kimbolds for
a Guard house for the foot... ... ... ... ... i o o
Pd for straw for the Guard house and Carriage for E. of Denbys
foote 009
1698 Spent when the Accompt of H95H was setled as due to the Towne
Inneholders from the Soldiers ... ... ... ... ... 012 o
Pd for Carnages for the foot soldiers ... ... ... ... 0160
Given to Soldiers and Travellers ... ... ... ... ... 2 I 7
1700 Pd for wyne for the Officers for the Princess Anne Regiment 066
And for bringing the Carryages ... ... ... ... '... 070
Pd to Treat the horse Officers comeing from the Campe ... o 7 o
Pd to Treat the foot Officers o 14 o
Spent upon a Treat for all the officers the Aldermen being present 300
Pd to Cristopher Thompson and Mrs Bidles for charges for their
Carryages of the King's Ammunition and baggages to
Harborow ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... o 5 °
Pd for 4 bottles of Clarett to treat the Com. Officers att Towne Hall 040
A bonfire in the market place was the invariable Northampton
custom on the evening of Gunpowder Day. The fire was usually
under the charge of the two beadles or bellmen. Occasionally all
three bellmen (i.e., the town crier and the two beadles) were paid
a shilling apiece for attending at the fire, as was the case in 1698.
In 1703, 6s. 8d was paid for " Wood and Kids att the Bonfire,"
as well as another shilling for a tar barrel. In addition to
other public drinking at the cost of the corporation, the
assembly generally indulged in limited potations and tobacco
within the guildhall. Pipes and candles are a usual November
5th entry under many years. Thus in 1696 seven shillings
and two pence was "spent in Hall" that day, in addition
to eight bottles of claret at twelve shillings. In 1698 the
hall was content with ys. 6d. worth of ale, and the like amount
was spent in bread and cheese and ale for all the officers.
In 1707 forty faggots were bought for the bonfire at 2jd. each,
the waits were paid 43., the two beadles a shilling each, whilst
los. 6d. was assigned "for ale for all the officers." In 1708 a
variety was introduced into the monotony of the annual gunpowder
GG
482 NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
plot proceedings by placing six furze bushes on the bonfire. In
1718 a small amount of white bread was consumed in the hall.
About 1720 the great November bonfire drops out of the accounts,
but the beer money for the officials and the wait music continues.
QUEEN ANNE AND THE MARLBOROUGH WARS.
King William died on March 8th, 1702. In the mayor's accounts
for that year we find that £i 123. lod. was spent on putting the
church of All Saints into mourning, and almost the next entry is
a change from grave to gay, for no sooner was the mourning down
for William than £2 8s. was spent upon " the Queenes armes on
the Pulpit."
Northampton held a revel on the occasion of the coronation of
Queen Anne. The materials for the inevitable bonfire, including a
pole surmounted by a tar barrel, cost 6s. 8d. Bread and cheese
and ale consumed in the hall cost i6s. zod. The constables
received 35., the waits 45., and the two bellmen 2s. The landlord
of the Peacock was paid a bill for wine of £i 2s. 6d., but this
total included U2 glasses broke." There were also wine accounts
at the George and the Red Lion. " Peter Lenoyr Trumpet"
received 55.
There had also been an earlier bonfire, town music, and more
moderate drinking on the occasion of the proclamation of Queen
Anne.
The corporation also forwarded a loyal address to the queen as
proved by the following items : —
£. s. d.
Pd Coachhire and charges carrying the Address to the Queene ... ... 5 o o
Pd the Secretaries Clerke putting in the Address into the Gazette, and
to the Yeomen of the Gard for both Addresses ... ... I 10 o
Pd Mr Lee for Parchment for both the Addresses and getting hands and
wayting with the same ... ... ... ... ... ... ... I 10 o
In 1703, "upon news from Vigo," the market place bonfire was
again kindled, and four dozen of wine drunk.
September 2nd, 1704, was the day appointed for prayer and
thanksgiving " for the late Glorious Victory obtained over the
French and Bavarians at Blenheim, near Hochstet, on Wednesday
the Second of August by the Forces of Her Majesty and Her
Allies, under the command of the Duke of Maryborough." North-
ampton kept the day with great spirit. The wood, coal, and barrel
ROYAL VISITS AND NATIONAL EVENTS.
483
for the bonfire cost js. 2d. The drummers, who by this time had
become a regular part of the town's civic state, received a shilling
apiece : they were three in number. The four waits, or town
musicians were paid on a like scale. The tobacco, pipes, and candles,
brought that evening into the town hall cost 6s. yd.; the bread
and cheese and ale consumed in the same place, gs. lod. ; whilst
the amount expended on wine came to £3 43. gd.
At the thanksgiving day in 1706 for the victory at Ramillies,
there was the far larger expenditure of £10 i8s. 4d. ; the chief
expense was £j igs. 6d. for seven dozen of wine, the remainder
being made up of faggots for the bonfire, ale, waits, trumpet and
drums, and bellmen.
The union of England and Scotland into the one kingdom of
Great Britain, in 1707, made a considerable stir throughout the
realm. On April 25th, the court of aldermen agreed "that Mr
Recorder be desired to draw up an address to the Queene about
ye Union." It was at the same time ordered that on the approach-
ing May day, being the day appointed for thanksgiving for the
union, the whole house should attend church in their gowns ; also
that there were to be bonfires in the evening, treating with wine,
etc. The chamberlain's accounts show that £6 2s. 3d. was spent
on the occasion.
The chamberlain's accounts for the year 1707-8 also include
a payment of £4 6s. to " Mr Recorder for 2 addresses to the
Queen." We conclude that one of these addresses had reference
to the day of humiliation on January I4th, 1707-8, in consequence
of our continuous disasters upon and withdrawal from Spanish
soil, and the wreck of the British squadron on the Scilly Isles.
The other address would be doubtless one of congratulation on the
victory of Oudenarde.
The terrible and continuous dynastic wars of Anne's reign kept
England constantly on the strain of alternate fasting and feasting,
appointed days of humiliation being almost regularly followed by
days of thanksgiving, or vice versa, according to whether England
gained the victory or suffered defeat. In August, 1708, England was
ordered to rejoice for the victory of Oudenarde. The chamber-
lain's accounts show that the following were Northampton's official
contributions to the rejoicings. The corporation being determined
to outdo previous efforts, hired two trumpeters at a heavy charge.
GG 2
484 NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
£• s. d.
pd ye drums 3% ye wait players 4% ye bellman 2s ... ... ... ... 090
Pd for bringing in Chears and Tables and carrying home ... ... o i o
Pd 2 Trumpeters ios, 60 faggots 8s 6d o 18 6
Pd old Dunkly and Daughter tending ... ... ... ... ... oio
Pd Gibson for ale ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 012 6
Pd Mr Coats for 12 bottles of old Ale and a decanter brk 070
Pd Mrs Rayson's bill for Wine i 15 9
Pd Mr Mayors bill for wine ... 513
A further item of £2 8s. occurs in the mayor's accounts for
wine consumed in the guildhall on the news of the Oudenarde
victory.
This same year the mayor's accounts show the following expen-
diture in connection with soldiers passing through the town :- —
£. s. d.
Pd at the George for firing for the standard Gards goeingfor Scotland ... o 10 o
Pd then for wine att the Thanksgiving Day at night ... ... ... 180
Pd for firing att Red Lyon for the Gards there ... ... ... ... o 10 o
Pd charges of a fire etc at the rejoicing upon rect of an Express from
Earle of Sunderland ... ... ... ... ... ... ... o 17 o
Payd for Reliefe of Soldiers being sick and wives and children and
gettinge them out of Towne ... .. ... ... ... ... o 19 4
In October, 1708, the town of Lisle, the capital of French
Flanders, and hitherto considered impregnable, surrendered to
the English. A month later the citadel of Lisle capitulated.
During September the campaign came to a successful end by the
capture of both Ghent and Bruges. Thursday, February iyth,
1708-9, was ordered to be a day of thanksgiving for these three
events. Northampton's official share is thus chronicled in the
chamberlain's accounts : —
s. d.
Thanksgiving Day Peter the Trumpett ... ... ... ... ... ... 5 °
1 dozn of Rolls at the Hall i o
36 Faggots and 6 furz bushes ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 7 o
2 Bellmen way ting, and Waite players ... ... ... ... ... 60
Constables and Thirdboroughs allowed in Ale ... ... ... .. ... 5 °
Serjts Bellmen and waitplayers in Ale ... ... ... ... ... 5 °
On September nth, 1709, the most bloody and fiercely contested
of all Marlborough's series of battles was fought at Malplaquet,
where the duke and Eugene with 120,000 men came face to face
with a like number of French under Marshall Villars. The result
was a victory for the allies, but at a terrible loss, for they are
said to have had 20,000 men killed, whilst the French lost only
ROYAL VISITS AND NATIONAL EVENTS. 485
14,000. The chamberlain's accounts have the following entries
relative to this victory : —
The great news of beating the French. £. s. d.
Wait players ale and money 5s and Drums 5s 6d ... ... ... ... o 10 6
The Sextons Ale ... ... ... ... .. ... ... ... o i o
John Moores bill .. ... ... ... ... ... ... .. ... i 16 o
November 22nd, 1709, was also a thanksgiving celebration when
£4 153. 8d. was spent on wine, music, and a blaze in the market
place.
On November yth, 1710, a thanksgiving was proclaimed for "a
signal and glorious victory in Spain/' when Philip of Spain was
defeated by our troops in alliance with the Archduke Charles at
the battle of Taragona. The Northampton celebrations took the
form of spending us. id. on forty-four faggots, cider, and ale;
£2 145. on wine and broken glasses ; 43. 6d. on ale for officers ;
los. on two trumpeters; los. on the waits; and los, on drummers.
The peace of Utrecht was celebrated in the summer of 1713,
when the Northampton corporation spent £$ us., on a bonfire, waits,
drums, trumpets, and a hogshead of ale, etc. At an assembly held
on May i8th, 1713, it was ordered and agreed by the whole house
" that there be an address to the Queene under the Corporation
Seale." On May 2gth of the same year, £8 2s. 6d. was
spent on town festivities, two hogsheads of ale being given to the
populace at a cost of £6 53. We are unable to explain why this
2Qth of May should have been so specially commemorated.
THE GEORGES.
On the death of Queen Anne, the corporation spent 303. in
hanging the pulpit of All Saints, and their official seats with black,
whilst a hogshead of ale drunk on the coronation day of George I.
cost £3 153.
In 1718-19, the mayor's accounts show an item of £i 2s.,
which was " paid Thomas Hanson for maintaining mutineers and a
Guard and Guard House." Mr. W. King was paid the same year
73. for " 5 Deserters and for Straw and wood."
The fair of December 8th, 1721, was put off in consequence of
a public fast occurring on that day, and a guinea was paid for
crying the same in neighbouring market towns.
In 1722-3 there was a thanksgiving day, for the constables,
wait players, and serjeants-at-mace were paid this year for their
486 NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
attendance on November 5th, thanksgiving day, May 29th, and
August ist. There does not appear to have been any other pay-
ment, and there was no bonfire.
On the occasion of the coronation of George II., in 1728, the
constables and thirdboroughs received ys. 6d., the waits and
Serjeants gs., and the drums, bellmen, and hall keeper, 8s. gd.
The following entries are reminders of the stirring days of 1745,
when Prince Charles Edward succeeded in getting as far south as
Derby with his little army: —
£. s. d.
Paid Charges for inlisting men to serve his Majesty at the time of the
Rebellion ... ... ... ... ... ... . ... ... 510
Pd the Constables and Serjeants for their assistance therein ... ... 050
pd wm Atterbury a Bill for Ribbons for Cockades for Soldiers .. .. 128
On April lyth, 1746, the town paid 2s. 6d. towards a bonfire on
the Duke of Cumberland's birthday, and on April 26th, is. towards
the same purpose "at the Defeat of the Rebels."
In 1766 the corporation drew up an address to George III. on
his accession. There was no expensive coach hire to London for
the purpose of presenting it, for it was simply sent by post.
In 1789, the town drank £5 8s. worth of ale in honour of "the
Kings Recovery."
The town hall was illuminated in June, 1794, for the hard won
victory of Earl Howe over the French Fleet.
In 1797 Mr. Thompson was paid 2os. for " Candles to illuminate
the hall on account of Admiral Duncan's Victory" off Camperdown.
In connection with this victory, the assembly, on October 7th,
passed the following resolution : —
That the sum of twenty Guineas be subscribed by this Corporation towards the
Relief of the Widows and Children of the brave seamen who fell in defence of
their Country in the glorious Engagement of the eleventh instant under Admiral
Duncan, and that Mr Thomas Hall do pay the same out of the money in his
hands at the bar of Lloyds Coffee House, London, as soon as convenient."
At the beginning of the year 1798, affairs looked very serious
for England, and on February 7th, the assembly passed the
following .self-denying ordinance : —
That this Corporation subscribe ^500 to the aid of Government at the present
Crisis, and that all public treats be abolished during the continuance of the present
War the better to enable this Corporation to afford the above subscription."
On August ist, 1798, Nelson won the great battle of the Nile,
to which victory these two entries refer : —
ROYAL VISITS AND NATIONAL EVENTS. 487
£• s. d.
Candles illuminating Almshouse on account of Nelson's Victory ... o o 6
Mr Johnson for Candles to illuminate the Town Hall on account of
Admiral Nelson's victory ... ... .. ... . ... 069
In the mayor's accounts for 1799-1800, occurs the following
entry: — " Expenses of Journey to London presenting an Address
from the Towne and Corporation congratulating His Majesty on
his Escape from Assassination, £5 53." In the following year
four guineas were paid for a framed print of " His Majesty's
escape from Assassination."
In August, 1803, the corporation subscribed £100 in aid of a
subscription for clothing and accoutring a corp of Voluntary
Infantry " for the better defence of this country at this important
crisis." They also subscribed a further sum, not exceeding £300,
for the purpose of relieving the wives and families of such brave
men of the town of Northampton as might chance to fall in the
arduous contest for the defence of their country.
The assembly voted, in October, 1809, £100 in augmentation
of the like sums subscribed respectively by Earl of Northampton
and Mr. Perceval in commemoration of the jubilee of George
III., the money to be spent as a public meeting of the town
should direct. A further sum of £10 was also voted for a bonfire.
The corporation, in addition to the above grants for general
rejoicings, spent the following additional sums : — The ringers £2
173. 6d. ; musicians ^3 35. ; sergeants, beadles, etc., £i i8s. 6d. ;
cakes, £5; constables dinners, £3 155.; cards, £i ; grocery,
£4 135. 5d. ; Coxe's bill (dinners, and wine, and beer), £120 6s. jd.
Total £142 145.
Northampton was horror struck when the news arrived of the
assassination of the premier, Mr. Spencer Perceval. He was shot
in the lobby of the House of Commons on May nth, 1812. He
had long been the town recorder, and afterwards one of the
borough members.
On June 5th, 1812, the assembly ordered :—
That this Corporation do Subscribe the Sum of ^105 in aid of the Subscription
already opened for erecting a Monument to the Memory of the Right Honorable
Spencer Perceval in All Saints Church such Subscription to be paid by the General
Treasurer and to be entered in the following words, viz.
The Mayor Bailiffs and Burgesses of the Town of Northampton (as a
Testimony of their respect for the meritorious Services of the late Right
Honorable Spencer Perceval during 21 years as their Deputy Recorder,
488 NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
more than 16 years a representative of the said Town in Parliament, and for
his faithful and patriotic Services to his King and Country as Prime
Minister, ^"105.
When the assembly met on October nth, 1813, the mayor laid
before them the following letter addressed to him by Peter Denys,
esquire, late high sheriff of the county :— -
Sir,
In presenting to the distinguished Borough over which you preside the portrait of
that great and good Statesman, the late Right Honorable Spencer Perceval permit me
to express the high gratification I feel from the flattering manner in which the
Gentlemen of the Corporation have signified through Mr Howes their readiness to
accept it.
By this act of condescension will be recorded in your ancient and independent
Town the Memory of a Man whose virtues were in no place more justly appreciated.
The numerous civilities which I have for several years experienced from the Cor-
poration and Inhabitants of Northampton and particularly while I filled the office of
High Sheriff could not in justice to my feelings be passed over unnoticed, and I feel
that I could not offer a more acceptable acknowledgment than the portrait of the late
esteemed and lamented Prime Minister, who commenced his Honorable Career as their
Recorder and Representative.
May I entreat that you will do me the honor to Communicate the Contents of
this Letter to the Gentlemen of your Corporation, and express my anxious wishes
that they may long continue to enjoy their present prosperity and independence.
With great respect, I have Sir
the Honor to subscribe myself
Your very obedient Servant
P. DENYS.
To the Worshipful the Mayor
of Northampton.
It was resolved that the portrait be placed in the most eligible
part of the guildhall, that the thanks of the house be given to
Peter Denys for his invaluable present, that his letter be entered
on the journals, and that a deputation do wait on him to convey
these resolutions, and to ask him to accept the freedom of the town.
The corporation subscribed £100 in June, 1814, in aid of the
fund for enabling the industrious classes of the town to partake
of the general festival for celebrating the ratification of the definite
treaty of peace. The illumination of the guildhall with candles on
this occasion cost -£2 173.
No reference can be found to the battle of Waterloo under
1815. The mayor, however, that year received the large allowance
of £220, and he may have defrayed the corporation's share in the
general town rejoicings.
ROYAL VISITS AND NATIONAL EVENTS. 489
In 1817 occurred the generally deplored death of Princess
Charlotte, the only child of the Prince Regent.
The very large sum of £56 2s. 5d. was spent by the corporation
(i for hanging the Mayor's seat etc. in All Saints Church in
mourning on the Death of Princess Charlotte." The " etcetera"
must have included the greater part of the church.
The death of the queen happened in the following year, and was
commemorated after a very different fashion. It is difficult to
understand why it was necessary or expedient to spend 53. on
"Beer for the Corporation Servants at the Funeral of the Queen."
George III. died on January 29th, 1820. The macebearer and
sergeants were paid 53 " for attending the Mayor to church on the
late King's funeral," whilst £27 was spent on putting the church
of All Saints into mourning.
George IV. was proclaimed king at Northampton by the mayor
on January 3oth. The musicians attending the proclamation were
paid £i 153. lod ; the macebearer and corporation servants £3 us. ;
and the constables and other peace officers £3 155. In the next
year's accounts appear the payments to the musicians of £i i6s.,
when they attended the proclamation of the king's coronation,
whilst £j 6s. was disbursed to the sergeants, constables, and other
officials on the like occasion.
On July i2th, 1821, the assembly subscribed £100, to be applied
under the direction of a committee, " towards enabling the poor
of this Town to partake in the Festivities on the day of the
intended Coronation of His most gracious Majesty." It was further
ordered that the children of the charity schools " be regaled with a.
Dinner " on the same occasion.
In 1829, on March loth, the assembly unanimously resolved to
petition, " at this important crisis," against the bill for removing
the civil and religious disabilities from Roman Catholics, and
adopted a fulsome address to the king, begging him to use his
royal prerogative against it. This address was entrusted to the
Earl of Eldon for presentation.
George IV. died on June 26th, 1830. and the sergeants-at-mace
received 55. " for inviting the corporation to attend the Mayor to
church on the interment." Crape for the sergeants, and black
gloves, on this occasion, cost the town 305.
William IV. was proclaimed at Northampton on the day after
his brother's death, when the constables received £3 los. ; the
49° NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
musicians £i 153. ; the sergeants-at-mace and flag carriers £3 us. ;
and the All Saints' ringers 2 is.
At an assembly held on December 8th, 1834, an address to the
king, begging him to exercise his royal prerogative on behalf of
4(the civil and religious establishments of the country," was unani-
mously agreed under the common seal, and forwarded to Mr.
Charles Ross, M.P., to hand to the home secretary for presentation
to his majesty.
Almost the last public act of the old corporation was the affixing
of the common seal, on June 22nd, 1835, to petitions to both houses
of parliament against the Corporation Reform Bill.
SECTION THIRTEEN.
MEMBERS OF PARLIAMENT,
PAYMENT OF MEMBERS IN 1328 — ELECTION OF MEMBERS OF THE ASSEMBLY BY
THE ASSEMBLY — RETURNS temp. PHILIP AND MARY — ELIZABETHAN ELECTIONS —
RETURN OF THE RECORDER AND HIS SON — ELECTIONS UNDER THE STUARTS — A
SINGLE MEMBER DURING THE COMMONWEALTH— CONTESTED ELECTIONS OF l66l —
CONTESTS IN 1663, 1670, AND 1678— WALPOLE'S EXCISE BILL — WHOLESALE
CREATION OF FREEMEN, 1733— HOUSEHOLDERS AND NOT FREEMEN DECLARED ELECTORS
-THE NOTORIOUS ELECTION OF 1768 — GIGANTIC EXPENDITURE— EXTRACTS FROM
HALL'S MS. — CORPORATION VOTE ^1000 FOR THEIR CANDIDATE IN 1826 — ELECTIONS
OF 1830 AND 1831.
MEMBERS OF PARLIAMENT. 493
MEMBERS OF PARLIAMENT.
A LIST of parliamentary burgesses for the borough of North-
^^ ampton, beginning from the first year of Edward I., has
been printed in several publications and exists in three or four
manuscript accounts of the town. So far as we have been able to
test the accuracy of this list, by documents at the Public Record
Office, it is quite satisfactory down to the end of the reign of
Edward VI., and it does not seem worth while to burden these
pages with any mere repetition.
It is well known that the representative burgesses of the
boroughs, as well as the knights of the shire, were usually paid for
their services, down to comparatively modern days, but it is not
for the most part remembered that their payment came from (to
adopt modern parlance) the local rates and not from the imperial
exchequer.
The close rolls for 1328 contain the copy of a writ, dated
October 3ist, addressed to the mayor and bailiffs of Northampton,
for the payment to Adam de Cotesbroke and Geoffrey de Harleston
of the sum of £4 i6s. for expenses in attending the parliament at
New Sarum, to wit, twenty-four days at 2s. a day.
The early custom of the borough had undoubtedly been for the
commonalty in public assembly to elect their parliamentary bur-
gesses. The choice of the commonalty not infrequently fell, as might
naturally be expected, upon those who were serving or had
recently served the town as mayors or bailiffs, as is proved by
the frequent similarity of names between the town officials and
the parliamentary representatives. It does not seem, however, that
there was any rule to this effect, until the beginning of the reign
of Henry VII. From about that time, for a considerable period,
it was the custom to elect solely from the oligarchy that then
composed the corporation, and the electors were merely the mem-
bers of the corporation. In the reigns of both Henry VII. and
Henry VI II., the acting bailiffs were appointed the parliament men.
An assembly was called on October 6th, 1554 : —
494 NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
At the which assemble was received a precept directed to the mayor and the
holle comynaltie of the towne of Northampton for the election of two burgesses
for a Parliament to be holden at Westminster the xijth daie of November, at the
wiche time was chozen burgesses Mr Henrie Clarke and Mr Rauffe Foreman alder-
man off the same towne according to a precept to them directyed from Mr Sir
Thomas Cave Knight Sheriff of Northamptonshire.
At the assembly held on October 4th, 1555, the first business
was the choosing of parliamentary burgesses for the second parlia-
ment of Philip and Mary : —
First according to the kinge and quenes proclamation for the burgesses of
Northampton to be at Westminster the xxj daie of October, Nicholas Rand and
John Balgue wer elect and chozen as burgesses to serve the Kyng and Quene
accordingly ut preceptio est per mandatum Valentine Knightley.
Although these last two burgesses appear in the published
parliamentary lists, we have not as yet seen any list that gives
the names of aldermen Clark and Freman as the representatives
for the first parliament of Philip and Mary. The names for this
parliament are generally left blank.
The elections of burgesses to serve in five out of the ten
parliaments of Elizabeth's long reign are recorded in the orders of
the assembly.
The first of these is thus entered : —
Md assembly holden the xxiiijth day of Ap'll a° 1572 by Richard Wharloo maior
his cobrethern the xxiiijth comburgesses and the xlviij Commons of the same. At
wch assembly was chozen burgesses of parliament for the same towne Cristofer
Yelverton and John Spencer Esquiars to apeare at Westminster the viijth day of
May then next followinge.
In 1585 Sir Richard Knightley and Peter Wentworth were
elected burgesses by the assembly, and in February, 1592, the
election of Valentine Knightley and Peter Wentworth is briefly
recorded.
At the assembly held on October 3rd, 1597 : —
The right worshippful Christofer Yelverton Serjeant at the lawe, recorder of the
saide towne of Northampton in the first place, and Mr Henrye Yelverton sonne
and heir apparant of the saide Christofer Yelverton in the seconde place were
elected Burgesses of the boroughe or towne of Northampton aforesaid for the par-
liament somoned to begyne the foure and twentieth daye of this instant month of
October, Provided allwayes that the saide Henry Yelverton becomes f reman and
burgesse of the saide towne of Northampton and take the oathe used to be taken
by suche as are admitted into the freedome of the saide borough the freedom
whereof is by consent aforesaide granted to him gratis which yf he shall refuse to
MEMBERS OF PARLIAMENT. 495
doe and accept of then the election as touching himselfe onelie to be voyde and
another to be chosen for him in the seaconde place.
In September, 1601, the following interesting order was made: —
Yt ys agreed and ordayned that whereas Mr Henry Hickman doctor of the
lawes and Frauncis Tate Esquire had made requeast to be chosen burgesses
of the parliament for the comunaltie of this towne at the parliament somoned or
intended to be somoned and begune the seaven and twentieth daye of October
next coming That: forasmuche as they are both of them well acquainted with the
state of this towne, and asserte the good thereof, the one of them, to wit Mr doctor
Hickman, beinge and for all along tyme having bene an inhabitant in this the saide
towne, and the other, to wit Mr Frauncis Tate the sonne of a freeman of this towne, and
bene brought up and for the most parte inhabitinge neare the saide towne, and one
who hath very well deserved of the saide towne, they shall both of them have their
requeastes in this behalfe, and for the more orderlie proceeding therein be sworne
and admitted freemen of the saide towne without payeing anie thing to the corpora-
tion thereof, and be burgesses of the parliament for the comonaltie of the saide
towne at the saide parliament. Provided allwayes that they shall both of them
bare and defraye their owne charges to wit either of them his owne charge in all things,
without anie allowance or recompense from this towne. or the inhabitants thereof,
or anie of them in this behalfe.
For the first parliament of James I. (March, 1603), the assembly
elected Mr. Henry Yelverton, the recorder, and Mr. Edward
Mercer, one of their aldermen and justices, the non-payment
clause of the last election being omitted.
In 1613 the recorder, now "Sir Henry Yelverton knight the
kinges Matiis Solicitor Generall " was again chosen, his colleague
being Mr. Francis Beale, his brother-in-law ; it was stipulated that
both of them were to defray their own charges.*
On December i8th, 1620, the assembly elected, as burgesses for
the ensuing parliament " Richard Spencer Esquire one of the
sonnes of the right honorable Robert Lord Spencer and Thomas
Crewe Esquire Councellor at the lawe, being gentlemen of good
desent and efficiency." It was stipulated that they should be sworn
as freemen before going up to parliament, and that they were
"there to do and consent unto all suche thinges as to that office
and place apperteyneth for the good of the Church and Comon
Wealth."
For the parliament that met at Westminster, in February, 1623-4,
Christopher Sherland, the recorder of Northampton, and Richard
Spencer, esquire, were elected burgesses by the town assembly. In
1625-6, at an assembly held for the purpose on January 5th, the
* These names are omitted in the published lists.
496 NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
same gentlemen were re-elected to serve in the first parliament of
Charles I. They were again re-elected on February 2Oth, 1627-8,
to serve in the parliament that met on March igth.
Att a full Assemblie of John Danbie Mayor of the town of Northampton the
Aldermen his bretheren late Mayors of the same towne the Bayliffs all those that have
bene Baylifffs and the Fourty Eight Burgesses of the Common Councell of the same
towne holden in the Guildhall the Sixe and Twentieth Day of March 1640, Zouch
Tate Esquier and Richard Tate Esquier and Richard Knightlie Esquier are elected
and chosen Burgesses for the towne of Northampton to be for the whole bodie of the
same towne att the Parliament to be holden att Westminster the Thirteenth day of
Aprill next comeinge for which are proces of Summonse come to the Corporation.
On October 26th, of the same year, the same representatives
were again returned for the Long parliament summoned to meet
on November 3rd, 1640. It was dissolved on April 2oth, 1653.
The printed lists of members have hitherto altogether ignored
the important Commonwealth period.
It is briefly recorded in the order book that at an assembly held
on June 6th, 1654, " Peter Whalley, Alderman was elected Bur-
gesse for this Towne to serve in the Parliament to bee held at
Westminster the Third day of September next." Peter Whalley
was mayor in 1647, an<^ again in 1656. Hall's MS. says (under
1656), "This Mayor upon the Easter Tuesday being 8th day of
April died at Pilkington in Northamptonshire at Mr Valentine
Acton's house, whose death was very much lamented both by
Town and Country by reason of his public spirit who spent his
whole endeavors to settle peace amongst his neighbors and to do
good to the whole Town by maintaining their priviledges to the
utmost and also did strive to advance the publick stock with many
other good deeds which will be as a Monument to his Memory
to the end of Days. He was buried upon the 10 of April with
great Solemnity and Dr Reynolds preached his funeral Sermon out
of 1st of Phillipians and 2ist verse ' For to me to live is Christ
and to dye is gain.' '
This parliament was dissolved on January 22nd, 1654-5 ; its
successor was summoned for September, 1656.
The order book of the assembly records the unanimous election
by the assembly, on July 24th, 1656, of " Francis Hervey Esquire
Recorder of the said towne " as burgess to represent Northampton
in the parliament that began its session on September I7th. Hall's
MS. says :— a The igih July came a warrant to elect a Burgess,
and another was shewn to the Mayor whereby the County was to
MEMBERS OF PARLIAMENT. 497
take notice that five Knights for the County was to be chosen at
Kettering on Augt 2oth at a place called the Lynkes."
Peirce's MS., however, is more correct and elaborate. It says
in this place : —
" On nth or I2th day of July, Writts issued out from the Lord
Protector and his Counsell For a parliament to be held the iyth
day of September next ensueing Sixe Knights and two Burgesses
to bee Chose for this Countie of Northampton to sitt in Parliament.
" The igth day of July came a Warrant from the Highe Sheriffe
of the Countie to Mr Maior for to elect a burgess of the towne
and also another warrant was showed to Mr Maior whereby the
Countie was to take notice that the Sixe Knights for the Countie
was to bee chose the 2oth day of August at Kettering in our
Countie of Northton at a place called the Lynkes.
" The 24th day of July there was a Burgess chose for our
Corporacon of Northton Frances Harvey Esqre Recorder of the said
Corporacon.
'' The 2oth day of August the Sixe Knights was Chosen for this
Countie there names were Sir Gilbert Pickering, Major General
Boteler, Mr Crew the younger, the Lord Claypoole, James Lang-
ham, Esqre, and Major Blake.
"The Parliament mett the iyth of Sept., many turned out and
was not admitted to the number of eight score, but all for this
Countie was admitted, they are to sitt for 3 months."
This parliament was not dissolved till February 4th, 1658. The
Lord Protector died in September, 1658, and a parliament was
summoned for January 2yth, 1658-9. On this occasion there was a
reversion to the old number of representatives, namely, two knights
for the shire and two burgesses for the town of Northampton,
instead of six for the shire and one each for the boroughs of
Northampton and Peterborough. Francis Harvey was again elected
for Northampton, with James Southam as colleague. This parlia-
ment only sat for five weeks. Its successor met on May 6th, 1659,
and was not dissolved till March, 1660. Of this we can find no
local record.
A new parliament was summoned by General Monk for April
25th, 1660. For this parliament, which voted the restoration of
the monarchy on May day, Northampton returned Francis Harvey
and Richard Rainsford.
HH
498 NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
The assembly ordered, on June igth, 1660 : — " That this Towne
doe (unite) with any other Corporation of the Neighbourhood for
the maintenance and Continuance of their Constancie in the Choice
of Burgesses to serve in Parliament by the Mayor Bayliffs and
Burgesses " ; but the apparently usurped interference of the cor-
poration with parliamentary elections soon came to an end.
Freeman's History says that Mr. Harvey, the recorder and
member died in 1660, and that Sir John Norwich was chosen in
his place. He also states that the mayor, John Twigden, was
committed to the custody of the serjeant-at-arms, where he lay
several days, which cost him 403. a day, for making a false return
of members to serve in parliament. The order book records the
conferring of the freedom of the town on Sir John Norwich, knight
and baronet, on December 3rd, 1660, by the general consent of an
Assembly warned then to meet, " At which time there appeared
upon calling the howse, The Mayor, Foure Aldermen, Nyneteene
Bayliffs and thirty six of the xlviij Burgesses."
Sir James Langham was associated with Sir John Norwich in
the representation of Northampton in 1661. This was the Pension-
ary parliament, which sat for eighteen years. The election of this
year is the first of which the poll is on record, the choice being no
longer confined to the corporation, but placed in the hands of the
general body of the burgesses or householders. The numbers polled
were, Harvey 416, Langham 331, Norwich 252. The mayor, however,
made a false indenture of return, and on investigation the reputed
poll was upset, and Langham and Norwich declared duly elected,
In 1662, although there was no general election, the Northampton
seats appear to have been declared vacant, and Sir Charles
Compton and Richard Rainsford were returned unopposed. Sir
Charles, however, died before he had taken his seat, and Sir James
Langham was chosen in his place. Mr. Rainsford was also
speedily appointed one of the barons of the exchequer, and another
contest took place after a curious fashion, of which Hall's MS.
gives the following account : —
On March 7th 1662-3, Mr Mayor (Mr John Brafield) sent for his Serjeants and gave
them order to warn an Assembly for Monday March 9th, to meet at 9 o'clock for the
election of a burgess. When the assembly was met, Mr Mayor caused the town clerk
to read the precept, then did Mr Thornton and Mr Coilis ask the Mayor which way he
would proceed to Election if by the house they would have nothing to do in it, but Mr
Coilis gave an Item out of the Hall Window, and they without cried out a Hatton, and
then Mr Thornton and Mr Coilis with many others passed out of the House, and none
MEMBERS OF PARLIAMENT. 499
staid but those which were for Sir Wm Dudley, and the Indenture was drawn and
sigri'd and seal'd and deliver'd to the Town Clerk for the use of the Sheriff. But Mr
Hatton's party polled at the Cross and drew another Indenture and presented it to
the Sheriff, but the Sheriff (Sir Geo: Burwell) returned Sir Wm Dudley's Indenture,
and by that He sat in parliament. But Mr Hatton he procures a hearing before the
Committee of priviledges which was upon the 7th of April (1663), and many were
subpened upon both sides, so that when it came to a hearing, the Committee of
priviledges did give it for Mr Hatton agt Sir Wm Dudley and now Mr Hatton sits in
the parliament.
This statement is confirmed by two other MS. accounts that
we have seen, and which profess to be contemporary ; but Free-
man's History of Northampton says that when Mr. Rainsford
was promoted, there was a contest between Sir Henry Yelverton
and Sir John Howard, with the result of the eventual return of
Yelverton.
In 1670, Henry, Lord O'Brian, and William Fermor were
returned. Lord O'Brian died in 1678, and a contest took place,
with the result of the return of the Honourable Ralph Montague,
who polled 482 votes, against Sir William Temple's 155.
After a considerable number of uncontested returns, there was
a strenuous contest in 1708, when the numbers polled were,
Montague 732, Arundell 659, and Wykes 585. Mr. Arundell dying
in 1709, Mr. Wykes was elected in his room. In 1710 and 1713
the members returned were Messrs. Montague and Wykes, and in
1715 Messrs. Wilmer and Wykes. In 1722 Messrs. Montague and
Wilmer were returned.- In 1727 there was a contest, the members
returned being Hon. George Compton, Hon. Edward Montague.
The numbers polled were, Compton 971, Montague 936, Wilmer
724.
On October 5th, 1733, the assembly ordered the following address
to be presented to Hon. George Compton, M.P.
Sr We make Choice of this publique manner of returning our hearty Thanks for
your diligent and disinterested Attendance in Parliament, in which we have observed
with the greatest pleasure you've always distinguished yourself a true Patriot, And as
we have a just Aversion to all those whose Places and Pensions oblige them to favour
Schemes how detrimental soever they may be to Trade and destructive of Liberty, We
are determined (as far as in us lyes) in conjunction with our fellow Burgesses and
Householders to elect those for our representatives for the future whose fortunes are
independent and conduct so well approved that we can rely on their integrity.
'Tis for these reasons, Sr, we make our address to you to continue our Repre-
sentative, assuring you that all justifyable Measures shall be taken in order to secure
your Election and that of the Gentleman's who shall be judged proper to join you.
HH 2
500 NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
Your Complyance, Sr with this our Request will be highly acceptable to us, as we
are convinced by Experience (particularly on a late and most important occasion) that
you act with the utmost Zeal for the Interest of our Borough and the Welfare of the
Nation, And as that Noble Peer your Brother and his and your illustrious Ancestors
(who have in all ages distinguish'd themselves for their Loyalty and Fortitude) have
for a long Series of Years been at the head of our Magistracy, and as we have the
Honour to bear a kind of relation (inasmuch as the Place gives Title to your
Noble Family) you'll excuse us if we think we have in some measure a Right to be
represented by a Brother of the Earl of Northampton.
At the same assembly the thanks of the corporation were
voted, nemine contradicente, to Sir Justinian Ishain and Thomas
Cartwright, Esq., the representatives of the county " for their great
and signal services in Parliament, and particularly for their brave
and vigorous opposition to the pernicious Bill brought into the
House of Commons last Session for extending the Laws of Excise,"
and they were requested to accept the compliment of their names
being enrolled amongst the honorary freemen.
The bill here referred to was the famous Excise Bill introduced
by Walpole for the prevention of smuggling and the warehousing
of wine and tobacco, against which a storm of unreasoning opposi-
tion was speedily kindled.
Hall's MS. says : — " In this year (1734), a strong contested
election, the candidates wrere Major Compton Colonel Montague and
Wm. Wilmer Esq., and Lord Halifax had supported the latter,
but at this time had sent Col. Montague, who joined with Compton.
This gave great offence to the Whigs who nobly supported Mr.
Wilmer and gave him 500 single votes, but a corrupt corporation
made some hundreds honorary Freemen till they outpolled him.1'
The corporation of Northampton was at this time exclusively
Tory or Jacobite, and their own order book amply justifies the
application to it of the term " corrupt." Among the " justifiable
measures" adopted to secure the return of Messrs. Compton and
Montague, was the admission, on February I2th, 1733, of 161 gentle-
men of the county and of neighbouring counties to be freemen of the
town, " according to their several petitions in that behalfe and sworn
accordingly upon payment of the sum of three guineas a man at their
respective admissions with the accustomed fees." On March igth,
another batch of gentlemen, to the number of 172, the great majority
of whom were utter strangers to either the town or shire of North-
ampton, were added to the freemen's roll on a like payment. On
MEMBERS OF PARLIAMENT. 501
April gth, 63 more names were added under like conditions, yield-
ing a total of 396 false freemen made solely for election purposes !
The triumph of Messrs. Compton and Montague was, however,
of short duration, for on a petition being presented to the house,
Montague was unseated, and Wilmer declared duly returned in his
place. Freeman's History gives the following as the result of
this election, not even naming the making of the bogus freemen : —
Compton 973, Wilmer 965, Montague 875. We can only suppose
these are the figures eventually accepted by the House of Commons
after inquiry. We have nothing here to say as to the elections
of 1734, 1741, 1747, 1754, and 1761.
In 1740 the corporation took legal opinion as to the parliamentary
franchise of the town. It was then stated, as Mr. Murray's
opinion, that the right of election was confined to inhabitants
being householders, and that freemen who were non-resident were
disqualified. It was also stated that the receipt of alms was a
disqualification.
At the celebrated election of 1768, the corporation espoused the
cause of Sir George Osborne, and Sir George Rodney. Shortly
before the event they coolly obtained counsel's opinion " at the
expense of the town," as an election committee. Mr. Caldecott
the deputy recorder, gave it as his opinion that the distribution of
money or coals to the wives of persons entitled to vote, in the
names of Lord Northampton and Lord Halifax, amounted to bribery
under 2 George II. c. 24 ; that lodgers or inmates renting a room
could not vote ; and that all those who were upon any list for
receiving any public or private charity were disqualified.
The date of this opinion is October 5th, 1767, and on October
2ist, Mr. Caldecott's further advice was sought with the result
that the following interesting opinion was elicited : —
The last determination, 16 Charles II., as is expressly declared on the journals
of the House of Commons, says " that the inhabitants of the town of Northampton
being householders and not receiving alms are the proper electors." It seems to me
that from considering that determination, and that freemen had usually voted at
former elections, the doubt was made in 1734 whether the word proper ought to be
construed restrictive, and to mean the same as only proper electors, or whether as
freemen had before voted, they were not to be considered equally proper electors.
However, that doubt being submitted to the house, the right was not afterwards
insisted on in favour of the freemen, and the resolution of the house on that occasion
was consistent with the exclusion of the freeman's right of voting. I think such
proceedings in the House of Commons in 1734, an evidence to show that the sense
502 NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
of that House then was that freemen had no right of voting for burgesses for the
town of Northampton. I am therefore of opinion that freemen resident or non-
resident, not being householders, are not entitled to vote for burgesses. I see no
impropriety in such a construction of the last determination of the House of Com-
mons, for it may be observed, on perusing the Charter of Charles II., the King
grants to the town of Northampton to be a free town and a body corporate and
politick, and to be named by the Mayor Bailiffs and Burgesses, and therefore free-
men as such only are not thereby named or considered as part of the body
corporate, but inhabitants being part of the town, are also part of the body corporate
and proper persons to elect burgesses.
Mr. Caldecott was further of opinion that the receiving of
sacrament money on account of poverty was no disqualification for
the franchise.
On December igth, 1767, the corporation took Mr. Dunning's
opinion on another question relative to the franchise. They required
to know whether "the tenants and occupiers of such barns lately
converted into dwelling houses, if filled with house keepers before
the next election, be entitled to vote at the next general election
of Members of Parliament at the said town, or can the returning
officers safely refuse taking their votes, and if good voters, how
long before the said election must they have been housekeepers,
and is it advisable or not for the said joint candidates (Osborne
and Rodney) to persue the same measures as are persued by the
said other candidates of converting barns etc. into dwelling houses
and filling them with their friends ? " Mr. Dunning rejoined that
such a manner of increasing votes appeared to him to be a fraud,
and would not avail either party.
The poll for the election to which these various opinions referred
began on March I7th, and ended on April ist, 1768. The candidates
favoured by the corporation were Sir George Osborne, Bart., who
was nephew to the Earl of Halifax, and Sir George Brydges
Rodney, Bart., afterwards Lord Rodney. The independent candi-
date was the Hon. Thomas Howe, brother to Viscount Howe.
Among the Phillipps' MSS. recently dispersed, was the minute
book of this poll, taken by Messrs. Adams and Ward during the
election, beautifully written in a minute hand, with an alphabetical
index of the electors polled. Through the courtesy of Mr. Crick,
its present owner, this book has been placed in our hands. It
affords a complete picture of elections after the old style, when
every elector on entering the booth was liable to be examined and
cross-examined by counsel as to his right to the franchise, whilst
MEMBERS OF PARLIAMENT. 503
various witnesses to substantiate or invalidate his claims were
frequently heard This was the cause of the long continued polls.
Only sixteen votes were recorded on the opening day of the
Northampton poll.
The mayor and the two bailiffs sat as returning officers, with
the deputy recorder by their side Three barristers, Messrs.
Graham, Hett, and Phillipps, appeared as counsel for Mr. Howe,
and two, Messrs. Hopper and Murphy, for Osborne and Rodney.
The opening statement of the minute book is as follows :—
As the Mayor was coming to the Poll Booth Mr Parker called to us to take Notice
that the Mayor was parading across the Market Hill to the Booth with Colours of Sir
Geo: Osborne and Sir Geo: Rodney which (we observed) were Yellow and Blue Flags
with the following Inscriptions " Watts and Liberty," " Toleration and Peace," " Friends
to the Poor and Trade." Also Observed that the Constables' Staffs attending the
Mayor were Ornamented with Orange Colour and Blue Ribbons (being the same
Colours worn by the friends and Voters of Sir Geo: Osborne and Sir Geo: Rodney)
tho' the Staffs of the Constables who attended Mr Howes side of the Booth were not
ornamented at all. The Mayor and Bailiffe being seated in the Booth with Mr Howe
on one side and Sir Geo: Osborne and Sir Geo: Rodney on the other Proclamation
was made and the Town Clerk read the precept.
The following are among the more remarkable incidents of the
polling : —
Daniel Lynch, weaver, refused to take the oath of allegiance
and supremacy, and was thereupon rejected.
John Hickman, confectioner, claimed to vote for a house in Gold
street, of which Mr. Cox was the landlord ; the mayor declined to
wait for Cox's evidence, and ordered the man to be polled; he
polled Osborne and Rodney. At that instant Cox entered, and
gave evidence the voter was not his tenant. " Some clamour and
hissing arising on Mr Howe's side of the Booth at this man being
polled, Mr Murphy said ' If you are for a riot, I will riot with any
of you.' "
James Perceval, gardener, stated in the booth that the party of
Osborne and Rodney had offered him thirty guineas for his vote.
On William Reynolds being polled, whilst Mr. Graham was
contending that it was a case of occasional residence, the returning
officer refused to hear counsel or his evidence any further, and
entered the vote ; this was but a sample of several like cases.
Edwin Linnell, shoemaker, acknowledged that he came to St.
Giles' street only three weeks before, to make a vote, and the
mayor allowed it, and he polled Osborne and Rodney.
504 NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
John Fretter, barber, of Market hill, who appeared in a sailor's
dress, said that he had taken the house on December 2ist, that he
was a barber and perruque-maker, and intended to hang out his
pole the next day.
John Wright, gardener, appeared on the first day of the poll
much in liquor, and appealed to the mayor as the guardian of the
electors, saying that " fetters, chains, and prisons may restrain the
body, but cannot restrain the mind/' He declined to poll, and
the mayor said if he did not poll then he could not come again.
On a subsequent day, however, he did appear, when it was stated
that he had made an affidavit that Althorp had been made into
a prison, where he was detained. On examination he stated that
" he was taken in a post chaise to Althorpe and lived very well
there, that he wanted to come home and was coming home in
a post chaise and was stopped ; two or three days after he was
brought in a post chaise and taken to Mr Revels, and was told he
must vote for Mr Howe and Howe only ; said Lord Spencer came
to him and told him he must vote for Mr Howe, said he thought
he could not vote for anybody else, said he walked about the park
as -free as he pleased." The vote was rejected.
Samuel Dent came in with the colours of Osborne and Rodney,
got his vote allowed under doubtful circumstances, and then polled
Howe ! This strategy was repeated by another voter, Thomas
Turner, and with like success.
Richard Trout acknowledged to having said in the previous week
that "they (Osborne and Rodney) gave him a guinea a week as a
runner, but he had no more vote than a hog " ; the vote was
allowed.
The arguments adduced during the fourteen days' polling usually
turned on the questions of joint tenancy, colourable occupation, and
receipt of charity or doles.
The following is a list of the occupations of the voters whose
claims were argued in the polling booths :—
Apothecary, i Glazier, 2 Plasterer, i
Baker, 8 Grocer, i Plumber, i
Barber, 9 Hatter, 3 Porter, 3
Basket-maker, i Hemp-dresser, i Post-boy, 4
Blacksmith, 2 Higler, i Printer, 2
Bookbinder, i Hillier, 4 Sadler, i
Brazier, 4 Horsebreaker, 3 Sawyer, 4
Breeches-maker, 5 Horse-dealer, 3 Scrivener, 2
MEMBERS OF PARLIAMENT.
5°5
Brickmaker, 2
Broom-maker, i
Butcher, 14
Carpenter, 19
Clerk (Revd.), I
Coachmaker, 4
Coachman, 2
Collar-maker, I
Confectioner, I
Cooper, 6
Cordwainer, 2
Cork-cutter, 2
Currier, 6
Cutler, 2
Drummer, i
Exciseman, I
Farmer, 2
Farrier, 3
Fellmonger, 6
Fishmonger, i
Flaxdresser, 3
Founder, I
Gardener, 8
Huntsman, i
Innholder, 5
Joiner, 2
Labourer, 55
Laceman, i
Leather-dresser, i
Lieutenant, i
Maltster, 2
Mason, II
Mat-maker, 2
Merchant, 2
Millwright, I
Miller, 2
Musician, i
Nailer, 3
Oatmeal-man, i
Ostler, i
Painter, 2
Papermaker, 2
Parchment-maker,
Pensioner, I
Permit Writer, i
Pipemaker, 3
Serjeant of Militia, 8
Servants, I
Shepherd, i
Shoemaker, 92
Shopkeeper, 5
Slater, i
Smith, 5
Staymaker, 2
Tailor, 26
Tanner, 4
Tapster at the Peacock, i
Fireman, i
Turner, 2
Usher, 4
Waiter at the Angel, i
Wax-maker, 2
Weaver, 53
Whitesmith, 2
Wine-cooper, I
Wool-comber, 23
Wool-sorter, 2
Wool-stapler, 3
The graphic account of this memorable election, written at
the time by Mr. Joseph Hall in his MS. book, has not hitherto
been published : —
In this year there was the most violent contested Election ever known in this or
any other Borough. The Lords Northampton and Halifax had for many years each
sent his Man. This year the former named Sir George Rodney, ye latter Sir George
Osborne, who were opposed by Sir James Langham at first, and afterwards by the
Honble Mr Thos Howe. Before Sir Jas. Langham declined, one night the two Lords
accompanied by their friends paraded the Town with torches etc as was frequent.
They met some of Langham's party and from words soon came to blows, and then ye
two Lords, two Sir Georges, with ye Mayor and a large party issued from the Red
Lyon armed with bludgeons to go to the George to be revenged on the other party,
where they fought the people there assembled and broke the windows. Their fears or
resentment were so high that they sent that night for their tenants and dependants.
Accordingly next morning some hundreds of countrymen armed with sticks and
bludgeons entered the town and matters were becoming very serious, but by the very
spirited exertions of Lord Spencer (who had espoused Sir James Langham's cause),
they were sent away that afternoon, to the great joy of the inhabitants. Very soon
after this Sir Jas., either thro' cowardice, fear, or had been tampered with, suddenly
declined when there was an apparent majority in his favour on the Canvass. Upon
this L: Spencer soon after recommended Mr Howe, and the contest was carried on
at an enormous expense. Each voter that would had 12, 14, or 50 guineas, some
506 NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
;£ioo to ^"500. The single article of Ribbands cost ^6000. On the whole it was
computed ,£160,000 was expended on both sides. At the close of the poll, which
continued about 14 Days, the Numbers by the Mayor was declared to be as follows,
Sir George Rodney and Osborne 611, Honble Mr Thos Howe 538, Majority 73. But
it did not end here, for the evident partiality of the Returning Officers (especially
Gibson one of the Bailiffs) were so clear as justifyed L: Spencer to take a step
which had near sent them to Newgate, an appeal to the House of Commons, where
Mr Howe was declared sitting Member, and the two Sir Georges toss'd 5 Guineas in a
Hat which should be the other and Rodney got it. Lord Northampton was sometime
afterward obliged to leave the Kingdom not being able to make good his payments,
and was so embarrass'd in his affairs that he was not yet (1785) returned, and Lord
Halifax who had been the greatest benefactor the Town ever had was so much shocked
at its Ingratitude that it was supposed to have preyed upon his Spirits untill the time
of his death which happened about three years afterwards. Lord Spencer founded
a Charity School for cloathing and educating 40 Boys belonging to the Town, their
Cloathes were chocolate colour and white Buttons. The total number polled was
1149, there were 169 Shoemakers polled on both sides.
In corroboration of this statement as to the universality of
bribing at this election, it may be mentioned that at the opening
of the poll both sides agreed that the oath as to bribery should
not be administered to any voters !
Among the miscellaneous papers is a list in the town clerk's
handwriting, of " Members of the Corp: of Northampton in the
Interest of Sr Geo: Osborne and Sr George Rodney." The list
includes the mayor, nine aldermen, eighteen bailiffs, and twenty
six of the burgesses.
Tied up with a bundle of comparatively modern election papers,
there are several proclamations of the latter half of the eighteenth
century. The following is a transcript of the one for the election
of 1768:—
Oyez, Oyez, Oyez,
The Mayor and Bailiffs of this Town and Borough, having yesterday received a
Precept from Thomas Powys Esquire Sheriff of this county for electing two Burgesses
of and for this Town and Borough, to serve in a certain Parliament, to be holden at
the City of Westminster, on the tenth day of may next ensuing, This is to give Notice
to all persons concerned and interested in the said Election, that the said Mayor and
Bailiffs intend to proceed to the said Election on Thursday next at eight of the
Clock, in the Forenoon of the same day, at a certain Booth intended to be erected
for that purpose upon the Market Hill in the said Town at or near the Market
Cross there.
God save the King.
It is thus endorsed: —
MEMBERS OF PARLIAMENT. 507
13th March 1768 Proclaimed the within Notice at the Market Cross, at the
upper end of the Drapery, the Middle of the Drapery, at the George Corner, and
the Wood Hill in the presence of Thos Breton Esqr Mayor, and John Newcome,
and Wm Gibson Bailiffs.
J- J-
"J. J." are the initials of the town clerk, who at that time
made all proclamations on the part of the mayor. Other endorse-
ments show that the five places in the chequer ward for making
proclamation were the customary ones.
The endorsement on the proclamation of September 3rd, 1780,
reads as above, but in addition it is stated that " the Cryer, Mace
Bearer, Serjts and peace officers attended, but not in any of their
formalities, save the Cryer with his Staff and the peace officers
with their staffs."
The following extracts as to subsequent parliamentary elections
are from Hall's MS. :—
1774. This year was a General Election the Candidates were Hon: Wilbraham
Tollemache who came in Mr Howe's room he being dead, Sir Geo: Robinson who was
approved by a numerous Assembly but one Mr Drummond who solicited and expected
the Northampton Interest as it was call'd did not appear ; as the Debts were not paid
and some other Affronts put on the Town but to the surprize of evrybody Sir Jas:
Langham who had left his friends in the Lurch before suddenly appeared as a
Candidate but he made a very poor figure on the poll the numbers being as follows
Tollemarche 786
Robinson ... 692
Langham ... ... 266
1781. At an election this year Lord Lucan chosen in the room of Lord Althorpe
who resign'd having been chosen Knight of the shire for Surrey.
1783. This year there was a General Election when Lord Compton and Lord
Lucan were nominated Candidates but such was the spirit of party such the
Ingratitude of the Town of Northampton such their dislike to encourage their
only Friend and such their hatred to Lord Spencer that they nominated one
Trotman (a Ribband weaver who had lately had some money left him) to oppose
Lord Lucan his Father in Law, at the close of the poll the numbers were as
follows the Coalition was this which had some effect, to which Lord Spencer had
consented. (Sic.)
Lord Compton ... 823
Trotman .. ... 500
Lord Lucan ... ... 436
N.B. — Trotman was obliged to leave the Town and Lord Spencer withdrew some
of his favours and the school that he supported was dropt.
1790. This year there was a general Election Mr Trotman the late Member retired
for he soon found it a situation unfit for him. The Candidates were Lord Compton
and the Hon: Ed Bouverie it was at first thought they would have been elected without
508 NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
opposition But Col: Manners suddenly appeared as the ministerial Candidate although
he was very lavish of Mony the Town resisted his pretensions as appeared by the
state of the Poll which ended June 2ist 1790
Lord Compton ... 822
Hon: Ed Bouverie 599
Col: Manners ... 265
334 Majority for Mr Bouverie
1796. About the middle of April very soon after the Earl of Northampton who
had resided many years in Switzerland died, Lord Compton thereby became a Peer
Mr Percival was chosen our Representative without opposition. In two or three
weeks after Parliament was dissolved when a sharp contest took place, for the
Corporation were offended with Mr Bouverie for presenting the Town petition to
the King to that degree that they avowedly supported Mr Walcott Junr of Oundle
beside Mr Percival who was Lord Northampton's Man, these both being for the
Ministerial party were supported accordingly by all the dependents and adherents
of the Court and Corporation and no pains and expense were spared. Militia Men
who had votes were sent from Bristol with instructions who to vote for, every effort
was tried with bad Votes, yet the Independency of the Town was superior to all,
for at the close of the Poll which began May 25th and ended on the 3Oth 1796 Mr
Bouverie was declared duely elected the state of the Poll was for
Total number Mr Percival ... ... 720
polled 991 Mr Bouverie ... 512 264 single votes
Mr Walcot ...... 474
1800. Mr Percival being made Solicitor General vacated his seat in Parliament
and was re-elected without opposition Feb: 2 Ist 1801.
1802. Mr Percival being made Attorney General vacated his seat in Parlia-
ment and was re-elected without Opposition April 1802. And in June the Parliament
was dissolved but the spirit of party having much subsided A General Election
did not cause any agitation here Mr Bouverie and Mr Percival were returned without
opposition July 4th 1802.
1806. This year Parliament was dissolved Mr Bouverie and Mr Percival were
returned Members for the Town without opposition.
1807. In the spring of this year a change of the Ministry unexpectedly took
Place and Mr Percival was made Chancellor of the Exchequer which vacated his
seat he was re-elected April 8th 1807.
. And Parliament was dissolved in the Month of May There was no opposition
for this Town although great efforts were made to procure a person to oppose Mr
Bouverie. An Inflammatory cry of ' No Popery ' had little effect here it was raised
by the friends of the New Ministry to answer party purposes. They carried an
Address to the King with the Utmost Violence and Indecency but it answered no
good end for the Town and the County returned the same Members. Mr Bouverie
and Mr Percival were returned May 5th and the County Members Lord Althorp and
Mr Cartwright May 14th 1807.
MEMBERS OF PARLIAMENT. 509
1810. Sep: 23d The Hon: Ed: Bouverie died and Wm Hanbury Esqr was chosen
Member of Parliament for this Town without any opposition Oct: i8th 1810 Mr
Bouverie left the character of a very upright assiduous and Independent Man.
1812. May IIth Mr Percival was by an infuriated assassin shot in the lobby of
the House of Commons a more foul and Villainous murder was scarcely ever
perpetrated, and the nation very generally exhibited marks of the utmost horror,
and in consequence Lord Compton was unanimously chosen one of our represen-
tatives in his room.
1812. Parliament was dissolved Sep: 28th and our Town election took place
Oct: 5th when Earl Compton and Wm Hanbury Esqr were elected without opposition.
1814. Wm Hanbury Esqr March 24th 1815 Sent a letter to the town saying
that he should not offer himself again to serve us in Parliament this was occasioned
by the resentment shown by several for his not supporting the petition against the
Corn Bill he stayed away from the house of Commons. Lord Compton more bold
after having presented the petition voted against the prayer thereof, what will the
Town say to him ?
1816. A dissolution of Parliament drawing near Sir George Robinson commenced
a canvass but Mr Hanbury's Friends did the same for him but he had promised
not to oppose Sir George and he requested his friends to desist. Soon after Mr
Maberley who had been solicited appeared and a sharp contest ensued. It was in
the Month of Jan: 1818 that Sir George began an open canvass Mr Hanbury's
friends then began one for him and with every appearance of success but it soon
appeared that he had thoughtlessly gave his word not to oppose Sir G: and by
letter desired that no further steps should be taken in his behalf (I then declined
all future efforts on my part) but a strong party being formed, they invited Mr
Maberly who recommended his son Cap1 Maberly and for four months great
exertions and treating giving money by the week to the voters was continued and
parading the town with Musick and very great numbers of flags untill June 8th
when things took a new turn for Mr Maberly and Son with Sir Edward Kerrison
came and on convening a few friends informed them that the Cap1 Maberly was
not quite of age and therefore was ineligible and recommended Sir Edward to their
notice. Mr Maberly also stated that several acts of bribery had been committed.
Sir Edward Kerrison was approved and began canvassing and the contest went on
with equal spirit, and a Poll commenced on June 6th in tallies of 10 for each
candidate but proceeded very slow owing to many frivilous and long examinations
and speeches of the Counsil. On the fourth evening a great riot took place in
Mercers Row. Sir George's party instigated by one John Hayes began a furious
attack on their opponents with stones and pebbles, obtained by tearing up the
paving, and several were injured, but the Town Clerk read the Riot Act three
times, and the mob dispersed. Afterwards the poll was protracted until the 3oth
of June. Some of the latter days there was but about 20 votes polled in the day,
but it closed on the above day, and although a great many votes were rejected, yet
the number polled was some hundreds more than were polled before as appears
thus. Total number polled was 1,287.
510 NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
310 Shoemakers. Compton 815 13 single votes.
Kerrison 666 19 single votes.
220 Robinson Robinson 639 413 single votes.
90 Kerrison
Majority 27 for Kerrison.
Sir George Robinson in several advertizments has complained of the Corporation
about the St. Thomas' money that he shall appeal to the House of Commons, but
I think he will discover that such an appeal will be futile and useless and not
attempt it.
Jan. 29th 1820. King George 3d died and a dissolution of Parliament
being certain Captain Maberly came and began a canvass about Feb. 2(1 Lord
Compton and Sir George Robinson about the 8th of that month, but all was still,
no ribbands flags or liquor was given and so it proceeded untill a Poll commenced
in a large booth so constructed that while the Poll went on on one side, the dis-
puted votes were investigated on the other, this method promoted the polling and
brot it much sooner to a close, it began March yth and ended on the IIth, but Sir
G. Robinson and Captain Maberley were not chair'd untill the 13th, the IIth being
Market-day. The defeat of Lord Compton has been ascribed to various causes,
perhaps a disagreement about the expenses of the last election laid the foundation,
it has also been said that Lord Compton giving only 53. to his poorer voters last
election when it was over, while the others gave £i each, and Maberly gave ,£5 to
those who gave him single votes, it is also said that there was bad management
on the part of his Lordship's Committee and it appears that there was no great
hostility between the two successfull candidates perhaps all these united to cause
this unexpected event. Lord Compton's friends shewn uncommon respect in
attending his Lordship from the Town. The number polled was greater than ever.
The Town was much increased but it was thought many were admitted to poll
that ought not. At the final close the numbers were declared to be for
Sir George Robinson 903 single votes 381
Captain Maberley 783 single votes -97
Lord Compton ., 622 single votes 75
Majority for Maberley 161 for Robinson 281
Previous to the general election of 1826, the corporation party
had much difficulty in finding a candidate to come forward in the
Tory interest, on account of the great expense of recent elections.
In March a deputation waited on Sir Robert Gunning asking him
to stand, but he declined. On May 26th an extraordinary and
unprecedented resolution was brought before the assembly, where-
by they pledged themselves to find £1000 towards the expenses of
a suitable candidate. A second deputation then waited upon Sir
Robert Gunning, with the result that he complied with their
request. The poll opened on June I2th, and closed on the 2oth,
MEMBERS OF PARLIAMENT. 51 1
with the following result, Robinson 1348, Maberley 1137, Gunning
1005.
The assembly of January I5th, 1827, ordered that a sum not
exceeding £1000 to be paid out of the corporation funds, "to be
applied under the direction of the following gentlemen viz1 Aid.
Smithson, Aid. Phipps, Aid. Henfrey, Aid. George Osborne, junr,
and Mr Mulliner or any three of them towards paying the ordinary
legal expenses of one of the Candidates at the late Election and in
indemnifying the Returning Officers from any loss which they
may ultimately incur in erecting the Poll Booth and in retaining
and paying the Deputy Recorder for his attendance as the Assessor
to the Returning Officers. "
This was in pursuance of a motion to the same effect, of which
notice had been given by Mr. Justice Holt at the assembly of May
26th, 1826.
At the assembly of August 7th, 1828, Mr. Justice Holt moved
for the production of an affidavit made by Alderman William
Brown, and filed in the court of King's Bench, at Westminster, in
a case lately depending against George Cooke for writing and
publishing an alleged libel on the mayor, recorder, and othe1"
justices. An office copy of the affidavit was produced and read to
the house, and entered on the minutes. We give it in a condensed
form. Alderman Brown, who was mayor of Northampton, 1813-15,
declares on oath that Alderman Holt, shortly before the late general
election, gave notice of a motion that £1000 should be spent on
the expenses of a candidate in the ministerial interest ; that the
mayor there and then, so strong was the feeling of the meeting,
contrary to all precedent, put the motion to the vote, and only one
hand was held up against it ; that immediately after a meeting of
the friends of the corporation was held at the Dolphin, when Messrs.
Markham, Castell, and Phipps were requested to go to London to
find a candidate ; that previously (in March) a deputation had
waited on Sir R. H. Gunning, to endeavour to prevail on him to
be their candidate, but that he had then declined ; that the second
deputation communicated to Sir R. H. Gunning the £1000 reso-
lution, and that he believes the baronet would not otherwise have
become a candidate ; that when Alderman Holt first proposed his
motion not one word was said about " legal " expenses, or retaining
the deputy recorder, but that it having got about the town that
£1000 had been voted, which made a great sensation, the wording
512 NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
of the motion had been altered ; that he believes that the voting
of £1000 for electioneering purposes was " a gross violation and
flagrant misapplication of the money, and an unlawful interference
in the election of Members to serve in Parliament, an infringement
upon the rights and franchises of the Electors, and contrary to the
ways and privilege of Parliament and quite illegal " ; that since
the last election the major part of the corporation hath shown and
show the greatest animosity to the friends of Sir George Robinson
and Colonel Maberly ; and even in distributing charities refer to
the poll book and refuse to allow them to participate ; that the
administration of justice at quarter sessions has been prejudiced ;
and that there is the greatest animosity shown to Mr. George
Cooke, the author of the alleged libel in the Times, because he
was a supporter of Robinson and Maberly.
After hearing the affidavit, the house resolved that " it cannot
but regret that one of its members who has served the highest
office should make an Affidavit which appears to this House
extremely improper and incorrect and that in having done so he
merits the censure of this House." The town clerk was ordered
to communicate the resolution to Alderman Brown.
In 1832 Alderman Brown wrote a letter of regret as to the
serious misunderstandings that had existed between him and the
corporation in a time of high excitement. Whereupon the assembly
rescinded the resolution of 1823, and Mr. Brown was restored to
all his privileges as an alderman.
This scandalous use of money for electioneering purposes from
corporation funds was strongly commented upon by the commissioners
of 1835 in their report on Northampton.
In 1830 the representation of the town was again contested by
Sir George Robinson, Sir R. H. Gunning, and Charles Hill, Esq.
The result of the poll, which lasted three days, was, Robinson
1376, Gunning 1315, and Hill 566.
In May, 1831, there was yet another contested election; the
candidates were Sir George Robinson, Sir R. H. Gunning, Robert
Vernon, Esq., and James Lyon, Esq. The result, after a scrutiny
was, Robinson 1570, Smith 1279, Gunning 1157, Lyon 185.
SECTION FOURTEEN.
TOPOGRAPHICAL.
ABBOT'S MEADOW— ABINGTON STREET — AUSTIN LANE — BALLS LANE— BALMESHOLM
LANE — BEARWARD STREET — BELL BARN LANE — BAILIFFS HOOK — BLACK FRIARS LANE
— BRIDGE STREET — BUTCHERS ROW — CAP LANE — THE CHEQUER — COLLEGE STREET —
Cow LANE — CRACKBELLE LANE — DERNGATE — THE DRAPERY — DRUM LANE — DY-
CHURCH STREET — FENNELL WELL — FETTER LANE — FLESHMONGER STREET THE
FRIARIES— THE GLOVERY — GoBION LANE— THE GUT — GYSELGOT — HERMITAGES —
HOGMARKET LANE— THE HORSEMARKET — HORSESHOE LANE — IviE LANE — KlNG
STREET — KNIGHT STREET — LADY LANE — MARVELLS MILL — MAREHOLD — MERCERS
ROW — MOUNTSORREL — NEWLAND— NORTH STREET — NUNS WELL — QUART POT LANE
— PlKE LANE — ROOD-IN-THE-WALL — ST. GlLES* STREET— ST. GEORGE'S ROW — ST.
JOHN'S LANE — ST. LEONARD'S STREET — ST. MARTIN'S STREET — ST. MARY'S STREET
— SCARLETWELL LANE — SHEEP STREET — SlLVER STREET - SMEREKERNEREROWE —
SWINEWELL STREET — THREE POTS LANE THE TOWER — WEST STREET — WOOD
STREET — WOOD HILL — WOOLMONGER STREET.
II
TOPOGRAPHICAL. 515
TOPOGRAPHICAL.
/CONSIDERABLE care has been taken in the preparation of a
^ plan of old Northampton, based upon Speed's small plan of
1610, to illustrate the sites of the old buildings of importance, both
civil and ecclesiastical, and to show the general run of the streets.
The old town walls of about 1300, demolished in 1660, are marked,
as well as the probable line of the smaller enclosure of the Anglo-
Norman walls. The producing this plan has been a work of much
labour, and has been faithfully carried out by Mr. G. Turland
Goosey. The writer of this volume has had the advice and kindly
help of several capable townsmen in its preparation, but he alone
is responsible for the form it assumes and for the identification of
sites and streets. A certain amount is conjectural, but nothing has
been put down without carefully weighing all the citations of special
places. The greatest dependance has been placed upon deeds or
court decrees. Many of the latter, of the sixteenth and seventeenth
centuries, are among the two great volumes of the orders of assembly,
but there are also many hundreds of far earlier Northampton deeds
at the British Museum and at the Public Record Office.
In this section very brief explanations are offered of most of
the places marked on the plan, and referred to throughout this
volume.
Abbot 's Meadow was an important tract of pasturage on the
further side of the river to the west of the town. It was held by
the corporation on a long lease in the sixteenth century, and they
vainly attempted to obtain permanent possession of it during the
Commonwealth Prior to the dissolution of monasteries, it belonged
to the Abbey of St. James
Abington Street. This is one of the earliest mentioned streets
of the town, there being several references to it in thirteenth
century deeds. It naturally took its name from the parish just
outside the liberties of Northampton to which it led. Previous to
the enlargement of the town, it was, of course, of much shorter
length. If our surmise as to Derngate being the original east
I I 2
516 NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
gate of the town is correct, there must still have been, in all
probability, a postern gate where this street terminated ; otherwise
its name would have been distinctly misleading.
Austin Lane was the name of the road or passage to the south
of the house of the Austin Friars (see Friaries). It probably
formed a communication between Kingswell street and Horseshoe
lane. Augustine street, which is now the continuation of Com-
mercial street to Gas street, occupies somewhat the same position.
It does not seem to have obtained that name till the beginning of
the present century, but it was doubtless so called from the former
residence of the Austin Friars on this site.
Balls Lane. This was a narrow lane abutting on St. Katha-
rine's churchyard. It is mentioned as a boundary in several early
town evidences. The lane was done away with by order of the
assembly in 1610, and its area added to the churchyard.
Balmesholm Lane led from a conjunction of small streets to the
south of the churches of SS. Peter and Gregory, to the postern
gate communicating with Marvell's mill and the adjacent meadows.
It was sometimes termed Marvell's lane.
Rearward Street is one of the oldest thoroughfares in the
town, and connects Sheep street with Marehold. Bears were at one
time numerous in Britain. They continued in the north of Eng-
land, including the Peak district, and some parts of Wales as late
as the eighth century, and in the wilder districts of the south up
to the Norman conquest In the time of the Anglo-Saxons bears
were first kept for the rough sport of baiting; the official in
charge of the beasts was termed the bearward
Bell Barn Lane occupied in old days somewhat the same
position as the present Bellbarn street, which connects Grafton
street with St. Andrew street. Bell barn was a large barn per-
taining to St. Andrew's priory, and is mentioned several times in
the chartulary of the priory, as well as in Northampton deeds.
Doubtless it had its name from a bell swinging in a gable turret.
Two or three of the great mediaeval tithe barns still extant in
the west of England have bell turrets ; the bell would probably be
used for labour signals.
Bailiffs' Hook was a piece of meadow land on the further side
of the river beyond the south bridge, which was from an early
date the special property of the two bailiffs of Northampton, as
distinct from the rest of the corporation.
TOPOGRAPHICAL. 517
Blackfriars1 Lane bounded the house of the Dominicans (see
Friaries) on the south, proceeding from the Horsemarket towards
the castle. It occupied much the same position as the present
Castle street.
Friars' Gate is mentioned as a boundary in a thirteenth century
deed somewhere in this part of the town, and was possibly the last
named lane, or it may have denoted a postern gate from the castle
precincts in the direction of the Black Friary.
Bridge Street. We have not met with this street name
earlier than the fourteenth century, and are inclined to think that
the new and straightened thoroughfare of that name, from the
south gate to the centre of the town, was not made until the
enlargement of the town, about 1300, when Bridge street took
the place of Kingswell street as a highway of the first importance.
Butchers' Row was the name given to the series of movable
butchers' stalls or shambles in the Market square. These stalls,
which were for a long time a fruitful source of contention between the
butchers and corporation, after the great fire numbered eighty-four,
namely, thirty-nine called the west row, forty-two in the east row,
and three at the top. The old site for these stalls was undoubtedly
on the west side of the Chequer, but at one period (though
apparently only for a short time) they were immediately in front
of the Peacock on the opposite side.
Cap Lane or Cappe Lane was the name of a lane or narrow
street in the north ward, which ran at right angles to Silver
street, and formed a continuation of King street into the sheep
market. It nearly corresponded to the present Bradshaw street.
The Chequer. When the town was extended and replanned in
1300, the new Market place was given the name of the Chequer. At
all events, we have not met with this word in conjunction with
Northampton until that period. It gave the name of Chequer
ward to the fifth municipal division, the town having previously
consisted of only four wards, named after the points of the
compass. A good deal has been written that is altogether beside
the mark with regard to the connection of this term wdth the
offices of the king's exchequer, which were transferred here for a
short time in the reign of John. Others have supposed that the
term was connected with Northampton's privilege of having a
mint. It would require a short essay to enter into even the
briefest explanation of the terms chequer and exchequer ; suffice it
518 NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
here to say that there is no necessary connection between the two
in a town name. .Several market places or other quadrangles in
England were known as the Chequer, which simply denoted an
open square.
College Street. College street or lane with Silver street formed
the connecting link between the Marehold and Kingswell street.
Previous to 1300, this name was unknown, Silver street joining
Gold street at right angles. This street took its name from the
house of the collegiate clergy of All Saints, founded in the
fourteenth century, and not from the brief-lived university of the
older town. The collegiate residence was of sufficient importance
to deprive the southern half of Silver street of its former name.
Conduit Head on the site of St. Andrew's hospital, the
Great Conduit on the lower side of the Market square, and the
Little Conduit at the south west angle of All Saints' churchyard,
are all marked on the plan, and have been sufficiently explained in
the previous sections.
Cornhill. The upper, or north side, of the Market square,
now called the Parade, was reserved in the old days for the sale
of corn. The whole of that frontage seems to have usually gone
by this name. Occasionally we meet with documentary evidence
as to Barley hill, Rye hill, and Wheat hill. By Rye hill, in one
document of the later Elizabethan days, is clearly meant the north
east corner of the Market square, communicating with Newland.
Perhaps, at one time, the Cornhill may have been sub-divided into
standing ground for the respective sales of wheat, barley, and rye.
Cow Lane. This was the name of one of the oldest of the
smaller thoroughfares, and occurs in various documents pertaining
to the Anglo-Norman town. It was the route by which the bur-
gesses drove their stall fed cows, at certain periods of the year,
for pasturage in the Old Cow Meadow to the south of the town.
It communicated, in both the Anglo-Norman and subsequent days,
by a small gate called the Cow Gate, with the pasture land. It is
much to be regretted, that, through a foolish yearning after grander
titles, the town council has recently changed this ancient name,
which is older than their oldest charter, to "Swan Street." The
particular name that they chose is singularly unfortunate, so far
as the old history of the borough is concerned, for the Swan inn,
now at the head of this street, is modern ; whereas there was an
ancient Swan inn and Swan yard in quite another part of the
TOPOGRAPHICAL. 519
town. The corporation swans, as has been elsewhere remarked,
were kept on the stretch of water by Marvell's mill, and this
was also in another direction.
The unsavoury sounding boundary of Cowmucke Hille, is men-
tioned in a town deed, temp. Edward II., and seems, from the
context, to have marked what was perhaps an open space half
way up the Cow lane.
Crackbelle Lane was a continuation of Fetter lane to the east
of St. John's Hospital. At an early date it became absorbed in
an extension of the hospital precincts. The jury at the inquisition
of 1275 report an encroachment on their lane by the master. It
is frequently mentioned in early deeds, and is sometimes spelt
Crackbowe lane, and sometimes Crackbowle, but Crackbelle is not
only the most likely but the most often used spelling.
Derngate. As has been already explained, up to 1300, this
seems to have been merely the title for one of the principal town
gates, and is supposed to have derived its name from the Celtic
word for water. The street now known as Derngate used to be
known by the less pleasant sound of Swinewell street.
The Drapery. In the time of Edward II., the buildings now
known by this name were called the New Drapery, thus affording
one of the many cumulative proofs of the new laying out of the town
at the beginning of that century. Mercers' Row is frequently
spoken of, even as late as Stuart times, as the Old Drapery. If
the drapers had been established on both sides of this thoroughfare,
it would undoubtedly have been termed Draper street ; but the
Drapers only occupied the west side. The opposite side, which
was of shorter length, and broken up by several approaches to
the Market square, was called the Glovery.
Drum Lane. The short narrow street from Mercers' row to
the south east corner of the Market square, bore this name in the
sixteenth century. Here was situated an old public house called
The Drums, from which it probably took the name.
Dy church Street or lane bore this name in the sixteenth cen-
tury, when it is described as Dychurch or Dichers lane. Dychurch
seems to have been a corruption of Dichers. At all events it bore
the name of Dichers lane in the fifteenth century. Another alias
for the same road was Groape or Grope lane.
Fennell Well is a boundary mentioned in several town records
520 NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
of the sixteenth century. It was in the west ward, near the castle,
but its site has not yet been identified.
Fetter Lane. This name is found as early as the thirteenth
century. It formed a communication between Knight street and
St. John's lane.
Fish Street. A street on much the same site as the present
one, bore this name in the Anglo-Norman town. Here were the
fish stalls or fish shambles.
Fleshmonger Street or Lane is met with in the fourteenth
century, and occasionally occurs at later dates. It is almost certain
to have been near the butchers' row, and therefore, by a process
of exhaustion, it seems that it was the name of the short com-
munication between the Drapery and the lower side of the Market
square, afterwards called Osborn's Jetty.
The Friaries. Northampton, as one of the chief towns of the
kingdom, shared the distinction with eleven other boroughs of
having friaries or religious houses of all the four great orders of
mendicant brethren. The towns where the Dominican, Franciscan,
Carmelite, and Austin friars all had houses were — Boston, Bristol,
Lincoln, London, Lynn, Newcastle, Northampton, Norwich, Oxford,
Stamford, Winchester, and York. The friars, who established
themselves in England in the time of Henry III., worked on com-
pletely different lines to the monks and canons regular. Their
houses were always built in the towns, and were only resorted to
(save by the small permanent staff) when the itinerant brethren
needed temporary shelter, or were incapable of active service
through sickness or old age. The friar was the mission preacher
of the day, devoted to the external needs of the church, and moved
from place to place in the active discharge of his religious duties
among the people.
At the time of the destruction of the English friaries in 1538,
they numbered about two hundred; of these the Franciscans had
sixty, the Dominicans fifty-three, the Augustinians forty-two, and
the Carmelites thirty-six. The Franciscans or grey friars, the
most generally popular of the orders, established themselves at
Northampton in 1224, the very year of their first arrival in the
kingdom. A small detachment of this mendicant order came here
from Oxford ; the Oxford house had the custody or wardenship
of Northampton and seven other friaries up to the time of their
dissolution, At first they had only a small house in the parish of
TOPOGRAPHICAL. 521
f
St. Giles, which was then outside the walls, but soon after a large
piece of unoccupied ground was given them by the townsmen to the
south east of St. Sepulchre's. On this site they gradually erected
a considerable block of buildings. Their church claimed to be the
largest and handsomest of any of the mendicant orders in England.
Many eminent men, chiefly benefactors of the house, were buried
in this church, the most famous of whom was Humphrey, Duke
of Buckingham. An image of " Our Lady of Grace," was a
special object of veneration in this church during the fourteenth
and fifteenth centuries.
The Dominicans or Black Friars, otherwise called the Friars
Preachers, were the most dignified and aristocratic of the orders.
This order established themselves in Northampton, with a frontage
to the Horsemarket, shortly after the arrival of the Franciscans.
They received special encouragement from Henry III., who assisted
them with large gifts of oak from the forest of Salcey, for the
fabric of their church and buildings, and subsequent extensions from
1233 to the close of his reign. Edward I. also made them grants
of timber for like purposes up to the year 1300. The buildings
were sufficiently advanced in 1239 to entertain the fathers who
constituted the provincial chapter. The Dominican friary of North-
ampton was also chosen as the place for hololing the provincial
chapter in the years 1271, 1272, 1284, 1313, 1361, and frequently
throughout the next century. A portion of the walls of their
house on the west side is still standing.
The simple homely order of the Carmelites or White Friars
were driven from Mount Carmel by the Saracens in 1238, and
reached England in 1240. Their friary at Northampton is said to
have been founded in 1271 by Simon Montford and Thomas
Chitwood. This seems to be the right date, for the hundred roll
of 1275 records certain actions of the brothers of Mount Carmel
during the past four years. A wrong site is generally assigned to
their Northampton house. It was situated at the angle of Wood
street (or White Friars lane) with Abington street, and adjoined
to the back premises of the Peacock inn. An inquisition of 1275
throws a curious light on the use made of the hospitality of the
friars. Certain men arrived by night at Northampton, and sought
and obtained shelter with the brothers of Mount Carmel, leaving
there certain packages, and stabling their horses elsewhere. The
town bailiffs suspecting them to be robbers, made ready to seize
522 NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
them, but the strangers fled. The packages were searched and
found to contain two coats of mail. Eventually Sir William
Delymar, Knight, sued for and obtained the harness and horses of
which he had been robbed.
The Austin Friars, or Friars Eremites first came to England
in 1250. It is usually said that their Northampton house was
founded in 1322 by Sir John Longville, of Wolverton; but this
must have been a re-founding, for we have met with several
references to an Augustinian friary in the south of the town in
Northampton deeds between 1275 and 1290. Their house had a
frontage to Kingswell street, which was probably the main
thoroughfare from the south gate, up to the year 1300.
Friars Gate, see Black Friars.
The Glovery, or Gauterie is met with in several early fourteenth
century deeds, and was the name of the east side of what is now
known as the Drapery. Here congregated the glovers. On market
and fair days the glovers placed their stalls on one side of the
central channel of the street, and the drapers on the other.
Gobion Lane or Street was so called from the adjacent home-
stead of Gobion's Manor. It connected Abington street with Lady
lane, running parallel with Wood street or White Friars street ;
it corresponded pretty nearly with the present Wellington street.
The homestead of Gobion Manor was included within the circuit
of the walls at the beginning of the fourteenth century. This
portion of the town remained comparatively free of all houses up
to the date of the great fire.
Gold Street was much occupied in old days with inns and
private residences, but took its name in the earliest times from the
working goldsmiths who had shops at its eastern end. The name
used to extend further west than it does at present, namely to
Quart Pot lane (now Doddridge street), and thence it became West
street. Marefair was a name of much later adoption.
Grey Friars, see Friaries.
The Gutt or Gutts, is one of the oldest, of Northampton town
names, and applied without interruption for eight centuries to a
very narrow passage that runs between the backs of the houses on
the south side of the market square and those in Mercers' row.
This somewhat unsavoury word is simply another form of gutter,
signifying a narrow passage or communication, and was at one
TOPOGRAPHICAL. 523
time of fairly common application to passages such as are now
more usually styled alleys.
Gyselgot was the name of a way under the wall within the
Anglo-Norman town on the east side. It is mentioned in the
inquisition of 1274, as having being obstructed by the priory of
St. Andrew. Gysselgutte is also named as a boundary road
in a deed of 1291, and several times in the next two centuries.
It was doubtless originally nothing more than a narrow passage, and
the term is simply a reduplication of the same idea, viz., a narrow
opening down which probably water flowed from time to time.
Gut, as has been said, was but an abbreviated form of gutter;
guzzel is a dialect name for a narrow ditch or drain, still in use
the south midlands.
Hermitages. Northampton had two bridge hermitages, which
were respectively placed on the town side of the south and west
bridges. The ancient church of England had a special office for
the setting apart of men vowed for life to the half secular and
half religious duties of bridge hermits. They acted as bridge
wardens, and invited the doles of wayfarers to the repair of the
bridges and their approaches ; they lived themselves on alms and
food tendered them by travellers ; and they offered prayers for
heaven's blessing, on those journeying, in their cell chapels, or in
the more imposing bridge chapels, of which there was one on the
further side of the south bridge. The names of several of the
Northampton bridge hermits can be obtained, and various interest-
ing particulars, but this is not the place for following up such
a subject.
Hogmarket Lane. The hogmarket was situated to the west of
the Marehold, slightly to the north. The road to it from the
Marehold was called either Hogmarket lane or Hogmarket street,
and frequently occurs in old town documents,
The Horsemarket, sometimes called Horsemarket street, seems
to have occupied the same site since the days when Northampton
first became a market town. We have first met with it as a
boundary, in an undated deed of the reign of Henry III., about
1225.
Horseshoe Lane was the continuation (as is now the case) of
the Horsemarket, on the further side of Gold street. It is described
in a deed temp. Richard II., as " Horseshoe Lane or Smithies'
524 NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
Lane," which is a sufficient proof, if any was required, that this
street was the residence of the shoeing smiths of the town.
Ivie Lane. All that can be said of this comparatively unim-
portant passage is that it was situated near to St. Katharine's
Chapel, and was absorbed in that churchyard in the year 1610.
King Street, which now connects the end of Silver street with
the Horsemarket, bore that name as early as the thirteenth
century, and possibly had some connection with a royal approach
to the king's castle.
Knight Street, in the south ward, connected Bridge street and
Cow lane. After the great fire, the thoroughfare on the same site
became known as Angel lane from the adjacent inn.
Lady's Lane is, of course, a corruption of Our Lady, or the
Blessed Virgin. It was the name of the street that ran almost due
east of the large enclosure of the Grey Friars, at right angles to
Newland. It is now further corrupted by being termed Ladies
lane. The mediaeval town of Northampton contained two special
objects that were venerated by the faithful, viz., the image of Our
Lady of Grace, in the church of the Grey Friars, and the Rood-in-
the-Wall in a fraternity chapel in Bridge street.
Malt Row occurs in a deed of 1338, and on several later
occasions. It was the name by which the east side of the Market
square was for some time distinguished.
MarvelUs Mill is mentioned frequently in the sixteenth and
seventeenth centuries, by that title. It was the large town mill
on the river, to the south west, near the present gas works. In
the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries it was usually termed
Marvin's Mill, but varied greatly in spelling. About the middle
of last century, the name was changed to the Cotton Mill, because
of its alteration for that purpose.
Marehold was undoubtedly the early spelling for the compara-
tively modern corruption of Mayorhold. We have met with the
name spelt Mare in at least a dozen different deeds, from Edward
I. to Elizabeth. In the days when entire horses were the rule, and
not the exception, it was often necessary to separate the horses
and mares at markets and fairs.
Mercers' Row, on the lower side of the Market square, was
known in the time of Richard I. as Wimpler's Row. It was sub-
sequently called the Drapery, and after the re-building of the town,
TOPOGRAPHICAL. 525
about 1300, though then styled Mercers' row, it was not infrequently
termed the Old Drapery.
Mount Sorrell was the name of certain high ground or mounds,
just within the walls, to the north of the Grey Friars' enclosure.
The first mention we have found of it is in 1274, but it occurs
several times in deeds of the next two centuries. Mount Sorrell,
in Leicestershire, celebrated for its red granite, doubtless obtains
its name from the colour of the stone; and this is supposed to be
the case with two or three like place names in other parts of
England. Possibly the colour of the soil at one time in this place
gave the Northampton name. The term a sorrell horse is still in
use to describe what is now termed a chestnut.
Neivland, communicating with the Grey Friars from the north
east corner of the Market square, bore that name at least as early
as the days of Edward I. Perhaps it was first built upon soon
after the establishment of the Grey Friars in an open part of the
town, in 1245.
North Street was for a long period the name of the street
from the north gate past St. Sepulchre's, Sheep street or the
Sheepmarket not beginning till the crown of the hill was passed.
Nuns1 Well, Nuns' Bridge, and Nuns' Mill, on the lower
side of the Cow Meadow, all originally pertained to the priory of
Cluniac nuns at Delapre, on the further side of the river. They
are of frequent mention in early deeds.
Pike Lane, which still preserves its name, was a narrow lane
or passage parallel to Quart Pot lane, communicating between St.
Mary street and West street. We have met with the name several
times in the fourteenth century. Doubtless it was so called from
pikes or posts at the entrances to keep out cattle and horses.
Quart Pot Lane has of recent years been changed into the
higher-sounding title of Doddridge street ; but surely it is a pity
to change the titles of ancient thoroughfares, on account of their
supposed vulgarity. Quart Pot lane is met with as early as the
days of Edward I. ; it took its name, we presume, even at that
early date, from an inn of like nomenclature.
St. Giles1 Street bore that name before the town was enlarged,
about 1300, when St. Giles' church was outside the walls. At that
time the street leading in the direction of the church from All
Saints' church would be but a short length.
526
NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
St. George's Row is met with under that title in several deeds
of the fourteenth century. It is a pity that both inn and row
have dropped the saintly prefix, thus in the minds of some identi-
fying the names with our recent Hanoverian dynasty.
St. John's Lane or Street was, from the earliest times of the
town history, the name for the thoroughfare bounding the precincts
of St. John's hospital on the north.
St. Leonard' s Street was the title of the road or street imme-
diately on the further side of the south bridge, and of course
obtained its name from the adjacent hospital and church of St.
Leonard.
St. Martin's Street was the name of the thoroughfare proceeding
from the Marehold to the north gate, on much the same lines as the
present Broad street. It was so called after St. Martin's chapel,
which became a ruin as early as 1254. It had been a chapel of
some celebrity, having a royal chantry, and under the control of the
monks of St. Andrew ; probably it got damaged during the baronial
wars, and was afterwards neglected.
St. Mary Street is one of the oldest streets of the town, and
led direct from the Horsemarket to the open space in front of the
castle.
St. Michael Street. See Wood street.
Scarletwell Lane or Street was the way leading down the
Marehold to the well of that name. It was formerly a thoroughfare
of some importance, as the small town hall, previous to 1300, was
in this street.
Sheep Street, or the Sheepmarket, or Sheepmarket street were
exchangable or variable terms for the communication between the
north-west corner of the Market square and the north gate. (See
North street.)
Silver Street, the residence of the silversmiths and part of the
old Jewry, connected the Marehold with Gold street.
Smerekernererowe occurs in a deed about a shop in North-
ampton of the year 1367. It is also named as a boundary in two
other evidences of 1370. All that can be gathered from these
documents is that they refer to shop property near the centre of
the town. The modern English of this strange-looking word is
probably Smearcorner row, possibly derived from the well-polished
corner of a narrow passage round which there was much traffic.
Swinewell Street was the name of the street that led to the
TOPOGRAPHICAL. 527
Dern gate. It is mentioned in the inquisition of 1274, and several
times after the extention of the town. The name Derngate, as
applied to the approach leading to the gate itself, is of compara-
tively modern origin.
The Rood-in-the- Wall of Northampton was the name of a
chapel on the west side of the upper part of Bridge street. There
are several fourteenth, fifteenth, and early sixteenth century
references to it. It was not a simple chantry chapel, but was
managed by a Fraternity, held a small amount of house property
in the town, and possessed a seal (plate vi., fig. 3). The matrix
of this interesting fifteenth century seal is at the Bodleian. The
legend reads : — Sigillum sancte crucis in muro Norhamtonie.
Above the crucifix is the Manus Det, or Hand of the Father. In
1483 the king ordered mass to be sung for him at a yearly stipend
of five marks " in a chapel before the holy roode at Northampton. "
This ancient rood was an object of special veneration, and is
named in pre-Reformation wills. The Manus Dei is over several
pre-Norman roods, the remains of which exist in this country, as
at Headbourne Worthy, and Breamore. It was the Anglo-Saxon
use to have a large rood in the outer wall of the church, over
the south entrance. We suspect that this was an old pre-
Norman rood in the wall of some early church, the rest of which
had disappeared. Lack of space forbids our following up this
interesting subject.
Three Pots Lane. This was an unhappy title for St. John's
lane, which it bore during most of the last century. It is thus
lettered in Jeffery's plan of 1746, and was called after a cheap
beer shop at the angle of St. John's lane and Bridge street, which
flourished much for a time under the sign of " Three Pots for a
Penny/'
The Tower. (See pp. 239-40.) It seems most probable that
originally the Tower flanked Derngate, or possibly the gate even
went under it in the Anglo-Norman days. Afterwards, when the
town was extended on that side, the defensive tower was left
standing remote from the walls, and other buildings were added
to it.
West Street was for some time the name by which the
thorougfare from the west gate to Gold street was distinguished.
Wood Hill, at the east end of All Saints, was the place
reserved for the sale of wood and other fuel on market days.
528 NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
Wood Street j leading from Abington street to the Grey Friars,
at the top end of the town, has had a variety of titles. It was known
towards the end of the thirteenth century as Whitefriars' lane ; the
Carmelite Friary occupying the block at the angle of Abington
street and this thoroughfare. In the next century, it is occasionally
styled St. Michael's street, because the small parish church of St.
Michael was situated on the west side of this lane, towards its
upper end. In Elizabethan days, it was sometimes called Wood
street ; for what reason, we are unable to conjecture. During last
century, the Cock Inn (at the Abington street end of this street)
obtained much repute for its ale, and hence it was for some
time known as Cock lane ; under this designation, it obtained at
one period national fame, in connection with the story of the
Cock lane ghost. Possibly it was this very fame that rendered
its occupants desirous of reverting to the older title of Wood
street.
Woolmonger Street. This name is met with as early as the
days of Henry III. The street forms a connection between
Kingswell street and Horseshoe lane, and in all probability has
always occupied the same site. The name requires no explanation ;
it would, indeed, have been curious if the street nomenclature of
so well-known a centre of the wool trade as Northampton had not
given evidence of its interest in this important branch of commerce.
With regard to the plan at the end of the volume, it should
be added that the above alphabetical list of most of the names
marked thereon is not exhaustive ; others, such as the Town Hall
and principal churches, are described in other places, and can
readily be found on referring to the index. St. James' Abbey and
the church of St. Margaret are marked nearer than they really
were to the west bridge, in order to bring them within the radius
of the map. There is evidence of the distinct character of the
churches of St. Bartholomew and St. Lawrence on the north side
of the town. In no section has the irksomeness of limited pages
been felt so much as in this.
SECTION FIFTEEN.
VARIA ET ADDENDA,
THE MAYOR — OATHS OF TOWN CLERK, BAILIFFS, AND STEWARD— VERNALLS
INQUEST — TOWN WATERS IN 1553 — COMMON LABOUR — STOURBRIDGE FAIR —
MERCHANT FROM CONSTANTINOPLE — STATE LOTTERIES — THE SOUTH BRIDGE —
BEDFORD AND MARKET HARBOROUGH ROAD — POSTMASTER — HORSERACING— THE
FREE GRAMMAR SCHOOL — NAVIGATION — RAILWAYS.
KK
VARIA ET ADDENDA. 531
THE MAYOR.
HpHE revolutionary measure of 1489, whereby the choice of
mayor was placed in the hands of the aldermen, bailiffs, and
forty-eight, instead of being made by popular assembly, has been
given at length in the first volume of this work, and has been fully
explained in the second section of this volume. The following
highly interesting order, as to the procedure to be adopted for the
election of mayor and bailiffs, is taken from the Bateman copy of
the Northampton customary in the British Museum : —
Be hit Remembered that thus hit is endited be thadvise and assent of the hole
Counsell of this Borough of Northampton touchyng the ordur of Election of the
Maires and Bailiffes of this seid Borough Accordyng to the Acte of Parliament
made for the same.
Fyrst the day of the seide Election Accustomed All tho that have voyces in the
same Elections to mete Att all halowe Chirche Att a convenyent houre before
none. And there to here A Masse of the Holy Goste. And at the ende of the same
to departe and goo to the Gyldehalle, And ther to tak every man their setes be the
Assignment of the Meire and of his brethern As shall Accorde with theire Dis-
crecions and then the Joyntes to be made Accordyng to the olde Custome. And
the parsons named in the Joyntes severally to be sette in sondry papyrs. And then
the same papirs to become Abowte bi the town Clerk and the Common Serjeaunt
for the tyme beyng to every of the persons to whom they geve their Voyces. And
when the hole Voyces be geven and passed then the seide Clerke and Serjeaunt
to bryng the papirs to the Meire for the tyme beyng and to the brethren that have
been meyres. And their be the sight of the more parte of the seide voyces to
publisshe and make open the persones uppon whom the elections Rest. And this
order to be followed and thus done Withoute noyse or crye.
The oaths taken by the mayor of Northampton as escheator,
and as judge of the orphans' court, from the Bateman Customary,
have already been printed in the third section. The general oath
of the mayor, from the same volume, is now given, as it is omitted
in the Liber Custumarum belonging to the borough : —
SACRAMENTUM MAIORIORUM.
You shall sweare that you shall well and truelie serve the King our soveraigne
Lorde in the office of Maioraltie, wthin the Borough of Northampton and the same
borough you shall kepe surelie and safelie unto the use of our soveraigne Lord the
KK 2
532 NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
King of England and of his heires kings of England, and the proffit of the King
you shall doe in ail thinges that to you belongeth, and the rightes of the King,
and that which belongeth to the Crowne you shall truelie keepe, You shall not
assent unto the decrease or concealment of the rightes, nor of the franchises of the
kinge or of the Crowne be it in lands rente or franchises, or in suites concealed
or wthdrawne, You shall putt your power to call it again, And if you may not doe
it, you shall tell it to the King or to those of his counsell of whome you shall
understande for to be certeine that they shall enforme the kinge thereof, And you
shall truelie and right wiselie treat the kings people of your Bayliewick, and right
you shall doe to every person as well to strange as to free, to poore as to riche,
in that which belongeth to you for to doe, and that for highnes nor for riches for
grace promise favour nor hatred, you shall noe wrong doe to any person, nor to
any man you shall the right lett, you shall not take by the which the king may
lose, or by the which the right may be letted, And also that you shall sett good
keeping upon the Assize of bread, wyne, ale, fish, flesh, corn, and of all other
victuales, and alsoe of weightes and measures in the side towne, doing sadd true
and due execution upon the defaultes that there shall befortune, according to all
the statutes thereof made not repealed, And in all other things that to the maire
of the saide borough belongeth for to be done, well and truelie you shall behalve
you and doe to the uttermost of yor cunning and power soe helpe you God.
Reference has been made in section three to the various
sealing powers of the mayor, but the following order of the
assembly, on September i6th, 1570, was omitted to be cited in
the right place : —
Whereas the maiour for the time beinge ys very often troublyd wl sealinge of
proces and no commoditie redoundinge to him for the same wch is a rare thinge
to be founde in eny place but here in this towne, For all officers commonly that
have any scale belonginge to ther office have some proffit by the same wherefor yt
is thought goode at this present assemblye That the Maiour of this towne for the
time beinge shall have of a freman for any proces that be sealithe a peny, and of
a forriner ijd not for any great proffit that shall redounde unto him by the same
but only for Order sake accordinge to the common proverbe The workman is
worthy of his hiar.
God save Quene Elizabethe and hir Councell.
OATHS OF TOWN CLERK, BAILIFFS, AND STEWARD.
The Bateman Customary also gives the following oaths to be
taken by the town clerk, bailiffs, and steward, none of which
appear in the borough copy :—
THE TOWN CLERK'S OATH.
Thou shalt truly Recorde and truely enroll that ought to be Recorded and
Enrolled and you shall truly enter fynes and Amercements that shalbe amerced to
the Townes profitt, Good heede and regarde take to the Assize of breade as to thee
belongeth, and to the weinge thereof And good Counsell give to thy Master to
VARIA ET ADDENDA. 533
your conynge and knowledge And truly serve him and the town both in the offyce
of Clarke so God you helpe.
SACRAMENTUM BALLIORUM.
You shall truelie Recorde, and true Attachements make, and true Pannells
make between partie and partie, and true execucon doe upon playntes, and truely
Retorne the Kings Writts, And you shall doe noe man wrong, but truelie doe all
that belongeth to the office of Baylisshipp to yor knowledge, soe helpe you God.
THE STEWARDES OATH.
Thou shalte truely recorde and truely enrole or cause to be enrolled and true
returne make upon wryttes as thowe arte bidden by the Mrs, and all thinges doe
that belongeth to thy office well and truely, to yor Conyng and knowledge, soe
helpe you God.
VERNALLS INQUEST.
Since the section was printed in which Vernalls Inquest was
described (see pp. 7, 48, 135-7), wherein w-e had to admit our
failure to find an explanation for the term or its occurrence else-
where, we have had the advantage of receiving the following
communication from Mr. Green, the writer of the legal notes in
the first volume, who most kindly permits us to make use of it.
We have no doubt whatever that Mr. Green has hit upon the true
solution of the difficulty, which had previously bafHed several
acute antiquarian lawyers: —
The term seems to be derived from the Latin verna, signifying
connected with a home or dwelling-house. Thus the verna of the
Roman law is the slave born within the dwelling-house.
Ainsworth, in his Latin dictionary, gives two meanings to verna.
(i.) A bondsman or bondswoman, one born in the house, a bond
slave.
(2.) Also the same with vernaculus.
Ainsworth further gives amongst the meanings of Vernaculus,
" That which is born in one's house, " and quotes a number of
passages from classical authors showing the extension of verna to
domestic objects in general.
Skeat's Concise Etymological Dictionary gives "Vernacular,
native (Latin) from Latin vernaculus. Adjective, native, literally
belonging to a home-born slave. Latin uerna, a home-born slave.
Lithuanian ' dweller ' cf . Sanskrit vas, to dwell."
In all the above uses we get the predominant idea of something
connected with a house, and if we go a little deeper we find the
Aryan root war, signifying to cover, surround, protect ; and also
the Aryan root nagh, signifying to connect.
534
NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
Obviously a dwelling-house is essentially a covered, surrounded,
or protected place, and thus in war -nag h we get that which is
connected with a dwelling-house. If to the Latin uerna or verna
be given an adjectival form, we get vernalis. This Anglicised
s
The terminology of our Vernalis Inquest on the foregoing
theory accords most accurately with the purposes to which it was
applied, as set forth in cap. xvii. of the Liber Custumarum of
Northampton.
It is the inquest connected with the dwelling-house. It is
probable that an inquiry into the Prankish or Norman inquests
would further elucidate the subject.
THE TOWN WATERS IN 1553.
The earliest entry relative to the town waters in the orders of
assembly was omitted in section seven.
At an assembly held on December 24th, 1553, Henry Pryor,
tanner, took the town waters (for fishing rights) on a lease of
twenty-one years, paying 2os. for a fine, and 333. 4d. yearly rental
to the chamber.
At the same assembly the following interesting order was made
relative to swans : —
That every man that from thenceforth shuld have any swan or swanes fedyng
or commonly swymmyng upon the towne several water shuld pay yerly iijs iiijd to
the chambyer of the towne to thuse of the towne.
COMMON LABOUR.
The references to common labour, or labour done by the com-
munity as such, are fairly frequent in the first book of orders of
the assembly. In addition to instances incidentally noted in the
previous pages, the following may be noted : —
An order was made in 1571 —
That the chamberlaines shall once every yere cause the dikes or the dichis in
the Southe Quarter to be cleansyd upon payne of xl8 to thuse of the Chamber,
unless he can showe some reasonable cause wherefor he cane not do it, and thet
every man at the Request of the saide Chamberlyn shall sende his servant to helpe
to dense the same dikes or dichis or ells iiijd in money, and so the lyke order to
be taken for the making of the pumpe in the market place.
In January, 1583, it was ordered that every townsman who was
a householder was to find a workman (either in his own person or
by paying a substitute) fl for the Castinge in of the Dyches of the
VARIA ET ADDENDA. 535
Coundytt uppon Somons gyven uppon peyne of every one makinge
defalte to forfeytt xijd."
Common labour for clearing the town diches was ordered in
1611, 1617, 1623, and 1637.
In 1641 the re-paving of the defective places in the highway of
Kingswell lane was effected by a common labour order, and the
same was done in 1643 f°r the amending of the paving of Gold
street and St. Giles' street.
STOURBRIDGE FAIR.
Among the earlier chamberlains' accounts occurs the invariable
annual entry of los. toll to Stourbridge fair. Sometimes this
payment is simply entered as a charge to the fair, and at other
times as paid to the town of Cambridge.
The explanation of this apparently curious payment to Cam-
bridge is to be found in a sixteenth century indenture preserved
among the corporation records, and in the recollection of the
national character of this great fair.
The internal trade of England depended mainly on its great
seasonal fairs. The largest and most important of all these fairs,
at all events so far as the east and south of England were con-
cerned, was that of Stourbridge, near Cambridge. The fair lasted
from September i8th to October gth. It was held in the open
country, and temporary booths were erected every year covering
an area of half a square mile. It was under the jurisdiction of the
corporation of Cambridge, and the mayor of that town or his
deputy held a perpetual summary court of pie powder, to decide
every dispute or affray that might arise on the fair ground, from
whose decisions there was no appeal. Every conceivable commod-
ity which could be made or sold found its way to Stourbridge ;
silks, velvets, and glass, from Italy and Venice, linens from Liege
and Ghent, ironwork from Spain, tar from Norway, wines from
Gascony, fur and amber from the Hanse towns, porcelain and
jewels from the further East, and dried and salted fish from the
Baltic. Water transit to the port of Lynn, and on the rivers Ouse
and Cam brought these foreign commodities in abundance.
Here, too, was carried tin from Cornwall, lead from Derbyshire,
ironware from the Sussex forges, and leather from Northampton-
shire. But of all home produce, the most celebrated were the
woolpacks, which were the envy of other nations. Northampton
53^ NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
and Brackley were amongst the foremost in their contribution of
wool, and the freemen of Northampton who proceeded to the fair,
with packhorses and wains laden with wool, usually returned with
stocks of cured fish from the Baltic trade. The town of North-
ampton was of sufficient importance to give its name to one of the
streets of booths so hastily constructed for this three weeks' fair.
The freemen of Northampton, rejoicing in their general toll
exemption as freemen of royal demesne, as well as of chartered
exemption, paid no dues of any kind to Cambridge (as lords of the
fair) on the wool, or on the leather or other goods they took with
them ; but continuous and fairly reasonable claims were made on
them by Cambridge for some duty on the goods they carried home.
On this latter point there was much and prolonged dispute.
An indenture between the mayor and burgesses of Cambridge
and the mayor and burgesses of Northampton, of the year 1519,
sets forth that an arbitration before two of the king's justices
concerning the tolls to be paid by the freemen of Northampton to
the town of Cambridge for " fysshe and barrells and all other
stuffe and merchandyses by them particularly bought in Styre-
brydg Feyre and all other manner of passages and carriages
through and by the said towrn of Cambridge all times of the yere,"
decided that the mayor of Northampton was to pay ten shillings
yearly in lieu of all tolls on the goods of freemen; provided that
it should be lawful to the mayor of Cambridge to take of every
cart loaded with merchandise belonging to any freeman of North-
ampton going out of the said fair of Stourbridge twopence, but
foreigners belonging to Northampton were to pay all the customary
fees and dues.
By degrees this once great fair dwindled in importance, and
after 1733 the town of Northampton ceased to pay the annual
tribute of xos. In 1749 the mayor and corporation received a visit
from Mr. Thomas Collett, the treasurer of the Cambridge corpora-
tion, to acquaint them that the sum of £8 was due for sixteen years
of the Stourbridge fair composition.
What the exact result was of this appeal, or whether the arrears
were paid or not, we cannot say, but in the Northampton mayor's
accounts for 1750 occurs the following significant entry:-— " Two
Gallons of Rum and Bottles ordered to John Wim for stopping
payment of Stirbitch Fair Toll £i 2s."
VARIA ET ADDENDA. 537
MERCHANT FROM CONSTANTINOPLE.
In the apprentices and freemens enrolment book (1561-1727) is
the following 1585 enrolment of a certificate from the English
ambassador at Constantinople, and of a letter of safe conduct from
the great Turk. We can only suppose that these documents were
enrolled in testimony of the genuineness of the mercantile travels
of Henry Austell.
Wee Willm Hareborne Esquyer her maties ordinarie ambassador in the Cittie of
Constantinople with the Gran Sign Commonlye Called the greate Turke doe
certyfye all and every of what degree soever to whom cheis Letters pattentes
shall come to be sene Redd or understande that henrye Austell of Knaptofte in the
Countie of Leicester gent her maties servaunte hath attended on us personally in this
presente monthe of September 1585 at sundrye tymes within the sayde Cittie of
Constantinople of Thracia which accordinge to his Requeste wee doe herebye
certifye under her maties Seale and our Firme Dated at our mansion Cauled
Rapuniat (?) this xxjth of the month and yere abovesayde beinge the xxvijth of the
Raigne of our most gracious mistres and soveraigne Ladie Elizabeth by the grace of
god Queene of England, Fraunce, and Irelande Defendrix of the faythe etc.
William Harborne.
Be yt knowen unto thee whiche arte voyvoode of Bugdania (sic) that henrye Austell
and Jacomo de Maunci Englishe gentlemen beinge desyrous to Restore unto their
owne Countreye hathe Requested or hyghnes Letters of Safe Conducte throughe or
domynions Wherefore when thys or Commaundment shall come unto you wee com-
maunde thee and other or servauntes there to lett theise aforesayd gentlemen with
one servaunte and with goodes and Furniture they have quyetly to passe and
commaunde that they have provyded for their moneye such necessarye provision as
they shall think requisite for themselves or their horses and yf by chaunce they
come into any place where they shall staunde in Feare of their persons or gooddes
that thee cause them to be garded with yor men and to be Conducted through
all suspected places with sufficiente Companye But have especiall Regarde they
Conveye awaye with them none of or Countrey fayre horses, obey this or Com-
maundement and give creditt to or scale.
Theis Letters of Certificate were enrolled amongeste the rolles of North'ton att
the Requeste of henrye Austell gent, who was lyvinge and in perfecte health in
Northton the xxixth of Januarye 1585, and was in Northampton att the sygne of
the bell there in companye in the presence of Mr. John Bonde of Coddesbrooke
Esquyer Wm Wyckens Lawraunce baylie Ric Wylkinson Wm Rawson and Thomas
Sanbroke towne clarke as they and every of them wyll depose yf nede Requyer.
STATE LOTTERIES.
State lotteries originated in England in 1567-9, when Queen
Elizabeth most actively promoted one for the repairs of harbours
and fortifications, and other public works. The drawing went on
NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
in a building specially erected for the purpose by the west doors
of the cathedral church of St. Paul's.
In 1613-15 a great national lottery was promoted by James I.,
for the advantage of the English colonies at Virginia. The following
is an entry in the orders of assembly for June 6th, 1615 :—
Whereas there are Letters sent from the counsell desiring adventures to a lottery
destined for the good and welfare of the late enterprise in the plantation of
Virginia which wilbe much profitable to the kings Matie and this Realme as the
said Letters doe impart, It is therefore agreed and ordered that there shalbe dis-
bursed the sume of xiiij11 out of the towne chamber in this behalf e.
THE SOUTH BRIDGE.
During the years immediately following the Restoration, the
town of Northampton was several times indicted by the county
authorities for the condition of the highways and bridges that
formed part of the great roads that traversed the borough. On
May nth, 1663, the assembly, to prevent the charges and troubles
that had corne upon the town through these indictments, ordered
£100 to be raised for the due repair of the highways and bridges
for \vhich they were responsible. Two years later another £100
was raised, chiefly for rebuilding the south bridge. When that
work was undertaken, the bridge was found to be so thoroughly
unsound, that it was considered necessary for it to be rebuilt
almost to the foundation. Meanwhile, whilst the work was in
progress, an extraordinary great flood arose, and in December,
1666, the whole of the bridge, save portions of one or two of the
piers, was driven down. On January iyth, 1666-7, the assembly
ordered an assessment on the town for the new bridge of £300.
This heavy tax was not unnaturally resisted. In June, 1667, a
long list of defaulters was read out to the assembly, and the order
of January i7th was commanded to be put into instant execution,
the four Serjeants and the mace-bearer being ordered to assist the
constables in collecting the tax and making distresses upon those
who refused to pay.
In 1700 an assessment of £30 was collected for the repair of
the bridges, especially those of the south and west.
On April 5th, 1816, the first stone of the new south bridge was
laid by the Marquis of Northampton.
BEDFORD AND MARKET HARBOROUGH ROAD.
The importance of the great north road from London which
VARIA ET ADDENDA. 539
tssed through Northampton is testified to by the following action
of the corporation in 1749.
The thanks of the assembly were voted to Lord Northampton,
recorder, on January 3rd, 1749, for giving notice to the corporation
by letter of a petition being presented to the Commons for leave
to bring in a bill for repairing the road between Bedford and
Market Harborough, "which bill if it pass into a law will be very
prejudicial to the Inhabitants of this Town, the Trade whereof
depending in a great measure on the Northern road — leading
through this town." At the same, George Rowell, the town
clerk, was instructed to forward a petition to Messrs. Compton
and Montagu, the parliamentary burgesses, for presentation to the
House of Commons, and to beg them to oppose the bill !
POSTMASTER.
During the Commonwealth there are two references to the
Northampton postmaster.
In February, 1646-7, it was agreed that £10 of the postmaster's
yearly allowance shall be paid to Richard Holies, the new post-
master upon his suit before Lady day.
In 1649 Richard Holies had resigned the postmastership, for in
that year he received 505. compensation from the assembly for a
horse taken for state purposes.
HORSE RACING.
It was the custom of several of our older and more important
corporations to support horse racing by presenting money or
money's worth. Horse racing on Harleston heath was an estab-
lished sport in the time of Charles I. In 1632 the corporation of
Northampton covenanted to make an annual offering of a silver-gilt
covered cup of the value of £16 133. 4d. The chamberlain's accounts
for the end of the seventeenth and beginning of the eighteenth cen-
turies, always contain an entry under expenditure of £16 133. 4d.,
generally characterised as " the horse race plate," and sometimes
as "the Harleston race cup." Among the mayor's receipts for
the same period, there is generally entered a sum of £2 as
"horse race money"; this money seems to have been always
given to the poor, as is sometimes expressly stated.
In the first volume of Northamptonshire Notes and Queries,
there is a copy of " Articles to be Observed by all those that
540 NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
Runn for the Purses at Harleston Heath in the County of North-
ampton on Wednesday the Twenty Eighth of this Instant March
And on Fryday the Thirtieth of the same Month in the Yeare
One Thousand Seven Hundred and Twenty Two."
The course to be run was four miles. The most curious of
the thirteen articles is number eight, which is here reproduced: —
" That no Horse Mare or Gelding that is now or at any time
heretofore has been the Horse Mare or Gelding of John King of
Northampton comonly called Old Jack King shall be Permitted or
Allowed to Enter or Runn for either of these Purses The said
John King being for Reasons well known Agreed by the Con-
tributors to these Plates (As well as by the Contributors to Rowell
Quainton and other Plates) thought Unworthy to Runn for any
Plate or Purse."
In 1727 there was published " An Historical List or Account
of all the Horse Matches Run, and of all the Plates and Prizes
run for in England (of the value of Ten Pounds or upwards)."
The first prize at Harleston was the corporation plate of £16 135.
4d. At Northampton plates were offered worth £40, £15, and £10.
In the mayor's accounts for 1733-4 is the following entry:—
" Paid to the Duke Marlborough on the horse Race Account
pursuant to a Decree in Chancery as appears by Rec* £279
8s. 9d.f>
Among the miscellaneous papers is one bearing date March
3oth, 1734, which explains this entry. It is endorsed " Mr. Rogers
Receipt for £279 8s. gd., being money decreed to be paid Duke
Marlborough by the Corporation in Relation to Harleston Horse
Race." The document recites a chancery decree of 1732 in a cause
in which the Duke of Marlborough and Sir Arthur Heslerig were
complainants, and the mayor and corporation of Northampton and
others were defendants. It was ordered that the Duke (then Earl
of Sunderland) should receive £200 and interest from Easter, 1726.
The order was certified by one of the chancery masters in
December, 1733. The Duke of Marlborough appointed Timothy
Rogers his attorney on March ist, 1733-4, under his seal and
signature, and this is followed on the same document by Rogers'
receipt.
It is said that the Harleston heath races ceased to be run
after 1739, the Duke of Marlborough' s claim to the heath being
the cause of their cessation.
VARIA ET ADDENDA. 541
The corporation also supported at certain times the town races
on the common fields. The first entry relative to this that we
have met with was under the Commonwealth.
In March 1658, the assembly ordered " That if there can be
noe further abatement procured the Chamberlaines doe provide two
plates according to the desire of the Countrey Gent, for this yeare
vizt the one of the value of Thirtye pounds, the other of the
value of Fourtene pounds which is to be delivered in full of all
former arrears/' In the margin is written in a later hand " upon
what account Nescio."
The assembly, in August, 1822, resolved to subscribe annually
£30 to form a purse to be called the corporation purse, provided
that no less than four subscribers of £5 each be added thereto,
" to be run for by not less than three reputed running horses on
the last day of the Autumn races."
THE FREE GRAMMAR SCHOOL.
The following additional particulars relative to the later history
of the Free Grammar School have been obtained from the borough
records since the section on Charitable Foundations passed through
the press : —
At the meeting of the assembly on October 2yth, 1785, one of
the burgesses (Edward Cox) stated that Mr. Woolley, the master
of the Free Grammar School, was disposed to lease to him the
two houses and gardens in Horseshoe lane belonging to the school,
with leave to convert one of the houses into a store for timber.
The assembly refused its sanction, as the value of the property
would be thereby lessened. Moreover, "the members present being
apprehensive that the charitable intention of the founder was not
duly attended to, ordered that the Mayor and five others be
appointed a committee to inquire how far the good intention of the
donor is observed, and what children are educated there upon the
foundation. "
The assembly met again in the following November, when this
committed reported " that it appears to them the stipend given to
the master is for freely teaching grammar to such children as
shall be sent by parents being free of the town of Northampton
without any stipend, and that the usher is to be assistant to the
master in teaching the scholars the Latin tongue, and good writing,
and arithmetic free as above." It was, therefore, ordered that
542 NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
" the charitable design of the Free Grammar School in the town
of Northampton be painted in oyl colour in a vacancy within the
frame on the wall on the south side of the great room in the
Town Hall."
On the death of Mr. Stoddart, in May, 1827, there was con-
siderable competition for the post of master of the Grammar School,
with the result that Rev. Charles Cutbush was elected by the
assembly. The voting was — Cutbush, 52 ; Lance, 16 ; Walker, 3 ;
and Sanders, i. There were also three other applicants.
NAVIGATION.
The following are the references to navigation and navigable
access to the town that we have met with in the Northampton
records : —
In 1640 the assembly presented a petition to parliament to ask
them to persevere in an act to make the river navigable from
Peterborough to Northampton.
In 1714 the freedom of the town wras presented to Sir Robert
Clerke, of Watford, and his son Edward, because of their activity
in procuring the act of parliament for making " the river Nen alias
Nyne " navigable to Peterborough.
In 1723 the assembly instructed Mr. D'Anvers, the deputy
recorder, to prepare a petition to parliament to resist a bill
brought in for repealing and altering the act already passed for
making the "river Neene alias Nine" navigable to Peterborough,
and to desire their parliamentary representatives to offer it their
strenuous opposition.
At the October assembly, 1809, tne following resolutions were
unanimously adopted, on the proposal of Mr. Philip Constable :—
That it is of the highest importance to the interests of this Towne and Neigh-
bourhood that a water communication should be made from the River Nine or Nen
[to promote] Navigation with the inland Canals as proposed by the Acts of Parliament
lately passed for incorporating the Grand Junction and Union Canal Companies,
the expediency propriety and advantage of which Junction were very strongly urged
by them as well in Parliament as to the Inhabitants of this Town and Neighbour-
hood whereby their Consent and Interest were obtained on passing the Present
Acts.
That this assembly has observed with regret a railway substituted for a canal by
the Grand Junction Company a mode of communication equally as injurious to this
Town and Neighbourhood as to the Canal Company, experience having fully
proved it to be inadequate for the purposes intended, inasmuch as the articles that
VARIA ET ADDENDA. 543
are conveyed along it are unavoidably subject to great waste breaking and Pilferage,
the communication is much more difficult and expensive than it would have been
by water, and nearly all perishable articles of Merchandize are prevented from
passing along it.
That this assembly laments that so spirited and useful a body as the Grand
Junction Canal Company should not in this instance have acted with its usual
Liberality and regard to its own interest in not having made a water communi-
cation as above stated, but which this assembly conceives has not been done in
consequence of the Company being unacquainted with the great additional Trade
and Revenue which might have been derived from it, and which would have been
and now would be fully adequate to compensate for the expense of the undertaking.
That this assembly cannot help being alarmed by seeing notices lately given of
an intention to apply to Parliament for powers to make a Cut from the Union
Canal to join the Grand Junction Canal near Long Buckby instead of joining that
Canal and the River Nine or Nen as originally proposed near this Town (and for
which an Act of Parliament has been obtained sixteen years ago) thereby not only
preventing an early but all future probability of this Town and Neighbourhood
having the full advantage of Inland Navigation.
That this Assembly conceives the above Scheme for diverting the Union Canal
to Long Buckby if carried into effect would prove highly injurious to this Town
and Neighbourhood the River Nine and all Places deriving Benefit from that
Navigation.
That this assembly do petition Parliament against the intended Scheme for
altering the Line of the Union Canal, and do request the representatives of the
Town to assist in preventing the intended Bill from passing into a Law.
That the present Mayor Justices and Bailiffs or any four of them be a Committee
for preparing and presenting the said Petitions and also taking such other Measures
as they may think proper for obtaining the object of these Resolutions.
That the Town Clerk and the Town Steward be appointed Solicitors to attend
the said Committee and assist in promoting and providing the object referred
to the said Committee and also to apply to the City of Peterborough the Towns of
Oundle Thrapston Wellingborough and such other places as may be interested in
the matter for their co-operation and support.
Petitions to the two houses, to the above effect, were adopted
by the assembly on March 23rd, 1810.
RAILWAYS.
Irrational as was the action of the corporation in opposition to
horse-drawn railways on tram-lines in 1810, it was as nothing com-
pared with the strenuous fight against railways in association with
steam.
In January, 1831, the assembly curtly decided that " no consent
be given by this House to the projected plan for making a Railway
to and from London and Birmingham."
544
NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
However, in August of the same year, they felt obliged to
consider the question more fully. Captain Moorson and Mr. Currie,
two of the directors of the projected line, attended a meeting of
the inhabitants, and laid estimates of expected rates for passengers
and goods before them ; they also stated that a railway between
London and Birmingham would certainly be proceeded with, so that
if Northampton was not favourable, the line would be taken farther
westward, and would probably pass near Aylesbury, and would not
touch nearer than twenty-four miles to Northampton. The directors
declined to pledge themselves in this event to make a branch to
Northampton, but said that would be a matter for future negotia-
tion. A committee of that meeting reported to the assembly to the
effect that if a railway is fully determined to be proceeded with,
that then every endeavour be made to have it as near as possible
to the town of Northampton. The assembly, however, contented
themselves with appointing a committee to confer with the town's
committee, and declined to approve or disapprove. Here the
matter seems to have dropped so far as the corporation were con-
cerned, and Northampton, like many other prejudiced towns, lost
a golden opportunity.
APPENDIX.
LISTS OF MAYORS, BAILIFFS, CHAMBERLAINS, STEWARDS, TOWN CLERKS, SERJEANTS-
AT-MACE, TOWN CRIERS, AND MASTERS OF FREE GRAMMAR SCHOOL.
L L
APPENDIX. 547
LIST OF MAYORS.
HPHERE are no documents extant in the public record office from which any
complete list of majors can be obtained. The fairly accurate lists that are
not infrequently printed in the local histories of our various ancient boroughs are,
as a rule, taken from old rolls pertaining to the town records. Very few actual
rolls of that character are extant, but in many a town there are transcripts of such
rolls in either public or private custody.
With regard to Northampton, the town muniments do not include any official
roll or list of mayors, but there are several MS. lists in private hands, as well as
printed ones, which carry back the names of mayors and bailiffs to the beginning
of the reign of Edward IV. (March 4th, 1460-1). One of these is in the MS.
history of Northampton in Mr. Crick's possession, another in the Hall MS., and a
third in the possession of Mr. Christopher Markham. The last of these seems to
have been originally an official book, or the property of some official of the Cor-
poration, and was written out in the latter part of the Commonwealth period,
probably in 1656, when the lists of night watchmen were entered in the same book.
Two other lists, both of the end of last century, have been kindly shown to us ;
but we are not at liberty to mention their whereabouts, their owners having, in our
opinion, exaggerated views of their value and importance. We believe both of
them (in their earlier parts) to be more or less inexact copies of Mr. Markham's
chronicle.
In one of the last editions of Freeman & Son's small History of Northampton,
published in 1847, the list of mayors and bailiffs is carried back to the year 1377.
It is not stated whence this information is derived, but after considerable
inquiry it came to our knowledge that there is in the University Library, Dublin, a
roll of Northampton mayors and bailiffs, beginning with the first year of Richard
II. and ending with the first year of Edward IV. This seems to be the source of
Freeman's extended list. A literal transcript has been kindly supplied to us of the
Dublin roll ; the librarian is unable to state when or how the manuscript came into
the possession of the University. The date of the original writing of this roll
seems to be 1458 or 1459, onty tne conclusion having been added, the remainder
being written at the same time, and hence a copy of an earlier edition now
lost. This Dublin roll is interspersed with a few brief interpolations of important
national events, but has hardly any local allusions. Under the sixth year of Richard
II. is recorded: —
Terra motus fuit die festum pent'. Et in dicto Anno surrectio in Kent per
Jak Strawe qui interfectus fuit p' Walleivorthe tune Maior London.
Subsequently, the battle of Wakefield and a few other later events are set forth
at greater length. Throughout the reign of Henry IV. the occupations of the
L L 2
548 NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
respective mayors and bailiffs are for the most part set forth, which adds much to
the value of the roll.
It is impossible to go back earlier than 1337 for a complete list of the town
officials, but no pains have been spared in the search to carry the lists back after
a fragmentary fashion. After consulting a very large number of old deeds at the
British Museum and Public Record Office, as well as all the early evidences among
the town muniments, upwards of two score of the names of mayors (and about the
same of pairs of bailiffs), prior to 1377, have been recovered. Where they are
named in undated deeds, the probable year has been given preceded by c. for circa.
These are all now for the first time printed.
The search for these earlier names to some extent qualifies the opinion previously
expressed (pp. 14, 30) as to the date when the title of mayor was first used in
Northampton. It now becomes evident that the change from the title of reeve to
mayor come about in Northampton in the reign of Richard I., the town thus shar-
ing with London and York in being the first to adopt this memorable change of
nomenclature. The three documents of the reign of Richard I., wherein the name
of William Tilly, or Tilli, or Tylly, is given as mayor of Northampton, are in
Latin. Had they been in Norman-French it might have been said that this was
only a colloquial rendering of reeve.
In drawing up the following list of mayors, every known list has been collated,
the early one at Dublin, the five manuscript ones in private hands, Freeman's
printed list, and the very inaccurate list on the small shields in the lobby of the
Town Hall. Every one of the lists hitherto given have got confused and wrongly
dated from the middle of Elizabeth's reign, by leaving out the mayor who was
elected in 1577.
From the year 1553 downwards, we can pledge ourselves that the following list
is absolutely correct, because each name has been taken immediately from the orders
of assembly or other extant contemporary town records.
The year affixed to each mayor's name (and the same holds good in the sub-
sequent list of bailiffs) is the one of his election. This is the only safe and correct
course to adopt. If the two years over which the mayor presides are hyphened
together, or the latter year adopted (because since 1835 it includes most of his
reign), there is considerable probability of a wrong date creeping in and confusion
being caused.
Up to 1835, the mayor and bailiffs were elected on St. Hugh's Day, August gth,
which was termed ' choice day.' The newly appointed mayor did not, however, come
into office till September 29th, being termed "the mayor's joint," that is to some
extent joint mayor, up to the latter date. If either mayor or bailiff died or were in-
capacitated between August pth and September 2pth, the ones chosen in August at
once stepped into office without further formality. It should also be remembered
that new year's day was March 25th (and not January ist) until 1753, so that up to
that date the year prefixed to the mayor's name represents by far the larger portion
of the twelve-month for which he held office.
[Where two names are given under one year, it implies the death of the first-
named during his year of office."}
APPENDIX.
549
temp. Richard I. William Tilly
„ „ Roger Fitztheobald
c. 1230 Robert the mayor
c. 1250 Robert Spicer
1253 William Gangy
c. 1260 Benedict Dodd
1264 John the Apothecary
1267 John Le Moyne
c. 1270 William Fitzthomas
1271 John Spicer
1273 John Spicer
1274 William le Pesson
1277 J°hn de Staunford
1280 Robert Fitzhenry
1282 Robert Fitzhenry
1286 Robert Fitzhenry
1289 Robert Fitzhenry
c. 1290 John le Megre
1297 Pentecost de Kershalton
1304 Robert de Bedford
c. 1307 Robert de Rous
1311 John de Staunford
1316 Henry Garlekmonger
1318 Philip de Caysho
1321 Robert de Burgh
1322 John le Waydour
1324 Robert le Rous
1325 Henry Garlekmonger
1326 Simon de Levishull
1327 Simon de Levishull
1328 Walter de Burgh
1334 John de Lungevill
1335 John de Lungevill
1338 Adam de Cottysbrok
1343 Thomas de Staunford
1349 Sir John de Vyneter
1357 William Wakelynge
1360 John de Getyngton
1361 John de Getyngton
1367 William Wakelynge
1369 John de Getyngton
1372 John de Getyngton
1377 John Gedington
1378 John Shrovesbury
1379 John Haughton
1380 Simon Daventry
1381 Lawrence Haddon
1382 Thomas Wakelyne
1383 Thomas Sutton
1384 John Fox
1385 John Shrovesbury
1386 Simon Daventry
1387 John Grigge (draper)
1388 Henry Lavender
1389 Thomas Sprygy (draper)
1390 Simon Daventry
1391 Richard Spicer
1392 John Fox
1393 John Shrovesbury
1394 Thomas Wakelyne
1395 Henry Cayso (draper)
1396 John Shrovesbury
1397 William Shefford
1398 William Shefford
1399 John Fox
1400 John Fox
1401 John Loutheham (woolman)
1402 Thomas Sprygy
1403 Thomas Overton (draper)
1404 John Sywell
1405 John Shrovesbury
1406 William Wale
1407 Simon Spycer (mercer)
1408 William Shefford
1409 Henry Cayso
1410 John Sprynge (mercer)
1411 John Weller (draper)
1412 Thomas Wedon
1413 John Gregory (ironmonger)
1414 John Sprynge (mercer)
1415 John Sprynge (mercer)
1416 John Loutheham
1417 Thomas Warwyk
1418 Thomas Sale
1419 Thomas Sale
1420 John Sprygy (draper)
1421 Richard Wemys
1422 Thomas Sale
1423 Thomas Sale
1424 Henry Cayso
1425 John Sprygy
1426 John Sprygy
550
NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
Richard May (mercer) 1467 William Austin
John Sprygy 1468 William Maye
John Loutheham (hosier) 1469 John Clarke
William Rushden 1470 William Heron
John Barnett 1471 Thomas Saxilby
Thomas Sale !472 Thomas Hunt
Thomas Sale 1473 John Wilcocks
Henry Stone 1474 Simon Kilsby
Henry Stone 1475 William Austin
1436 John Sprygy 1476 Henry Coleman
1437 John Perry *477 Simon Bradfield
1438 John Hancock 1478 William Harrow
William Rushden, junr. 1479 William Mills
Richard Wemys 1480 Thomas Hunt
John Balderswell 1481 Thomas Poope
Thomas Bottesham 1482 John Clarke
William Peryn ^4^3 William Lynde
Thomas Deraunt 1484 William Wiseman
Thomas Saxby 1485 Simon Bradfield
John Asheborne 1486 Henry Humphrey
William Rushden, junr. 1487 John Astley
Gilbert Lyster (draper) 1488 Thomas Derby
Thomas Knightley 1489 William Flower
William Coke (butcher) 1490 John Watts
William May (mercer) 1491 Henry Humphrey
Thomas Brayfield (dyer) 1492 John Smith
William Perrin (mercer) 1493 John Bell
John Asheborne H94 Roger Butler
William Rushden, jun. 1495 John Disney
Thomas Hunt (draper) John Goldwyer
Gilbert Lyster (draper) 1496 Matthew Sweyne
Thomas Saxby (mercer) X497 Thomas Watts
1459 * William Austen (generosus et *49& Henry Humphry
armiger) H99 Thomas Newman
William Maye 1500 John Smith
William Scamfeld f 1501 Richard Crispe
William Herd 1502 Richard Green
William Perrin 1503 Thomas Parks
Thomas Hunt 1504 John Sakes
John Butler 1505 Robert Shefford
John Hancock 1506 William Buckby
1427
1428
1429
H30
H3I
1432
H33
H34
H35
H39
1440
i44i
1442
1443
1444
1445
1446
1447
1448
1449
1450
i45i
1452
1453
H54
H55
1457
H58
1460
1461
1462
1463
1464
1465
1466
* For this and the three following years there is much confusion and contradiction in the
different lists ; but, happily, we have been able to set the matter at rest, having found deeds
mentioning the mayor for each of these years.
t Possibly Thomas Bradfield, given in several lists, was mayor for the latter part of this year
on the death of William Scamfeld; but Scamfeld was undoubtedly elected in August, 1461, for
it is so given in the Dublin list, the entry being obviously made at the time of the election.
APPENDIX.
551
1507 Henry Humphrey
1508 John Saxby
1509 John Perven
1510 Richard Crispe
John Watts * <
1511 John Smith
John Hilton
1512 Roger Gold
1513 Thomas Penny
1514 Thomas Chipsey
1515 John Walker
1516 William Band
1517 Richard Dickson
1518 Richard Wheeler
1519 John Saxby
1520 Richard Bovvers
1521 John Buckby
1522 Richard Howard
1523 Thomas Addington
1524 John Perven
1525 Lawrence Manley
1526 John Motte
1527 Thomas Chipsey
1528 William Band
1529 Richard A' Bowers
1530 Richard Dickson
1531 John Saxby
1532 Lawrence Washington
1533 Richard Wilkinson
1534 Nicholas Rands
1535 Lawrence Manley
1536 William Wager
1537 J°hn Motte
1538 Thomas Chipsey
1539 Henry Neal
1540 Richard A' Bowers
1541 John Brightwell
1542 Anthony Bryan
1543 Christopher Bernard
1544 Richard Johnson
1545 Lawrence Washington
1546 Richard Wilkinson
1547 Lawrence Manley f
John Browne
1548 Henry Clark
1549 John Browne
1550 Ralph :{: Freeman
1551 Nicholas Rands
1552 Henry Neal
1553 George Coldwell
1554 William Taylor
William Petnall
1555 Anthony Bryan
1556 John Balguy
1557 Lawrence Manley, jun.
John Browne
1558 John Long
1559 Edward Manley
1560 Thomas Hopkins
1561 Thomas Collis
1562 Ralph Maynard
1563 Richard Wharloe
1564 Thomas Pemerton
1565 John Balguy
1566 Edward Manley
T5^7 John Bryan
1568 Henry Wandley
1569 Thomas Hopkins
1570 Ralph Maynard
1571 Richard Wharloe
1572 J°hn Hensman
1573 Henry Clarke
1574 Edward Manley
1575 Edward Stretley
1576 Henry Wandley
1577 William Raynsforde §
* Two other lists have Thomas Watts, and a third Thomas Ward.
t Lawrence Manley died in his mayoralty, and was succeeded by John Browne. By a re-
markable coincidence, when Lawrence Manley, jun., was mayor, just ten years later, he also died
in his mayoralty, and was in his turn followed by John Browne.
t Ralph, not Raphael, as given in all the lists. The mayors for 1562 and 1570 were also
Ralphs, and not Raphaels.
§ Strange to say, this mayor has hitherto been omitted from every list, an omission that has
helped more than anything else to throw lists and dates into confusion. The orders of assembly
are perfectly explicit as to his name and appointment. William Raynsforde presided at all the
assemblies of his year.
552
NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
1579
1580
1581
1582
1583
1584
1585
1586
1587
1588
1590
1591
1592
J593
1594
1595
1596
1597
1598
1599
1600
1601
1602
1603
1604
1605
1606
1607
1608
1609
1610
1611
1612
1613
1614
1615
1616
1617
John Bryan
Thomas Crosswell
John Hopkins
John Kyrtlande *
Lawrence Manley
John Mercer
John Hensman
William Rainsford
John Bicheno
Thomas Humphrey
Thomas Crosswell
John Holland
Thomas Fryer
John Cooper
Lawrence Ball
John Bryan
Edward Mercer
George Rainsford
Thomas Crosswell
John Mercer
Thomas Humphrey
Edward Hensman
Thomas Atkins
Thomas Judkins
Edward Mercer
George Rainsford
Thomas Crosswell
George Coldwell
Roger Higham
Edward Hensman
Francis Fisher
Abraham Ventris
Thomas Bradford
Raphael Humphrey
Edward Mercer
Robert Roson f
Lawrence Rainsford
James Mercer
Thomas Martin
George Rainsford
1618 Edward Collis
1619 Raphael Humphrey
1620 Henry Chadwick
1621 Thomas Cooper
1622 Richard Woollaston
1623 Thomas Gutteridge |
1624 Thomas Martin
1625 Roger Sargent
1626 William Knight
1627 John Danbie
1628 John Gifford
1629 John Harbert
1630 John Bott
1631 Matthew Sillesbie §
1632 John Twigden
1633 Thomas Cowper
1634 Thomas Gutteridge
Thomas Martin
1635 William Knight
1636 John Gifford
1637 William Collis
1638 Richard Fowler
1639 John Danby
1640 John Fisher
1641 Lawrence Ball
1642 John Gifford
1643 Francis Rushworth
1644 Joseph Sergeant
1645 Samuel Martin
1646 Peter Whalley
1647 John Spicer
1648 Thomas Pindleton
1649 Matthew Silsbie
1650 Benoni Coldwell
1651 Thomas Maynard
1652 Lawrence Woollaston
1653 Henry Sprigg
1654 Edward Collis
1655 Peter Whalley
John Spicer
* This name has hitherto been quite misread in all the lists. The town hall list has " John
Roxtland," and Peirce's list " Rextland."
t Not Reason, or Reason, as in some lists.
t Not Goothridge, as in several lists.
§ In the orders of assembly there are three variants to the spelling of this mayor's name—
Sillesbie, Sillesbye, and Sillesby. In the lists he appears also as Silsby, Sylesbye, Silsebye.
APPENDIX.
553
1656 Joseph Sergeant
1657 Jonathan Whiston
1658 William Selby
1659 Thomas Collins
1660 John Twigden
1661 Thomas Thornton
1662 William Spencer (deposed by
K. Charles)
John Brayfield
1663 William Vaughan
1664 Francis Pickmer
1665 John Friend (Frend or Freind)
1666 Richard Rands
1667 Richard Massingberd
1668 John Stevens
John Friend
1669 William Spencer
1670 Edward Collis
1671 Joseph Sergeant
1672 John Willoughby
1673 John Howes
1674 Jonathan Whiston
1675 Edward Knighton
1676 John Friend
1677 John Friend
1678 Richard White
1679 Richard White
1680 Bartholomew Manning
1681 William Else
1682 Thomas Atterbury
1683 Thomas Sergeant
1684 Robert Styles
1685 Robert Ives, jun.
1686 Theophilus Whiston
1687 William Wallis (deposed by
K. James)
John Willoughby
1688 Henry Flexney (deposed by
K. James)
John Selby
1689 James Green
1690 Thomas Chadwick *
1691 John Clark
1692 William Agutter
* Two of the lists have respectively Chaddock and
t The lists give Fawcett, Fawcitt, and Fossett.
1693 Samuel Clifford
1694 John Collis
1695 Jonathan Warner
1696 Robert Ives, jun.
1697 John Clarke
1698 John Hoare
John Clarke
1699 Thomas Brafield
1700 Edward Ivory
1701 William Pettitt
1702 Benjamin Bullivant
1703 Samuel Clifford
1704 John Whithorne
J7°5 John Clarke (draper)
1706 Richard Sanders, sen.
1707 Henry Jeffcutt
1708 Samuel Lyon
1709 Samuel Lyon
1710 Joseph Woolston
1711 John Agutter
1712 John Clarke
1713 Thomas Carr (grocer)
1714 Thomas Peach, sen.
1715 John Loasbey
1716 John Wallis
1717 John Wallis
1718 Richard Jeffcott
1719 Thomas Ives
1720 Richard Sanders
1721 Paul Agutter
1722 William Burt
1723 Thomas Hayes
1724 Nicholas Jeffcutt
1725 Nicholas Battin
1726 George Thompson
1727 Samuel Williamson
1728 Samuel Plackett
1729 John Pratt
1730 Nathaniel Easton
1731 Thomas Peach, jun.
1732 Edward Bayly
1733 John Woolston
!734 John Battin
J735 J°hn Fawsitt f
Haddock.
554
NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
1736 Thomas King
1737 Benjamin Chapman
1738 Samuel Marriott
1739 Stanford Farrin
1740 Joseph Woolston, jun.
1741 George Hayes
1742 John Newcome
1743 Charles Lyon
1744 William Williamson
1745 John Gibson
1746 John Smith
1747 William Fabian
1748 Charles Stratford
1749 Henry Locock
1750 Sloswick Carr
Joseph Woolston
1751 Richard Moore
1752 John Plackett
1753 George Thompson
1754 Henry Jeffcutt
1755 William Jackson
1756 Stamford Farrin
1757 Robert Lucas
1758 Lucas Ward
1759 John Fox
1760 Robert Tyers
1761 Robert Morris
1762 William Giles
1763 Joseph Elston
1764 William Davis (of the Angel)
1765 Robert Balaam
1766 John Davies
1767 Thomas Breton *
1768 John Edwards
1769 Henry Woolley
1770 Samuel Sturgess
1771 William Gibson
1772 William King
1773 Henry Thompson
1774 Edward Kerby
1775 John Newcome
1776 William Chamberlain
1777 Robert Trasler
1778 Edward Cole
1779 James Clarke
The lists have Britten, Bretton, and Britton.
1780 William Thompson
1781 Clarke Hillyard
1782 William Marshall
I7^3 James Sutton
1784 Richard Mills
1785 William Gibson
1786 Samuel Treslove
1787 Hill Gudgeon
1788 Richard Meacock
1789 Thomas Hall
1790 John Lucy
1791 James Miller
1792 William Francis
1793 Jeremiah Briggs
1794 Thomas Hall
1795 Thomas Hall
1796 Charles Smith
1797 John Matthew Hopkins
1798 Francis Osborn
1799 George Osborn
1800 Thomas Johnson
1801 Samuel Holt
1802 Charles Freeman
1803 William Birdsall
1804 Francis Hayes
William Gibson
1805 Thomas Armfield
1806 Joshua Cooch
1807 Luke Kirshaw
1808 Thomas Hall
1809 Nathaniel Jones
1810 Philip Constable
1811 John Chambers
1812 Marmaduke Newby
1813 William Brown
1814 William Brown
1815 William Brown
1816 Francis Mulliner
1817 John Barrett
1818 William Birdsall
1819 Robert Smithson
1820 William Henfrey
1821 Pickering Phipps
1822 George Osborn, jun.
1823 James Birdsall
APPENDIX.
555
c.
1824
James Castell
1861 Her
1825
Edward Gates
1862 Job
1826
Daniel Hewlett
1863 Ma:
1827
Francis Mulliner
1864 Th<
1828
John Marshall
1865 Jarr
1829
John Marshall
1866 Pic!
1830
Henry Lenton Stockburn
1867 J. E
1831
John Phipps
1868 J. 3\
1832
John Freeman
1869 Wi
1833
William Fisher Morgan
1870 Pic
1834
William Gates
1871 He
1835
Charles Freeman
1872 Wi
1836
George Peach
1873 Ric
1837
George Peach
1874 Wi
1838
Thomas Hagger
1875 Jos<
1839
Thomas Sharp
1876 Ge<
1840
William Williams
1877 Th<
1841
William Turner
1878 Wi
1842
Edward Harrison Barwell
1879 Jos
1843
Edward Harrison Barwell
1880 Rol
1844
Edward Harrison Barwell
1881 Wi
1845
John Groom
1882 Wi
1846
Thomas Sharp
1883 Mo
1847
Joseph Wykes
1884 Th<
1848
Joseph Wykes
1885 Th
1849
Francis Parker
1886 Ric
1850
Francis Parker
1887 F«
1851
Thomas Hagger
1888 Jan
1852
Philadelphus Jeyes
1889 Wi
1853
William Williams
1890 Ge
1854
William Dennis
1891 Ed
1855
Christopher Markham
1892 He
1856
William Thomas Higgins
1893 He
1857
William Hensman
1894 Wi
1858
William Roberts
1895 Fr«
1859
Edmund Francis Law
1896 He
1860
Pickering Phipps
LIST OF
BAILIFFS.
1230
Ralph Passelewe
c. 1260 Ri(
Edmund
He
1240
Luke Parmenter
1270 Wi
Simon de Houton
Ric
1250
Robert de Leycester
1271 Gil
Ralph Passelewe
Ro
Henry Philip Markham
John Phipps
Mark Dorman
Thomas Osborne
James Barry
Pickering Phipps
J. Berridge Norman
J. Middleton Vernon
William Adkins
Pickering P. Perry
Henry Marshall
William Jones
Richard Turner
William Adkins
Joseph Gurney
George Turner
Thomas Tebbutt
William Dennis
Joseph Gurney
Robert Derby
William John Peirce
William Coulson
Moses Philip Manfield
Thomas Adams
Thomas Adams '
Richard Cleaver
Frederick Covington
James Barry
William Mills
George Norman
Edwin Bridgewater
Henry Martin
Henry Edward Randall
William Tomes
Frederic Ellen
Henry Edward Randall
Richard de Sl. Neots
Henry de Stormesworthe
William Fraunceys
Richard le Mustarder
Gilbert de Blithesworth
Roger de Arderne
55^ NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
1277 Adam le Hosier
1361 John Moigne
Robert le Rous
Robert Toly
1280 Hugh de Staunford
1367 Richard Lyllebourne
John de Catteworth
William Catworth
1282 Robert de Siberford
1369 Thomas Sutton
Martin le Weydon
Hugh Fauconer
1286 John de Porta
1372 Roger Overton
Adam de Wolarveston
Richard Deye
1289 John Jerveys
1377 Simon Daventre
William Mont
John Prentes
c. 1290 Richard de S'. Neots
1378 Thomas Stoneley
Osbert de Crouetrop
Walter Thyresby
1295 William le Mercer
1379 John Fox
Gilbert de Somersete
Richard Rawlens
1296 Pentecost de Kershalton
1380 Thomas Paynter
Simon Whyteneye
William Grygge
1297 William de Sokle
1381 Richard Spycer
William Baron
William Braas
1304 Alexander de Nayleworth
1382 William Shefford
John de Burgo
Richard Barker
1311 Sampson Fitzgervase
1383 Thomas Sprygy
John le Weydour
Walter Gyn
1316 Henry le Weston
1384 Nicholas Bande
Bartholemew de Reyny
John Bugbroke
1321 William Elys
1385 William Crudworth
John de Cugeho
John Albone
1324 William de Burgo
1386 Richard Stormesbathe
John de Spaldwyk
John Wellys (draper)
I32S John de Stratton
1387 Henry Cayso (draper)
Geoffrey de Herleston
John Colyntre
1327 Henry de Boys
1388 Simon Spycer
Henry Roger
Henry At Halle
1334 John Caudron
1389 William Nuncourt (butcher)
Ralph de Cotenhall
John Toby (fishmonger)
1335 Thomas de Staunford
1390 William Multon
Peter de Boys
William Shenley
J338 Onorius Saucee
1391 John Sywell
Philip de Pysford
John Warde
1343 Adam Garlekmongere
1392 John Sprynge
Simon de Grafton
William Pysford
1349 Geoffrey de Daventry
1393 Thomas Daventry
John de Dybforde
Allan Glayser
1357 Wiiliam Bukkebroc
1394 Thomas Overton (draper)
Richard Smyth
Simon Cotesbroke
1360 John Morgan
1395 William Wall (woolman)
Robert Toly
John Woodward (esquire)
APPENDIX.
557
1396 Edmund Stychhall
Philip Darling (fishmonger)
1397 John Gregory
William Baggeworth
1398 John Wellys (draper)
William Best (ironmonger)
1399 Henry Impyngham
John Martyne
1400 William Curteys
Simon Walker
1401 Thomas Wedon
Lawrence Quinton
1402 John Pury
John Rusheden (fishmonger)
1403 Richard Arcy (mercer)
William Barry (hosier)
1404 William Wodehouse
Nicholas Tidymann (skinner)
1405 John Tiningham
John Revell (dyer)
1406 Richard Arderne
William Harpole (roper)
1407 Thomas Wynteringham
(painter)
Richard Lenche (barber)
1408 Richard Wemmes
(apothecary)
1409 John Hendeley
William Patte
1410 Roger Maltman (fishmonger)
John Gryme
1411 Nicholas Hilton (baker)
John Darby (ostler)
1412 William Clerke (mercer)
William Rusheden (hosier)
1413 Geoffrey Ball
Roger Barber
1414 John Gyles (pardoner*)
Alexander Deyster
1415 Thomas Pole (notary)
John Spriggy (draper)
1416 John Baldeswell (draper)
John Pury (draper)
1417 John Stottesbury (draper)
John Hancock (mercer)
1418 John Barry (mercer)
William Pury (draper)
1419 John Bray (mercer)
John Coly
1420 William Boteler
John Godewyn (fuller)
1421 John Barteram (mercer)
William Dryffeld (dyer)
1422 Richard Ashebourne (glover)
William Maltman (mercer)
1423 Thomas Knightley (baker)
John Rockingham (glover)
1424 Henry Stone (man of law)
Charles Wylscote(clothmaker)
1425 Richard Warde (dyer)
JosephTiringham (ironmonger)
William Coke (butcher)
1426 John Maxey (fuller)
John Church (fuller)
1427 John Store (mercer)
Walter Albone (barber)
1428 Thomas Saxby (mercer)
Thomas Bottesham
(ironmonger)
1429 William Horncastle(pardoner)
Richard Goslyn (saddler)
1430 Thomas Aleyn (fishmonger)
Ralph Sadler
1431 Ralph Passenham (yeoman)
Thomas Toucester (fuller)
1432 John Oxenford (taylor)
Thomas Cory (fletcher f)
Simon Saddler
1433 Thomas Deraunt (ironmonger)
William Peryn (mercer)
1434 William Rusheden (draper)
John Reve (hosier)
1435 Thomas Chandler
Gilbert Lyster (hosier)
1436 John Allgoode (weaver)
Thomas Evesham (butcher)
* A pardoner was a dealer in ecclesiastical pardons and indulgences,
t A fletcher was a maker of arrows.
558
NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
1437 William Sillesby (woolman) 1458
John Cransley (yeoman)
1438 William Barnard (hosier)
John Snelle (mercer)
1439 Simon Crowford (taylor)
Thomas Draper (barber)
1440 John Clarke (fuller)
Henry Baldeswell(apothecary)
1441 John Asheborne (glover)
John Egylle (baker)
1442 William Darby (spicer)
John Watyr (fishmonger)
1443 William May (mercer)
Thomas Brafield (deyster*)
1444 Hugh Stevenys (mercer)
William Fysshe (hosier)
1445 John Hertwell (weaver)
Henry Ashevvell (mercer)
1446 Thomas Hunt (draper)
Thomas Sossinghale (deyster)
1447 John Edward (goldsmith)
John Stanley (deyster)
1448 John Pury (ironmonger)
William Grene (fuller)
1449 Robert Northfolk (mercer)
Richard Burford (glover)
1450 John Ilam (baker)
William Stacy (mercer)
1451 John Sanders (mercer)
John Fashaw (goldsmith)
1452 William Clerk (baker)
John Daventre (baker)
1453 William Hogge (vintner)
William Heyron (saddler)
1454 John Willowes (saddler)
John Howards alias Hancock (deyster)
1455 John Higham (baker)
John Avowres (corviser)
1456 Simon Resten (glover) 1477
John Skelton (deyster)
1457 John Boteler (barber) 1478
Richard Knotting (mercer)
1460
1461
1462
1463
1464
1465
1466
1467
1468
1469
1470
1471
1472
1473
J474
1475
William Welles (mercer)
Roger Permenter (corviser)
Simon Balle (brasier)
John Clarke (baxter f)
John Mede
Thomas Man (butcher)
John Young (baxter)
Thomas White (carter |)
Thomas Saxby
John Osborn
John Harris
William Glover
William Baylie
Thomas Brown
Thomas Perrin
Simon Bradfield
Richard Freeman
William Barnes
Robert Moss
John Priest
William Miller
Thomas Derby
John Wilcocks
Henry Cockman
Thomas Wiseman
John Robins
John Bayer
John Wake
Thomas Poope
John Atterborrow
John Edmay
Thomas Hunt
Thomas Harrow
John Ashwell
Richard Cultre
William Young
John Astley
John Peryne
John Harrold
William Butler
William Ferris
John Lane
* " Deyster" and "deister" are unusual forms of one following the trade of a dyer,
t "Baxter" is a corruption of baker.
t Hall's list gives Joseph Young and Thomas Wright, but the text is certainly right, being
taken from the contemporary Dublin roll.
I
APPENDIX.
559
1479 William Flower
Roger Butler
1480 Henry Humphrey
Thomas Bradfield
1481 John Sakin
John Willis
1482 John Buckby
John More
1483 Hugh Woodfall
Simon Rowland
1484 William Buckby
John Waded
1485 Robert Shepherd
John Daune
1486 John Watts
Thomas Boddington
1487 John Dissey
John Butler
1488 William Manningham
John Man
1489 John Wolfe
William Nicholas
1490 Richard Storer
John Stanbridge
1491 William Prentice
John Rosehend
1492 John West
Matthew Sweyne
1493 John Smith
Edward Chamberlain
1494 John Sayer
William Parvin
1495 Richard Norton
John Norton
1496 Simon West
John Boyers
1497 Walter Chamberlain
John Page
1498 John Marshall
Thomas Riledge
1499 Thomas Lyon
Christopher Reading
1500 Richard Crispe
Richard Greene
1501 Thomas Parker
Thomas Willowes
1502 John Hilton
John Mankin
1503 John Harris
John Woodward
1504 Thomas Brown
Thomas Bradfield
1505 John Hollwell
John Saxbie
1506 John Walker
John Perren
1507 Thomas Young
Richard Wheeler
1508 John Buckby
Richard Alward
1509 William Band
Thomas Chipsey
1510 Richard Abowers
Richard Dainty
1511 William Green
Richard Dickson
1512 William Whetfield
Thomas Doddington
1513 John Watts
John Mordock
1514 Richard Heward
William Goffe
1515 William Wager
William Marshall
1516 William Shefford
Thomas Adams
1517 Thomas Wilver
Roger Meadney
1518 John Longe
Thomas Pemberton
1519 Henry Arrowsmith
Richard Rewe
1520 John Walker
Roger Sturdy
1521 Lawrence Manley
John Warner
1522 Richard Wilkinson
Thomas Woodders
1523 Richard Godfrey
John Godfrey
1524 Nicholas Rands
Thomas Marshall
NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
1525 John Carter
Thomas Peybody
1526 Richard Clerke
John Pritwell
1527 Ralph Heward
Richard Johnson
1528 Henry Freeman
William Fisher
1529 Henry Hunt
William Bubble
1530 William Noble
William Pemberton
1531 John Ware
John Johnson
1532 Henry Neal
Anthony Bryan
1533 Edward Reyse
Richard Bowers
1534 John Prentice
Robert Bradwin
1535 Christopher Bernard
Henry Steward
1536 John Saxbie
John Harpoll
1537 Thomas Botte
John Brawne
1538 John Sanders
John Damford
1537 John Barwick
Thomas Yoe
1540 Henry Clarke
Robert Harrison
1541 Thomas Cole
John Burchall
1542 John Dickson
Henry Prior
1543 John Get 1 owe
George Estridge
1544 John Bowker
William Carvell
1545 John Balguy
William Freeman
1546 William Taylor
Richard Woodward
1547 Thomas Pemerton
Thomas Wright
1548 Richard Warlie
Lawrence Baylie
1549 Robert Scorrall
John Long
1550 Edward Manley
William Harpool
1551 Thomas Hopkins
Ralph Maynard
1552 John Neal
Henry Trotte
!553 Robert Brastley
Cornelius Strowdall
1554 William Elliott
John Adams
1555 Thomas Green
Thomas Whalley
1556 Thomas Warre
Richard Wilkinson
1557 William Hatter
Gilbert Ashpole
1558 Bryan Allalye
Simon Wheatley
1559 Henry Wandley
Richard Watts
1560 John Clarke
Thomas Walker
1561 Thomas Wilkinson
Christopher Broughton
1562 John Hensman
John Bradfield
1563 Thomas Crosswell
Edward Manley
1564 Robert Haskett
Robert Shepherd
1565 Gilbert Scorrall
Edward Freeman
1566 John Danbrooke
Thomas Farre
1567 William Bell
John Mercer
1568 William Rainsford
Randall Cunnington
1569 Henry Clarke
Thomas Fryers
1570 William Young
John Blythe
APPENDIX.
561
1571 William Merry
John Holhead
1572 Robert Rands
Lawrence Manley
1573 Jonn Hopkins
John Bichenoe
1574 John Brooks
Thomas Humphrey
J575 Jonn Lowick
Nicholas Cleator
1576 George Bradshaw
Richard Crosse
1577
1578 Christopher Roson
John Kynesworth
1579 Thomas Adkins
Robert Lee
1580 Lawrence Manley
Thomas Cooper
1581 Henry Wharley
Henry Boddington
1582 Richard Watts
Richard Hensman
1583 John Langham
George Blood
1584 William Barrow
Nicholas Parker
1585 John Maynard
Hugh Coales
1586 John Wigston
Robert Story
1587 Thomas Sanbrook
Edward James
1588 Thomas Judkins
George Rainsford
1589 James Wilkinson
Abraham Ventris
1590 Stephen Ball
William Harpoll
1591 Edward Hensman
Nicholas Brookes
1592 Roger Highman
Edward Mercer
1593 Roger Pendleton
Robert Babbington
1594 Thomas Potter
Edward Martin
1595 Robert Reason
William Wheelows
1596 Robert Fisher
Thomas Rands
1597 Lawrence Raynsford
Henry Eynsworth
1598 Thomas Bradford
Francis Fisher
1599 Henry Holland
John Taylor
1600 Richerd Britten
Richard Walmsley
1601 Henry Chadwick
Thomas Cbadwick
1602 George Caldwell
James Mercer
1603 Edward Hunter
Raphael Humphrey
1604 Richard Woolaston
Thomas Goothridge
1605 John Danby
Arthur Potter
1606 Lawrence Ball
Matthew Silsby
1607 Thomas Martin
William Rugby
1608 John Mayne
John Twigden
1609 John Willowes
William Walton
1610 Richard Smart
John Green
1611 John Blood
John Crick
1612 Lawrence Watts
William Bayley
1613 Richard Truman
Thomas Cooper
1614 Robert Maine
Edward Collis
1615 Henry Todd
Richard Nichols
1616 Roger Sergent
Tobie Coldwell
MM
562
NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
1617 Roger Wilkinson
1641
Jonathan Whiston
Abraham Mynors
John Holmes
1618 William Laves
1642
Richard Rands
John Herbert
Matthew Silsby
1619 Edward Thorogood
1643
William Selby
Richard Chapman
John Selby
1620 John Bott
1644
Henry Lee
Samuel Smith
John Twigden
1621 William Knight
1645
Daniel Symonds
Thomas Ball
Edward Collis
1622 Henry Silesby
1646
Roger Williams
William Brookes
Lawrence Woolaston
1623 Christopher Saunders
1647
John Friend
John Giffard
Thomas Cowper
1624 Simon Eynesworth
1648
Henry Stratford
Richard Fowler
Thomas Collins
1625 Nathaniel Benbow
1649
John Parr
Thomas Judkin
William Spicer
1626 George Crick
1650
John Ball
John Scriven
John Welford
1628 Thomas Pindleton
1651
Edward Chadwick
William Collis
John Bradfield
1629 William Rainsford
1652
James Woolaston
Edward Burgoyne
John Steward
1630 John Pindleton
i653
John Atterbury
John Prior
Joseph Hensman
1631 Thomas Collins
1654
Samuel Poole
Samuel Martin
Richard Massingberd
1632 William Holman
1655
William Moore
Joseph Sergeant
John Ventris
1633 William Smith
1656
William Spencer
John Smith
Thomas Stevens
1634 Robert Heyes
1657
Robert Coles
William Sergeant
John Howes
1635 Francis Rushworth
1658
Thomas Judkins
John Smart
Samuel Herbert
1636 George Godman
1659
William Scarborough
Peter Whalley
Thomas Sergeant
1637 Benoni Caldwell
1660
Robert Cockrayne
John Spicer
John Ivory
1638 Henry Hill
1661
William Vaughan
John Cole
John Woolston
1639 John Bryan
1662
John Clarke (deposed)
Edward Cooper
Samuel Benbow (deposed)
1640 Martin Tomkins
Francis Pickmer
Henry Spriggs
Lawrence Tomkins
APPENDIX.
563
1663 Thomas Atterbury
Robert Addis
1664 Edward Parker
Ralph Caldwell
1665 John Somers
Richard Eborall
1666 Walter Stamford
Walter Boddington
1667 Theophilus Wilson
Thomas Whithorn
1668 Edward Knighton
William Else
1669 William Wallis
Edward Ivory
1670 George Rowell
John Biddies
1671 William Agutter
James Green
1672 Henry Flaxney
Robert Ives
1673 Bartholomew Manning
Charles Lyon
1674 Daniel Poole
Nicholas King
1675 John Parr
Samuel Short
1676 Edward Ward
Robert Ives jun.
1677 Richard White
Robert Styles
1678 Paul Burchier
Jonathan Peake
1679 John Lucas
John Selby
1680 Richard Buckingham
Richard Ward
1 68 1 Henry Jeffcutt
Samuel Clifford
1682 Jonathan Warner
William Pettitt
1683 Thomas Chadwick
Robert Saunders
1684 John Oldham
William Burt
1685 Edward Bayley
George Hayes
1686 Richard Clifford
Christopher Poyner
1687 Richard Saunders (deposed)
Henry Woolston (deposed)
Henry Lee
Jeremy Friend
1688 Thomas Claridge (deposed)
Edward Hillier (deposed)
John Fowler
Thomas Dust
1689 John Hoare
Edward Ivory
1690 Thomas Brafield
John Wallis
1691 John Whithorn
John Selby
1692 John Clarke jun.
Richard Medbury
1693 Thomas Tuckwell
William Shepherd
1694 John King
Thomas Clifford
1695 John Herbert
Lewis Martin
1696 John Burkitt
John Bradshaw
1697 Francis Battin
George Rowell
1698 Edward Tredder
Henry Osmond
1699 John Manning
John Bayley
1700 Daniel Cockerill
James Hackleton
1701 John Agutter
Walter Cockerill
1702 Francis Greenough
William Pheasant
1703 William Green
Thomas Clarke
1704 Nicholas Plowman
John Clarke (grocer)
1705 John Eakins
Henry Woolston
1706 Thomas Peach
Samuel Plackett
MM 2
564
NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
1707 John Chapman
John Simcoe
1708 William Clifford
Richard Sanders jun.
1709 Joseph Woolston
Thomas Carr
1710 John Parsham
Samuel Scriven
1711 Giles Twigden
Stephen Winston
1712 Thomas Hayes
Henry Cooper
1713 Richard Jeffcutt
Thomas Ives
1714 Thomas Barker
Nathaniel Easton
1715 Nicholas Jeffcutt
Nicholas Battin
1716 John Scriven
George Thompson
1717 Richard Parr
Paul Agutter
1718 John Clarke
Edward Bayley
1719 William King
Thomas Peach
1720 William Burt
Samuel Williamson
1721 William Haynes
Thomas King
1722 Richard Lee
John Woolston
1723 Thomas Gooding
Joseph Daniel
1724 John Bull
John Battin
1725 John Fawcett
John Pratt
1726 Charles Stratford
Thomas Greenough
1727 George Marriott
Samuel Marriott
1728 John Hitchcock
Samuel Lambell
1729 Stamford Farrin
Samuel Jeyes
1730 James Sea well
Benjamin Chapman
1731 Robert King
John Newcombe
1732 William Woolston
Peter Dunkley
*733 Samuel Brown
Stephen Woolston
1734 John Pasham
Joseph Matthews
*735 Daniel Cockerill
Richard Ball
1736 John Fowler
John Gibson
1737 Henry Locock
Joseph Woolston jun.
1738 William Williamson
George Hayes
J739 George Bayley
Robert Tyers
1740 John Plackett
John Seawell
1741 Charles Lyon
William Fabian
1742 William Atterbury
John Smith
1743 William Bicknall
John Woolston
1744 Joseph Weston
Richard Moore
1745 Thomas Gurney
Hatton Howes
1746 George Thompson
Henry Jeffcutt
*747 Jonn Brown
Robert Lucas
1748 John Smith
Storwick Carr
1749 Lawrence Spencer
Joseph Hall
1750 John Fox
Richard Wall
1751 Hugh Sharpe
Robert Balaam
1752 Richard Jeffcutt
William Jackson
APPENDIX.
565
1753 Stamford Farrin jun.
Richard Morris
1754 Richard Meacock
William Payne
1755 Henry Cranwell
William Steward
1756 Valentine Cook
Samuel Wainwright
1757 William Sutton
Joseph Easton
1758 John Hollis
Solomon Ashby
1759 Joseph Elston
Simon Collis
1760 William Peake
Robert Trasler
1761 John Dawes
John Clarke
1762 Richard Fox
Richard Deal
1763 Samuel Swinfen
William Davis
1764 Samuel Sturgess
George Sanders
1765 Thomas Swan
Martin Lucas
1766 Thomas Britten
John Edwards
1767 William Gibson
John Newcombe
1768 Henry Woolley
Edward Kirby
1769 Henry Duke
Henry Thompson
1770 William King
Edward Cole
1771 Thomas Chambers
Robert Lucas
1772 Richard Mills
William Bagley
1773 James Sutton
William Chamberlain
1774 Robert Billson
William Thompson
1775 William Woolston
James Clarke
1776 William Balaam
Edward Cox
1777 Charles Smith
John Hollis
1778 Thomas Dickenson
John Potter
1779 Thomas Scriven
William Francis
1780 Clarke Hillyard
Charles Balaam
1781 John Lacy
William Marshall
1782 James Brown
Samuel Stanton
1783 James Miller
Hill Gudgeon
1784 Thomas Johnson
Thomas Smith
1785 Samuel Treslove
Richard Meacock
1786 John Segary
Joseph Edge
1787 Thomas Hodgkinson
William Lockett
1788 Thomas Hall
John Matthew Hopkins
1789 John Chambers
William Cook
1790 Jeremiah Briggs
William Ager
1791 Benjamin Goodman
James Cliff
1792 Edward Wood
John Harris
1793 Timothy Chapman
Francis Shaw
1794 George Osborn
Samuel Holt
1795 George Osborne
Samuel Holt
1796 Francis Osborn
Thomas Taylor
1797 Thomas Catterne
John Gibson
1798 John Fletcher
William Birdsall
566
NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
1799 Thomas Johnson
1818 Thomas Cliff
Joseph Sibly
William Hopkins
1800 Charles Freeman
1819 David Thomas
Richard Scriven
William Henfrev
1801 William Odell
1820 Pickering Phipps
William Dunkley
John Wright
1802 Luke Kershaw
1821 John Veasey
Joshua Cooch
George Osbcrne jun.
1803 Joseph Coxe
1822 Thomas Iliff Atkins
William Trasler
John Brettell
1804 Thomas Armfield
1823 James Chamberlain
George Harrison
James Rose
1805 Thomas Gibbins
1824 James Goodman
William Brown
John Freeman
1806 John Bull Collins
1825 James Dunkley
William Payne
Henry Lenton Stockburn
1807 Nathaniel Jones
1826 Francis Mulliner
John Stephenson
Edward Phipps
1808 Marmaduke Newby
1827 Andrew Chambers
Charles Whitworth
William Mobbs
1809 Philip Constable
1828 William Nippin
William Marshall
Hugh Higgins
1810 Charles Longstaffe
1829 John Dunkley
George Cornfield
Durham Sharpe
1811 Francis Mulliner
1830 John Phipps
Edward Stanton
Joseph Ashby
1812 John Loe
1831 Richard Phipps
Edward Gates
James Marshall jun.
1813 John Barrett
1832 Thomas Marshall
William Kirby
John Whitney
1814 Samuel Stanton
1833 William Gates
William Fisher Morgan
William Gillett
1815 John Knight Higgins
1834 William Flecher
Thomas Eaton
Charles Britten
1816 Daniel Hewlett
1835 Thomas Cooke
John Marshall
WilliamHollis
1817 James Birdsall
James Castle
LIST OF
CHAMBERLAINS.
I55i William Taylor
1558 Thomas Coles
1552 John Adams
1559 Thomas Hopkyns
XS53 William Harpole
1560 John Clarke
X5S4 Jonn Brightwen
1561 Ralph Menard
. . .
1562 Henry Walger
APPENDIX
1563 Thomas Somerton
1613 Henry Chadulck
1564 John Danbrooke
James Mercer
1565 Symon Storie
1614 Henry Chadwick
1566 Richard Watts
James Mercer
1567 Henry Clarke
1615 Henry Chadwick
1568 . . .
John Danbye
1569 Thomas Craswell
1616 Thomas Potter
1570 William Merry
Thomas Cowper
1571 William Bradfield
1617 Thomas Potter
1572 Oliver Fell
Thomas Cowper jun.
1573 Christopher Broughton
1618 Thomas Potter
1574 Lawrence Ball
Thomas Cowper jun.
1619 Thomas Potter
1581 George Bradshawe
Thomas Cowper jun.
1582 Nicholas Parker
1620 Thomas Cowper jun.
1583 Robert Randes
William Knight
1584 Robert Dukes
1621 John Harbert
1585 Christopher Rowson
Henry Sillesbye
1586 . . .
1622 John Harbert
1587 Richard Wattes
William Knight
1588 . . .
1623 John Harbert
1589 William Borrowe
William Knight
1590 Thomas Potter
1624 William Knight
1591 . . .
Thomas Ball
1592 Henry Holled
1625 William Knight
1593 Hugh Coles
Thomas Ball
1594 Henry Chadwick
1626 Thomas Ball
1595 Thomas Judkyn
Symon Einsworth
1596 Richard Woollaston
1627 Christopher Saunderson
1597 Robert Babington
Symon Einsworth
1598 Edward Hunter (taylor)
1628 Christopher Saunderson
1599 Abraham Ventris (malster)
Symon Einsworth
1629 Christopher Saunderson
1607 Henry Chadwick
Symon Einsworth
James Mercer
1630 Christopher Saunderson
1608 Henry Chadwick
Symon Einsworth
James Mercer
1631 Symon Einsworth
1609 Henry Chadwick
William Collis
James Mercer
1632 Symon Einsworth
1610 Henry Chadwick
William Collis
James Mercer
1633 Symon Eynsworth
1611 James Mercer
William Collis
Henry Chadwick
1634 Symon Einsworth
1612 Henry Chadwick
William Collis
James Mercer
1635 Thomas Judkyn
William Collins
567
568
NORTHAMPTON
BOROUGH
RECORDS.
1636 Thomas Judkyn
1659
John Ventris
William Collyns
John Twigden
1637 Thomas Judkyn
1660
Richard Massingberd
Joseph Sargent
John Ventris
1638 Edward Burgins
1661
John Selby
Samuel Martyn
Richard Massingberd
1639 Edward Burgins
1662
James Walker
Samuel Martyn
John Clifford
1640 Samuel Smith
1663
John Clifford
Peter Whaley
James Walker
1641 Samuel Smith
1664
James Walker
Peter Whaley
John Clifford
1642 Thomas Pindleton
1665
Thomas Atterbury
Peter Whaley
James Walker
1643 George Goodman
1666
James Walker
Thomas Pindleton
Thomas Atterbury
1644 Edward Cooper
1667
Thomas Atterbury
George Goodman
John Woolston
1645 John Holmes
1668
John Woolston
Edward Cooper
Thomas Atterbury
1646 Benoni Coldwell
1669
Edward Parker
Edward Cooper
John Woolston
1647 Matthew Silsbie
1670
Theophilus Whiston
Benoni Coldwell
Thomas Whithorne
1648 Lawrence Wollaston
1671
Thomas Sergeant
Matthew Silsbie
Theophilus Whiston
1649 Edward Collis
1672
Robert Addis
Richard Wollaston
Thomas Sergeant
1650 Roger Williams
1673
William Else
Edward Collis
Thomas Sargeant
1651 William Selbie
1674
William Else
Roger Williams
1675
William Else
1652 Richard Rands
1676
Nicholas King
William Selbie
James Greene
1653 Richard Rands
1677
Daniel Poole
Thomas Cooper
Nicholas King
1654 Thomas Cowper
1678
Richard Ebrall
Thomas Collins
Daniel Poole
*655 John Freind
1779
Richard Ebrall
Thomas Collins
Daniel x°oole
1656 Thomas Collins
1680
Edward Ivory
John Freind
Richard Ebrall
1657 John Steevans
1681
Daniel Poole
John Ventris
Edward Ivory
1658 John Steevans
1682
Samuel Shortland
John Ventris
Daniel Poole
APPENDIX.
569
1683 Samuel Short
1684 Richard Ward
1685 Theophilus Whiston
Richard Ward
1686 William Wallis
1687 John Clarke
1688 Thomas Chadwick
1689 John Lucas
1690 John Parr
John Lucas
1691 John Parr
1692 Jonathan Warner
1693 John Whithorne
1694 Henry Jeffcutt
J^95 John Oldam
1696 John Clarke
1697 John Hoare
1698 John Fowler
1699 John Fowler
1700 George Hayes
1701 George Rowell
1702 George Hayes
1703 Thomas Tuckwell
1704 John Manninge
1705 William Pheasant
1706 Francis Greenough
1707 John Agutter
1708 John Agutter
1709 John Clarke
1710 Thomas Peach
1711 Samuel Plackett
1712 Samuel Plackett
1713 John Pasham
1714 Samuel Plackett
1715 Samuel Plackett
1716 William Agutter
1717 John Winston
1718 Thomas Ives
1719 Richard Saunders
1720 Nathaniel Easton
1721 Stephen Winston
1722 John Clark (draper)
1723 George Tompson
1724 George Tompson
1725 George Tompson
1726 Thomas Gooding
1727 John Woolston jun.
1728 John Woolston jun.
1729 John Woolston jun.
1730 George Marriott
1731 John Bull
1732 Robert King
1733 Joseph Daniel
1734 Joseph Daniel
1735 Samuel Lambell
1736 Samuel Lambell
1737 Stamford Farrin
1738 Joseph Woolston jun.
1739 Joseph Woolston jun.
1740 John Wilson
1741 William Williamson
1742 John Plackett
1743 Samuel Lambell
1744 John Plackett
1745 John Smith (apothecary)
1746 John Plackett
1747 John Plackett
1748 George Tompson
1749 Robert Tyers
1750 Robert Tyers
1751 George Tompson
1752 Henry Jeffcutt
1753 Henry Jeffcutt
1754 Richard Jeffcutt
1764 Robert Balaam
1765 William Peake
1766 William Peake
1767 John Edwards
1768 William Gibson
1769 William Gibson
1770 Henry Tompson
1771 Edward Kerby
1772 Edward Kerby
1773 Edward Kerby
1774 John Newcome
1775 William Tompson
1776 William Tompson
1777 Robert Billson
1778 Robert Billson
1779 Robert Billson
1780 Robert Billson
570
NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
1781 James Sutton
1782 James Sutton
1783 John Lacy
1784 John Lacy
1785 Francis Hayes
1786 Frances Hayes
1787 James Miller
1788 James Miller
1789 James Miller
1790 James Miller
1791 Thomas Scriven
1792 Thomas Scriven
1793 John Segary
1794 John Segary
J795 J°hn Segary
1796 John Matthew Hopkins
1797 Francis Osborne
1798 George Osborne
1799 Thomas Taylor
1800 Samuel Holt
1801 Richard Scriven
1802 Richard Scriven
1803 John Fletcher
1804 John Fletcher
1805 Joshua Cooch
1806 Luke Kershaw
1807 William Dunkley
1808 William Dunkley
1809 Marmaduke Newby
1810 Marmaduke Newby
1811 John Shortgrave
1812 John Shortgrave
1813 Charles Whitworth
1814 Charles Whitworth
1815 to 1829 Alderman Samuel Holt
1830 to 1835 Hugh Higgins
LIST OF TOWN CLERKS.
[The first four are from deeds, the rest from the books of the corporation^
1321
William de Burgo
1657 Hatton Farmer
1396
Thomas Abowers
1660 John Fowler
1460
John Towcester
1662 Henry Lee
i47i
John Launden
1688 Anthony Plant
ISI2
John Prentes
1690 Henry Lee (re-elected)
—
1705 George Rowell
1548
John Saxby
1765 John Jeyes
1578
Thomas Sanbrooke
1772 Theophilus Jeyes
1592
George Coldwell
1837 John Hensman
i6i8
Tobias Coldwell
1857 John Jeffery
1654
Tempest Cooke
1869 William Shoosmith
LIST OF
TOWN STEWARDS.
[The first
eight are from deeds,
the remainder from the books of the corporation.']
1295
William Morvin
? John Reading
1310
William de Horton
1634 Robert Woodford
1342
Ralph de Boston
1654 William Rushton
1374
Robert Sibthorpe
1665 Henry Rushton
1404
William Martyn
1683 Richard Harris
H39
George Scriven
1688 Francis Reading
1470
Martin Weydon
1702 John Rose
H97
Geoffrey Holdenby
1712 John Stoakes
—
? John Rowell
1569
John Brooke
1768 William Markham
1592
John Brooke jun.
1776 John Markham
1620
William Brooke
APPENDIX.
571
LIST OF THE SERJEANTS-AT-MACE,
OR MAYOR'S SERJEANTS.
1567 James Thackeray
1589 John Glover
1608 Edward Smith
1647 Simon Einsworth
1652 John Cole
1657 Henry Lee
1668 Henry Lee jun.
1689 Matthew Barnes
1702 Nicholas King
1712 William Barcole
1721 Nicholas Stratforde
1722 John Moore
1725 Brian Alliston
1735 Walter Cockerell
1742 Thomas Stuart
1766 Joseph Satchwell
1776 Keeling Williamson
1791 Samuel Wainwright
1799 John Wright
1 80 1 Charles Balaam
1820 John Alliston
LIST OF THE TOWN CRIERS OR BELLMEN.
1572 Simon Hodgekyn
1606 Thomas Coles
1626 — Appletree
1658 George Marshall
? Thomas Peedle
1696 John Boone
? Brian Rushworth
1706 Daniel Sanders
1718 Thomas Hanson
? Benjamin Farrin
1745 Robert Moore
? Samuel Foulkes
1750 Robert Cox
1777 John Smith
1785 John Roberts
1607
1632
1641
1642
1646
1696
LIST OF MASTERS OF THE FREE
GRAMMAR SCHOOL.
1565 Mr. Thackaray
1584 Mr. Saunderson
Simon Wastell
Daniel Rogers, M.A.
Mr. Martin
Mr. Goodricke
Ferdinando Archer, M.A.
Robert Styles
1722
1748
1764
1765
1769
1797
1827
John Clarke
Richardson Wood
W. Williams
Samuel Rogers
Thomas Woolley
John Stoddart
Charles Cutbush
INDEX.
N N
INDEX TO VOL. II.
Abbot's meadow, 72, 187, 217, 226, 228,
34i, 515
Abel, the carrier, 347
Abington, 46, 168, 169, 311
Abington Street, 166, 171, 175, 181, 186,
241, 247, 269, 275, 306-7, 374, 376,
469. 5i5, 52i, 528
Able-bodied poor, 180
Abowers, Richard, 551, 559
„ Thomas, 570
Abrey, Francis, 383
Acham, Mr., 58-9, 59'6i, 368
Acton Burnell, I2O
Acton, Valentine, 496
Adam, son of Nigel, 329
Adams, John, 56, 182, 560, 566
Thomas, 555, 559
„ Simon, 112
Addams, Roger, 139
Addington, Thomas, 551
Addis, Robert, 568, 562
Adkins, W. R. D., 9
„ Richard, 430
„ Thomas, 561
William, 555
Adys, Robert, 59, 169
" Afferors," 134
Ager, John, 89
„ William, 565
„ Thomas, 375
Agutter, Alderman, 257, 292, 409
„ John, 365, 401, 410, 553, 569,
563
„ Paul, 553. 564
„ William, 37, 39, 46, 449, 553,
569. 563
Albert, Prince, 471
Albone, John, 556
Walter, 557
Alehouses, 67, 299-308
Aleyn, Thomas, 557
Algar, William, 124
All Saints, Church of, 4, 59, 86, 99, 118,
138, 146, 158, 166, 179, 186, 191-2,
238, 243-51, 259, 314, 340, 350-2,
357, 361-6, 383-420, 439, 482, 518,
S3i
Allalye, Bryan, 560
,, Edward, 462
„ Thomas, 456, 468
Allen, Francis, 136
,, Henry, 461
„ John, 365
„ Joseph, 371
,, Samuel, 43
„ William, 204
AUgood, John, 557
Alliston, Brian, 58, 75-6, 81, 571
John, 82, 138, 571
„ Richard, 366
„ Thomas, 461
Althorp, 122, 298, 504
„ Lord, 507
Alward, Richard, 559
Aman, Robert, 184
„ William, 203
Amasko, Giles, 322
John, 322
Andres, George, 126
Andrew, George, 159
„ William, 361
Andrew, St., End, 241
„ Grange of, 428
„ Hospital, 252
,, Priory of, 104, I44,*I7O, 330,
383, 420,B5i6, 518
Street, 516
Andrews, Matthew, 457-8
Angel Inn, 51, 138, 306
„ Lane, 524 -
Anne, Queen, 99, 109-10, 174, 409, 482-5
,, Princess, Regiment of, 481
Antwerp, 123
Apology, Jewell's, 415
Apothecaries, 21, 22, 504
Apple trees, 153, 160
Apprentices, 50, 320-6
Arbitrator, Mayor as, 130
Archdeacon of Northampton, 333
Archebold, Edmund, 324
Archer, Edmund, 456, 458
Ferdinando, 354-5, 571
,, Mr., 45, 62
Arcy, Richard, 557
Arderne, Richard, 557
Roger de, 555
Arkesham (Arxam), 160-1
Arkwright, William, 63
Arlington, Lord, 45
Armada, The, 472-3
Armentage, 157
Armfield, Mr., 41
„ Thomas, 566
Arms and Armour, 449-53
,, of England, 93
,, ,, Northampton, 93, 145-6, 212
Arrowsmith, Henry, 559
Arundell, Francis, 256-7
Mr., 499
Ash trees, 153-60
Ashbourne, John, 550, 558
Richard, 557
Ashby, 479
„ John, 456, 458
576
NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
Ashby, Joseph, 566
,, Henry, 462
„ Saul, 374
Ashpole, Gilbert, 560
„ Thomas, 159
Ashwell, Syke, 162
Ashwell, Henry, 558
John, 558
Aspeland, John, 138
Assaby, Jeremiah, 43
Assassination of Mr. Perceval, 487
Assembly, 6, 7, 13, 29, 171
Asserby, 368
Assessments, 179
„ National, 473-4
Assize of bread and beer, 134, 195-6
Assizes, 148-9
Astley, John, 549, 550, 558
Atkins, Edward, 457
Thomas, 456, 458, 552, 562
,, Thomas Iliff, 566
,, William, 445
At Halle, Henry, 556
Attegate, Henry, 198
Atterbury, Francis, 139
John, 457, 459,1558, 562
Mr, 38, 47
Thomas, 292, 371, 457, 459,
477, 553, 568
„ William, 564
Attorney, 49
Auditors, 49
Augustin street, 516
Austell, Henry, 537
Austin, John, 457-8
„ William, 43, 550
Austin Friars, 516, 520, 522
„ Lane, 516
Avowies, John, 558
Awsons well, 161
Aylesbury, 544
Aynho, 364
Aynsworth, John, 155-6
Babington, Robert, 567, 561
Bacoun, Isabel, 167
„ William, 167
Badges for the poor, 179
Badges, Silver sleeve, 87-8, 146-7
Baggeworth, William, 557
Bagley, William, 371, 565
„ Mr., 413
Bailiffs, 14, 15, 17, 51-6, 188-90, 200-1
Bailiffs' court, 116
„ hook, 42, 56, 60, 370, 516
,, journals, 3
Bailiss, John, 50
Baker, George, 5
,, Thomas, 202
Bakers, The, 278-86, 504
Baker's hill, 58, 370
Balaam, Charles, 82, 85, 565, 571
Balaam, Robert, 40, 554, 564
,, William, 371, 565
Baldeswell, John, 550, 557
Henry, 558
Balgey, John, 104, 154, 156, 183, 226, 308,
494, 55 if 56o
Ball, Geoffrey, 557
John, 363, 383, 456, 459, 562
Lawrence, 139, 157, 444-6, 449, 552,
567, 56i
Simon, 558
Stephen, 561
Thomas, 392, 396, 398-9, 567, 562
Ballot, 25, 40
Balmesholme, 61-2, 64, 216, 219, 368, 372
Balmesholme lane, 221, 416
Balls lane, 421, 516
Banbury, 440
Band, William, 294, 551, 559
Bande, Nicholas, 556
Banes, Anthony, 139
Barbers, 504
Barbers end, 58
Barber's scissors and knives, 323
Barber, Roger, 557
Barcole, Robert, 456
William, 80, 81, 571
Barken end, 370
Barker, Thomas, 564
Barley hill, 518
Barnard, Christopher, 98, 185
,, William, 126
Barnes, Mathew, 79-80, 85, 449
„ Mr., 45, 63, 145
,, William, 461
Barnett, John, 550, 566
Baron, John, 554
„ William, 556
Barrett, James, 555
John, 557
„ Peter, 138
Barrow, William, 561
Barrowes, John, 448
Barry, William, 557
Bartholomew, St., Church of, 167,420, 528
„ „ Feast of, 242
Bartholomewtide, 419
Barton, Mr., 61
Barwell, E. H., 555
Barwick, John, 560
Basket makers, 504
Bateman, Edmund, 72
,, J°hn, 64
Batman, William, 333
Batten (Battin) Francis, 136, 563
„ John, 371, 553, 564
Nicholas, 553, 564
Bawkinsholme, 216
Bay trees, 156-160
Bayles, James, 374
Bayer, John, 558
Bayly (Bayley, Baylie), Edward, 553,563,
564
INDEX.
577
Bayly, George, 402, 564
„ John, 183, 460, 463, 480, 563
,, Lawrence, 360, 560
„ Mr., 417
„ William, 558, 561
Baxter, John, 413
,, Thomas, 422
Bazly, Henry, 316
Beadles, 48-9, 89-90, 481-7
Beal, Richard, 565
Bear Inn, 366
Beanvard Street, 266, 306, 516
Bears, 516
Beale, Francis, 495
Beast market, 59
Beckets Charity, 365
Beckett, John, "58, 65
Becton, Robert, 24
Bedford, /)/|/|
Bedford, Robert de, 549
Belcher, William, 146
Bell Barn, 374, 516
Bell Inn, 306
Bell, John, 530
,, Martha, 43
„ William, 560
Bellman, 61, 85-9, 268, 479, 481-7
Bells, 173, 412-14, 4i7. 422, 439
Bells, old from the Castle, 66
Bell, Town, 32, 85-9, 189, 195
Bell, of the Almshouse, 243
Bell, John, 550
Benbow, Nathaniel, 562
„ Samuel, 562
Benefactors' Board, All Saints, 249-51
Benefactions for Poor Tradesmen, 307-8
Benloos, Christopher, 322
Bennett, George, 43
„ Mr., 460
Bentley, Richard, 298
„ Thomas, 91
Bernard, Baldwin, 430
„ Christopher, 551, 560
,, Francis, 168
Bertie, Erule, 112
Berwick, Duke of, 477
Bible, 358
Bichenoe, John, 153, 156, 445, 552, 561,
563
Bicknell, William, 223, 564
Biddies, John, 449
Mrs., 481
Billetting Soldiers, 448
Billing, Mr., 462
Billing, 44, 198
Billing, Little, 355
Billson, Robert, 569, 565
Bird, Maurice, 43
Birdsall, Mr., 40, 174
James, 554, 566
William, 554, 565
Bishop Blaize Inn, 306
Bishop, Thomas, 43, 314
Black Boy Inn, 306, 359, 366
Black Friars Lane, 517
Black Hangings in Church, 409
Black Lion Inn, 306
Blacksmiths, 504
Blackthorns, 63
Blake, Major, 497
Bland, Richard, 61, 65, 448
Blenheim, 482
Bletsoe, John, 375
Bliss, John, 203
Blisworth, 390
Blithesworth, Gilbert de, 555
Blomley, Bryan, 361
,, Thomas, 361
Blood, George, 561
Blood, John, 561
Blue Boar Inn, 306
Blue Coat School, 357
Blundells Farm, 362
Blunderbusses, 453
Blyth, Mr, 188
„ John, 560
Boddington, Edward, 58
Henry, 561
„ Mr., 240
Thomas, 58, 559
„ Walter, 563
Bodleian Library, 146
Bohemia, 474
Bottesham, Thomas
" Boltinge Tobe," 125
Bolton, Lawrence de, 198
Bonde, John, 184, 537
Bonfires, 61, 64, 478-485
Bonnam Furlong, 160
Bookbinders, 504
Book of Escheats, 3
Boone, John, 86, 178, 269, 571
„ Richard, 89
Boot Inn, 306
Borrowe, William, 567
Bostock, Mr., 476
Boston, 520
Boston, Ralph de, 570
Boswell, Thomas. 140
Boteler, John, 558
,, General, 497
„ William, 557
Bott, George, 62, 461
„ John, 552, 562
„ Mr., 240
„ Mrs. 269
Botte, Lawrence, 156
,, Thomas, 560
Bottesham, Thomas, 550
Boughton, 108, 376
Boughton Meer, 161
Bouverie, Edward, 24, 319, 5°7"9
Bowers, Richard, 560
Bowker, John, 560
Bow and Arrows, 125
Boys, Henry de, 556
57«
NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
Boys, Peter de, 556
Boyers, John, 559
Boyne, Battle of, 479
Braas, William, 556
Bracegirdle, James, 254
Brackley, 201, 391, 536
Bracknyll, 164-5
Bradfield(Bradfyld,orBrafield), Isabel, 155
John, 34-8, 182, 475, 498, 553, 560,
562
Mr., 45, 47, 148, 245, 479-80
Robert, 217
Simon, 558
Thomas, 550, 563
William, 567
Bradfields Yard, 155
Bradford, Thomas, 169, 446, 459, 552, 561
Bradshaw, George, 567, 561
John, 64, 479, 563
Mr., 393
„ Richard, 54
„ Thomas, 398
Bradshaw Street, 517
Bradwin, Robert, 560
Brampton Bridge, 161
Branding, 62
Branding Day, 223
Brastley, Robert, 560
Braunston, William, 112
Brawne, John, 560
Bray, John, 557
„ Sir Edmund, 246, 407
„ Solomon, 43
Braziers, 504
Bread, 279
Breton, Mr., 61
„ Robert, 111-12
„ Thomas, 507, 554
Brettell, John, 365, 566
Breechesmakers, 504
Brewers, 299-308, 312
Brewood, 147
Brian (Bryan), Anthony, 127, 183, 422,
453, 551, 56o
„ John, 104, 314, 361, 551-2
» Mr-, 397
Brick kiln, 64
Brickmakers, 505
Bridewell, 58, 61, 159, 174, 177, 186
Bridges' " Northampton," 422, 432
Bridge Chapel, 160, 423, 523
Bridgehill, 163
Bridge Street, 58, 136, 159, 160, 259, 271,
306-7, 340-1, 351, 357-8, 370, 374,
517, 524
Bridges, Town, 427, 538-9
Bridge of Billinge, 198, 200
Bridgewater, Edwin, 555
Bridgnorth, 93
Briggs, Jeremiah, 123, 554, 565
Brightman, John, 294
Brightwell, John, 383, 551
Brightwenn, John, 52, 56, 566
Brightwenn, William, 127
Bristol, 14, 44, 73, 91, 119, 121, 123, 520
Briteman, John, 226
Mr., 45
British Museum, 172, 256, 331
Briton (Britten), Charles, 566
,, Edward, 158
,, Richard, 446, 561
„ Thomas, 565
Brixworth Brook, 162
Broad Lane, 374
Broteswell, 162
Brooke, John, 116, 570
„ Lord, 438
Brooks, John, 459, 561
,, Nicholas, 561
„ Thomas, 458
„ William, 562
Broomhill, 163-4
Broom makers, 505
Broughton, Christopher, 560, 567
Brown, Alderman, 511-12
Brown Coat School, 367
Browne, John, 113, 551, 564
„ Samuel, 564
„ Thomas, 558
William, 155, 342, 412,554, 566
Brownsgrave, Robert, 462
Bruges, 484
Bryant, John, 372, 562
Brudnell, Sir Edward, 390
Bryce, Geoffrey, 159
Bryctewell, Simon de, 198
Brytton, Richard, 139
Bubble, William, 560
Buckby (Bugby), John, 551, 559
„ Mark, 131
„ Mr., 47, 65
„ William, in, 216, 245,550,559,
Bucketon, 162
Buckets, see Firebuckets
Buckingham, 354
Buckingham, Duke of, 448, 521
,, Anthony, 292
Bishop, 334
Richard, 245, 563
Bugbrooke, 357, 364, 367, 379
Bugbrooke, John, 556
Bukkebroe, William, 556
Bulls, 60, 61, 62, 222-23
„ John, 569, 564
Bull, Lawrence, 153
Bull Inn, 306
Bull and Goat Inn, 375
Bullivant, Benjamin, 39, 138
Bulwell, 162-3
Bunington, Mr., 408
Burbage, Arthur, 460
Burchall, John, 560
Burchier, Paul, 563
Burford, Richard, 558
Burgess, Thomas, 157-8
Burgh, Robert, de, 549
INDEX.
579
Burgh, Walter de, 549
Burgins, Edward, 568
Burgo, John de, 556
,, William de, 68, 144, 556, 570
Burgoyne, Edward, 562
Burke's General Armoury, 147
Burkitt, John. 563
Burleigh House, 405, 471
Burnam, William 122
Burnby, Mr., 122
Burrowes, Mr., 188
„ Thomas, 461
Burrows, William, 449
Burt, William, 553, 563, 564
Burton Latimer, 362, 391
Burton Lazers, 330
Burton, Mr., 58
„ Thomas, 361
Burton-on-Trent, 142
Burwell, Sir George, 499
Bushel Measure, 194
Butchers, The, 280-6, 505
Butchers' Stalls (or Row), 49, 60, 281,
284-6, 296, 367, 379, 517
Butler, John, 550, 559
Buttler, Roger, 550, 559
William, 184
Button makers, 314
Bycheno, John, 341
Cabbages, Sale of, 190
Calais, 123
Caldecott, John, 205, 501-2
„ Thomas, 112
Calivers, 451
Calvesholme, 217, 368
Calvin's Catechism, 386
Cambridge, 73, 194, 444, 535-6
Camden, 146
Camera, 56
Campden, John de, 198
Camperdown, 486
Canals, 542-3
Candles, 174, 481, 483
Canterbury, 73, 121, 444
Canterbury Pilgrims, 262
„ Water, 262
Canvas, 124
Cappe Lane, 154-5, 517
Cardemaker, Adam le, 167
„ Ivetta, 157
Candlemass, 394
Carl, Mr., 45
Carlton, George, 183
Carmelite Friars, 520-2, 528
Carr, John, 407, 417
„ Slowick, 39, 554, 564
„ Thomas, 411-12, 553, 564
Carter, John, 559
Carpenters, 505
Cartwright, Thomas, 500
„ William, 364, 379
Carvell, Robert, 160
„ William, 560
Cary, John, 460
Castell, James, 42, 555
Mr., 511
Castile, King of, 147
Castle Ashby, 107, no
Castle Bells, 66
Castle, James, 566
Castle Hills, 154, 361
„ Mills, 59
„ Orchard, 361
„ Street, 517
Catechisms, 358
Cattern, Mr., 55
Catterne, Thomas, 565
Catlyn, Robert, 308, 397
Catteworth, John, 556
Cattle, 215-29, 226-28
Cattle Market, 188-190
Catworth, William, 556
Caudell, John, 458-9
Caudron, John, 556
Cauldwell Slade, 165
Cave, Roger, 390
,, Sir Thomas, 44
Caysho, Henry de, 549, 556
„ Philip de, 144, 549
Chadwell, Henry, 290
Chad wick, Edward, 169, 562
Henry, 414, 446, 552, 567, 561
„ Mr., 432
Thomas, 449, 553, 569, 561,
563
„ Valentine, 222
Chain, Mayor's, 41-2
Chamberlains, 56-67, 211-12,218, 312,325,
372-3
Chamberlain's Accounts, 7, 8
„ Books, 3
„ Silver Key, 66-7
Chamberlain, Edward, 559
„ James, 566
Walter, 559
William, 375, 554, 565
Chamberlayn, Andrew, 375
John, 554
„ William, 124, 184
Chambers, Andrew, 566
„ Richard, 64, 323
Chancery Clerks, 422
Chandler, Thomas, 557
Chapman, Benjamin, 554, 564
„ John, 136,401, 410,564
„ Richard, 562
„ Timothy, 565
„ Thomas, 458
Chapwoman, 138
Charities, 58, 329-380
Charles, Archduke, 485
Charles I., 105-6, 109, 113, 143, 240, 276,
334, 339- 428, 435, 45 1, 47 '»
496, 539
NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
Charles II., 23, 35, 74, 82, 95, 104, 106-7,
109-10, 143, 145, 148, 165,
248, 250, 362, 406, 471, 474,
502
Charles Edward, Prince, 486
Charles, Nicholas, 146
„ Robert, 183
Charlotte, Princess, 489
Charlton, Symon, 322
Chatton, Edward, 158-9
Chaucombe, Warin de, 198
Chauncie, John, 239
„ William, 122, 158
Chaunt, Mr., 57
Chequer, The, 186, 243, 244, 277, 470,
517-8
Chequer Ward, 59, 73, 139, 140, 148, 224,
261, 306, 439, 446, 456, 507
Chequers Inn, 306
Cherry Trees, 154, 160
Chest, Old, 4, 5, 56
Chester, 15, 73, 91
Chester, Bishop of, 66
Chesterfield, 83
Chesterton, 362
Cheval, Jordan le, 198
Cheysey, Mr., 46
Child, Daniel, 461
Chimes, 419
Chimney Money, 44, 46, 47
Chipseye, Mr., 165
Chipsey, Mrs. Agnes, 59, 360, 374
Thomas, 350, 360, 364, 551, 559
" Choice Day," 33, 40-3, 48
Chowler, Christopher, 365
Chrisom, 128
Christmas, 31, 32, 395
Church, John, 557
Cinque Ports, 113
Clack Mills, 263, 292
Claridge, Richard, 419
,, Thomas 563
Clark (Clarke, Clerk), Ann, 122
„ Dr., 391, 394, 396-7
„ George, 44-6, 245, 460
„ Henry, 122, 155, 216, 276, 290,397,
494, 551, 566, 567
„ James, 554, 565
„ John, 36, 61, 138, 355, 378, 401, 457,
550, 553, 558, 560, 566, 569, 571,
562, 563, 564, 565
„ Mr., 442
„ Richard, 560
„ Robert, 205-6, 542
„ Samuel, 238
„ William, 61, 64, 402, 557-8
Cleator, Nicholas, 561
Cleaver, Richard, 555
Clements, St., Fraternity, 422
Clendon, Mr , 62
Clerk to the Bailiffs, 116-18
,, of the Market, 48, 133-135
Cley, Richard, 460, 462
Cleypole, Lord, 400, 497
Clock, 419
Cloth, 145, 218, 256-7
Cloth, Subsidies on, 145
Cliff, George, 366, 371
,, James, 565
„ Thomas, 566
Clifford, John, 166, 221, 449, 568
Mr., 37-8, 60
Rebecca, 363
Richard, 363, 448, 456, 458, 563
Samuel, 58, 553, 563
Thomas, 563
William, 181, 564
Clifford's Mill, 138
Close Rolls, 239
Clubs, 450
Cluier, Edward, 307
Coach-harness maker, 314
Coachmakers, 505
Coachmen, 505
Cock Inn, 306, 528
Cocker, Edward, 456-7
Cockerell, Clifford, 457
Daniel, 136, 563, 564
Walter, 81-2, 571, 563
Cockman, Henry, 558
Cockraine, John, 456
Cockyn (Cockin), Henry, 426
William, 428
Coffee Houses, 50, 252, 479
Coinage, Local, 210-12
Coke, William, 550, 558
Coker, 279
Coldwell (Caldwell), Benoni, 552, 568
„ George, 69, 227, 278, 551-2, 570
Ralph, 457
„ Tobias, 69, 84, 570, 561
„ William, 140
Colchester, 14, 93
Colditch, 164
Cole, Alderman, 263
„ Edward, 554, 565
„ John, 79, 157, 571, 562
„ Thomas, 560
„ William, 122
Coleman, Henry, 550
„ William, 461
Coles, George, 98, 363-5
„ Hugh, 428, 446, 567, 561
„ Robert, 34, 191, 457-8, 562
„ Thomas, 86-7, 122, 566, 571
Collar-makers, 505
College Lane (Street), 59, 136, 156, 266,
306. 370,421, 518
Collett, Thomas, 536
Collins, Alderman, 405
,, John, 37-8
„ John Bull, 566
„ Mr., 33-4, 229, 416-17
„ Thomas, 140, 361, 463, 553, 568,
562
„ William, 568
INDEX.
58:
Collis (Colles), Edward, 552-3, 561, 562,
568
Henry, 169
Hugh, 449
John, 553
Mr., 444, 498
Simon, 565
Thomas, 551
William, 552, 562, 567
Colne, 93
Coly, John, 557
Colyntre, John, 556
Commendall, George, 158
Commercial Street, 518
Common Labour, 534-5
Commons, 61-2, 215-29, 354, 364, 367-8
Commons, House of, 83-4, 104, no,
493-512
Common Prayer, Book of, 386
Communion, Holy, 386-7, 391, 394-6
Communion Plate, 416-17
Communicants' Farthings, 419
Compton, General, 499-501
„ Hon. George, 499
„ Lord, 5, no, 181
„ Sir Charles, 498
Conant, Dr., 45, 47, 401, 404-17
Conduit, 58, 61, 65, 171, 178, 252-63, 370,
5i8
Conduit Masters, 49
Confectioners, 394
Confession of Faith, 386, 389-90
Consistory Court, 394
Constable, Philip, 357, 365, 542, 554, 566
Constables, 49, 50, 139, 141
Constantinople, 537
Conventicle: 343
Conyngrye, 130
Cooch, John, 122
„ Joshua, 554, 566, 570
i> Mr., 55
Cook (Cooke), Francis, 255
George, 511-12
James, 205
Lady, 227
Lawrence, 342
Lord, 228
Mr. Justice, 244
Tempest, 70, 570
Thomas, 138, 566
Valentine, 371, 565
William, 85, 166, 371, 565
Cooper, Edward, 457, 459, 562, 568
„ Henry, 65, 168, 322, 378, 564
„ John, 552
„ Thomas, 285, 457, 459, 552, 561
Coopers, 505
Copeland, John, 373
Corby, 197
Cordon, Adam de, 198
Cordwainers, 505
Corkcutters, 505
Cornfield, George, 566
Cornfords Holme, 162
Corn Laws, 509
Cornhill, 50, 197, 518
Corn Market, 188, 191
Corn Measures, 195
Cornish, John, 373
Cornwall, 535
Cornwall, Earl of, 198
Coroners, 14, 16, 49, 112-14, 118
Corporation Schools, 356-60
Correction, Houses of, 176-81, 225
Corry, the Sexton, 417
„ Anthony, 460, 463
,, Robert, 461
„ Thomas, 557
Cosgrave, 340
Cotenhall, Ralph de, 556
Cotesbroke, Adam de, 549
„ Simon de, 493, 556
Cotton End, 66, 140, 159, 164, 216, 240,
244, 3°7> 332, 432, 438-9
„ Marsh, 59, 164-5
„ Mills, 524
Coulson, Richard, 404
Courteenhall, 106
Court Leet, 115-16, 141
Court of Hustings, 103, 113, 118-19, 324
„ Orphans, 119-20, 531
„ Record, 116-18
Covenant, The, 440-2, 475
Covenant Servants, 321-4
Coventry, 14, 46, 107, 168, 345-9, 378
Covington, Frederick, 555
Cowgate, 431, 518
Cow Lane, 157, 166, 307, 362, 368, 518-19
„ Meadow, 62-3, 65, 215-29, 240, 263,
265,329, 368,431
Cowmucke Hill, 519
Cowper, Bishop, 344
,, John, 410
Thomas, 189, 428, 552, 567, 562
Cox (Coxe), Anthony, 460
„ Edward, 375, 462, 541, 565
„ John, 418-19, 449, 457, 459, 566
„ Joseph, 566
„ Mr., 62, 64, 503
„ Robert, 87, 333, 571
Coyne, John, 324
Crackbelle Lane, 374, 519
Craddocke, Edmund, 72
Crane Inn, 306
Cransley, John, 558
Cranwell, Henry, 403, 565
Crasswell, Thomas, 156, 360, 363, 404,
428, 444, 567
Creaton, 285
Creighton, Bishop, 9
Cresswell, Thomas, 374
Crewe, Mr., 497
,, Thomas, 495
Crick, Edward, 457-8
„ George, 562
„ John, 76, 561
O O
582
NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS
Crick, Samuel, 457
„ Mr., MSS., 365, 502
Crier, 191,507
Crispe, Richard, 550, 551, 559
Cross Keys Inn, 306
Cross, Market. 148, 193-5, 244, 261, 470,
506-7
Crooke, Mr. Justice, 315
Cromwell, General, 474
Crosse, Richard, 561
Crossfield, 163
Crosswell, Thomas, 552, 560
Crouthorpe, Osbert de, 556
„ Robert de, 198
Crowford, Simon, 558
Crowley Furlong, 162
Crown Inn, 306, 376
Crudworth, William, 556
Cryspe, Mr., 216
Cugeho, John de, 556
Cullen, Lord, 442
Cultre, Richard, 558
Cumberland, Duke of, 486
Cunningham, James, 21
Cunnington, Randall, 560
Cupola of All Saints, 405-6
Currie, Mr., 544
Curriers, 505
Curteys, William, 557
Cushion for Mayor, 409
Customs, 145, 198
Customs of the Church, 414-15
Cutbush, Charles, 542, 571
Cuthbert, Edward, 112
John, 385
Mr., 55, 316
Cutlers, 505
Cutts, Lord, 480
Dainty, Richard, 559
Dallington, 45, 289, 292, 298
Dalton, George, 156, 165
Damford, John, 560
Danslade, 130
Danbroke, John, 153, 307, 560, 567
Danby, John, 254, 414, 437, 496, 552, 561 .
567
„ Mr., 218
Daniel, John, 196
„ Joseph, 278, 564
Danvers, Dr., 245
Mr., 54, IH-I2, 319, 542
„ Sir Samuel, 442, 474
Darby, John, 557
Thomas, 550, 558
„ William, 558
Darker, John, 369
Darling, Philip, 557
Daune, John, 559
Daventry, 353, 396-7, 480
Daventry, Geoffrey de, 556
John, 558
Daventry, Simon, 549, 556
,, Thomas, 556
Davidson, Valentine, 159
Davies, Alderman, 366
Davidson, Valentine, 159
Davis, George, 461
„ John, 40, 554
,, William, 565
Davison, George, 458
William, 458
Dawes, Benjamin, 89
„ Christopher, 140
Knightley, 270
Mathias, 46, 245, 449, 460
Richard, 59
Samuel, 462
Thomas, 92
Day
Nicholas, 292
Richard, 402
Daynteyth, Thomas, 155
Debdale Head, 161-2
Decinarius, 141
Dee, Francis, 391
Deinton, Goodman, 459
„ Richard, 458
Delapre, 158, 525
Delffe Close, 154
Delymar, Sir William, 522
Denbrook, John, 428
Denby, Earl of, 481
Dennis, St., 283
„ William, 555
Dent, Samuel, 504
„ Thomas, 292
Deny, Henry, 127
Denys, Peter, 488
Derby, 142, 194, 486
Derbyshire, 535
Derngate, 63, 157, 307, 374, 43 1-2, 440,
444, 515, 5J9
Derront, Thomas, 550, 557
Deye, Richard, 556
Deyster, Alexander, 557
Dickens, Thomas, 340
Dickenson, Thomas, 375, 565
Dickson, John, 560
Richard, 551, 559
Digby, John, 457
Diggs' Coffee House, 252
Disney, John, 550, 559
Dixe, Thomas, 185
Dobson, Joseph, 246, 448
Dodd, Benedict, 549
„ William, 373, 375
Doddridge Street, 522, 525
Doddington, Thomas, 559
Dodford Woods, 362, 374
" Delias," 126
Dolphin Inn, 306, 511
Domesday, 8
Dominican Friars, 517, 521
" Dornicke," 126
Douglas, St., Gen., 295
INDEX.
583
Dovehouse Close, 154
Dover, Henry, 44-7, 76, 448, 457
Dowbiggin, Robert, 238
Downs, Edward, 178, 225, 324
John, 324
Dozener, 139-42
Drable, Mary, 136
Dragon Inn, 306
Drakes, 452
Draper, Thomas, 558
Drapers' Inventories, 124-28
Drapery, 186, 243, 247, 260, 267, 270,
277, 298, 363, 368, 370, 471, 507, 519
Drayton, John, 371
Dress of the Assembly, 19, 32, 95-9
Drum Lane, 306, 374, 519
Drummers, 92, 476, 480, 483-6, 505
Drums Inn, 306
Drury, Edward, 43
„ Richard, 449
Dryden, John, 362, 366
Sir Henry, 339, 344
School, 357
Dryffield, William, 557
Duck and Drake inn, 306
Duckett, 222
Ducking Stool, 195
Dudley, Sir William, 474, 499
Duke, Henry, 375, 565
Dukes, Robert, 153, 567
„ William, 308
Dukeson, Robert, 139, 160, 449
Dunbrooke, John, 449
Duncan, Admiral, 481
Dunckley, James, 566
John, 192, 366, 369, 373, 566
Peter, 402, 457, 459, 564
Thomas, 457, 459, 478
„ William, 566, 570
Dundalk, 295
Dunkley, Mr., 55, 64
Dunning, Mr., 502
Durham, Robert, 462
Dust, Thomas, 563
„ Richard, 448, 457, 459
Duston, 217, 226-29, 341, 352, 368
Dybforde, John de, 556
Dychers (Dychurch) lane, 157, 370, 519
Dyngele, Hospital of, 198
Eagle and Child inn, 306
Eagle, Francis, 64
Eakins, John, 563
Eales, Goodman, 460, 463
Earle, John, 480
Earls Barton, 205, 376
Easton Joseph, 565
Joshua, 375
Maudit, 104, 361, 452
Nathaniel, 553, 569, 564
Richard, 285
Widow, 176
East Ward, 58, 61-2, 139, 140, 156, 439,
446, 456, 460
Eaton, Thomas, 566
Ebrall, Jonathan, 449
„ Richard, 35, 37, 60, 559, 563
Ecton, Mrs., 59
Edmay, John, 558
Edmund, St., Brays, 363
„ ,, Church of, 420, 428
Edmund's, St , End, 241, 307, 363, 368, 376
Edmunds, Henry, 245
Edward the Confessor, 142
„ I., 52, 143, 145, 170, 275, 427, 449,
467, 493
II., 121, 467, 519
III., 16, 147, 449, 467
IV., 16, 95, 252
VI., 68, 176, 177, 332, 495
James, 157
Edwards, John, 558, 569, 565
Eggliston, Francis, 63
Egylle, John, 558
Einsworthe, Simon, 79, 84, 567, 571
Elborough, John, 191, 457
Elder Stompe, 161
Elephant and Castle Inn, 306
,, Lane, 306
Elizabeth, 15, 52, 68, 95, 104, 113-14, 116,
122, 124, 153, 177, 182, 189, 194,
241, 263, 275, 312, 335, 383, 385,
419, 421, 432-3, 468, 502, 537
„ Princess, 474
Election of Mayors, 531
Elkington, Mr., 61, 359-60
Mrs., 58
„ Richard, 308, 361
Ellen, Frederic, 555
Ellys, Thomas, 130
Elliott, William, 560
Elm Trees, 153, 160
Elmer, Edward, 344, 360, 372
Elmers' Dam, 163
Else, Mr., 37, 59, 60, 64
„ William, 44, 47, 401, 553, 563, 568
Elston, Joseph, 554, 565
Ely, Bishop of, 144
Elyot, William, 52
Elys, William, 556
Emerton, Joseph, 291, 462
„ William, 297
Empson, Richard, 103
Emston, Richard, 322
Erasmus' Paraphrase, 415
Escheator, 48, 113, 131, 332, 531
Escheats, Book of, 133
Essex, Earl of, 438, 445
Estridge, George, 560
Eugene, Prince, 484
Evesham, Thomas, 557
Evans, John, 345, 361, 363, 461
„ Richard, 373
„ Thomas, 456, 458, 461
Exeter, 73, 121, 123, 444
„ Earl of, 442-3, 452
„ Marquis of, 471
Excise Bill, 500
NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
Excisemen, 505
Eye, 88
Eyers, Thomas, 419
Eynsworth, Henry, 561
Fabian, William, 403, 554, 564
Fadge, 204
Fairfax, Lord, 336, 439
Fairs, 40, 53, 92, 186, 192, 277, 282, 297
Fairy (Fary), William, 64, 89
Falcon Inn, 306
Farebrother, Thomas, 216, 433
Farmers, 545
Farmer, Hatton, 443, 570
Mr., 45
,, Sir William, 36, 407
Farrel, Thomas, 560
Farren, Peter, 394
Farrin, Benjamin, 87, 571
„ Stamford, 554, 569, 564, 565
Farriers, 505
Farthinge, George, 140
Farthings, Communicants', 419
„ Local, 211
Fauconer, Hugh, 556
Fawcett (Fawsitt), John, 403, 553, 564
Feastings, 28, 31, 32, 36, 39, 40-3, 66, 185
Feedale, 163, 165
Fee-farm, 52, 208-10
Fell, Joan, 158
„ Oliver, 397, 567
Fellmongers, 505
Fennell Well, 519
Fennis, Mr., 45
Fermon, William, 499
Ferris, William, 558
Fetter Lane, 520
"Fifteenths," 473-4
Filbert Tree, 154, 160
Finch-Hatton, Mr., 210
Fire, 240-52
„ The great, 3, 43, 244-51, 354, 404
,, Buckets, 62, 241-44
„ Hooks, 242-52
,, Engine, 252
Fish Lane (or street), 176, 286, 370
Fishe, William, 185
Fisher, John, 140, 169, 308
„ Francis, 115, 552, 561
„ Robert, 561
„ Thomas, 59, 61
„ William, 560
Fishmongers and Fishing, 286-8, 505, 534
Fitton, W. H., 423
Fitzgervase, Sampson, 556
Fitzhenry, Simon, 198
R-, 330, 549
Fitzhugh, Thomas, 45, 148, 448
Fitztheobald, Roger, 549
Fitzthomas, William, 549
Flags, 93-5
Flag-carriers, 93-5, 490
Flanders, 14
Flaxdressers, 505
Flaxney, Henry, 477, 553, 563
„ William, 457
Flaxlands, 162, 165
Fleece Inn, 306
Fleetwood, Charles, 245-6, 248
„ Miles, 245
Flesh and Fowl Tasters, 49
Flesher, William, 566
Fletcher, John, 126, 565, 470
Flower, John, 158, 357
,, William 550, 558
Flying Horse, 306
Foot Meadow, 216,219,289, 291, 373,423,
368
Folwell, Henry, 315
Ford, Dr., 354
Foreste, Chief Justice of, 474
" Forestaller," 65
Forge Inn, 306
Fortifying Northampton, 438, 440
Fosbury Yard, 164
"Foser," 128
Foulkes, Samuel, 87, 571
Founders, 505
" Fourty-eight," 17-29
Fowler, John, 62, 70, 475, 552, 569-70,
563, 564
„ Mr., 409
„ Richard, 436, 562
Fox, John, 218, 375, 549, 554, 556, 564
Foxalls, 164
" Foynes," 97-8
France, 106, 109
Francis, Osborn, 554
„ William, 565
Franciscan Friars, 520-1
Frank-Pledge, 141
Fraser, Alderman, 369
Frear, Mr , 341, 445
Freare, Thomas, 156
Frederick, Count Palatine, 474
Freeman, Charles, 365, 555, 566
Edward, 560
John, 124, 360, 555, 566
Henry, 560
Mr., 55, 61
Ralph, 350-1, 360-1, 364, 494,
551
Richard, 160, 558
William, 185, 560
Freemen, 108, 311-20
Freeman's Charity, 350, 360-1, 364
„ History, 498-9, 501
Free Grammar School, 61, 151, 156, 165,
350-6, 421, 541-2
Fretter, John, 584
Friaries, 520-2
Friar Gate, 517
Friend (Frend, Freind), John, 35, 43,
364-5, 4i7-!9> 458, 553, 568, 562,
„ Jeremy, 418, 456, 459 563
INDEX.
585
Friend, Mr., 245
Frith-bork, 141
Frost, John, 402
Fruit Trees, 153, 160
Pulberook Furlong, 164
Fryar, Thomas, 552, 560
Fysshe, William, 558
Fullers, The, 218, 288-9
Fytcher, William, 322
Gage, Mr., 53-4
Galleries at All Saints, 410-11
Galloway, 479
Gambell, George, 192
Game, Mr., 178
Gamekeeper, 287-8
Gamfield, John, 205
Gangy, William, 427, 549
Gaol, 61, 172, 174, 176
Gardeners, 505
Gardiner, James, 338
Garlekmongere, Adam, 556
Henry, 549
Garner, William, 63
Garnet, Richard, 126-27
Garrison, The, 540-2
Garter, Knight of, no
Gas Street, 516
Gascony, 535
Gates, Town, 427
„ Edward, 555, 566
„ William, 555, 566
Gaunt, John of 147
Gawdern, Robert, 124, 126
Geddington, John, 549
Gent, Edward, 457-8
George I., 74, 118, 485
„ II., 486
III., 122, 145, 486-7
„ IV., 489
inn, 41, 44, 51-2, 64, 148-9,306,
362, 366, 449, 475, 478, 480,
482, 505
„ John, 366
„ Row, 306, 526
St., 187, 277, 282, 296
George's, St. Windsor, 209
St., Hall, 157, 181, 186, 275
„ St., Leys, 154, 216-7, 373. 423
,, St., Pence, 204
Germany, 14
Getlowe, John, 560
Gibbins, Thomas, 566
Gibbs, John, 340
,, Samuel, 456, 459
Ghent, 483, 525
Gibson, Alderman, 174, 367, 369, 379
,, Edward, 430
John, 39, 55, 375, 564, 565
Mr., 41, 366
William, 123, 203, 375, 402, 507,
554, 569, 565
Gifford, John, 345, 398, 441, 552, 562
,, Mr., 33, 76, 180, 186, 229, 338
Giles William, 554
St., Church of, 15, 138, 157, 170-1,
238, 261, 306-7, 351, 361, 364,
370, 391, 419 423
,. „ Street, 58, 157. 176, 241, 266,
362, 368, 370, 374, 525, 535
Gillesbie, Henry, 169
Gillesley, Henry, 166
Gillett William, 566
Glatwell, 162-3
Glayson, Allan, 556
Glaziers, 504
Gloucester, 73
Glover, John. 78, 445, 450, 571
„ William, 558
Glovers, 217, 262, 289, 296, 298
Glovery, The, 522
Goat Inn, 306
Gobion, Hugh, 167
„ Lane, 522
„ Pagnel, 167
„ Richard, 167
Gobion's Manor, 6, 59, 166-70, 241, 287,
368
Godewyn, John, 557
Godfrey, John, 559
,, Richard, 559
Godly, Henry, 139
Goffe, William, 559
Gold, Roger, 551
„ Street, 16, 155, 167, 306-7, 351, 363,
374, 403,518,522,523
Golden Cross inn, 307
„ Fleece Inn, 307
,, Lion Inn, 50, 307
Goldsmith Hall Committee, 295, 336-8,
441
Goldsmiths, 316
Goldwyne, John, 55°
Good, Thomas, 176
Gooding, Thomas, 285, 569, 564
Goodman, Benjamin, 565
„ George, 562
„ James, 566
Goodricke, Mr., 354, 571
Goodwyn, James, 155
,, William, 124
Goosey, G. F., 515
Goslyn, Richard, 557
Goothridge, Thomas, 561
Gow, Mr., 407
Gowrie House Conspiracy, 416
Grace, Anne, 138
Grafton, Simon de, 556
Graham, Mr., 503
Granborow, Francis, 138
Grant, Mr., 59
Gratwood, John, 52, 217
Green (Greene), James, 50-1, 553, 568,
563
„ John, 183, 561
586
NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
Green, Coat School, 357, 367, 379
Man inn, 307
Mount Inn, 307
Richard, 550, 559
Slade, 162
Thomas, 294, 402, 560
Tree Inn, 307
William, 136, 558-9, 563
Greenborough, Francis, 569, 563
Greenough, Thomas, 402, 564
Gregory, John, 549, 557
„ St., Church of, 155, 351-2, 356,
383, 398, 420, 422, 516
„ St., Street, 351
„ Thomas, 402
„ Vincent, 445, 495
Grey Friars, 185, 467, 520-1, 524-5
Greyhound Inn, 307
Griffin Inn, 307
Grigge. John, 549
Grimes, William, 456
Grimoldby, 59, 374
Grocers, 504
Groom, John, 555
Grope Lane, 157, 519
Grossteste, Bishop, 334
Grumbley, William, 298
Grygge, William, 556
Gryme, John, 557
Gudgeon, Hill, 366, 565
Mary, 340
Guidhall (see Town Hall)
„ London, 206-7
Guilsborough, 146
Gunpowder, 451-2
Gunpowder day, 481-2
Gunning, Sir Robert, 510-12
Gurney, Joseph, 555
„ Thomas, 402, 564
Guttes, 164-5, 243, 271, 522-3
Gutter Hill, 164
Gutteridge, Thomas, 169
Guy of Warwick Inn, 59, 307
Guye, Edmund, 154
Gybbesmith, 163
Gyles Gutter, 154
ii John> 557
„ Mr., 38
Gyn, Walter, 556
Gyselgot, 523
Hackleton, James, 563
Haddon, Lawrence, 549
„ Thomas, 461
Hagger, Thomas, 555
Halberds, 450-1
Half Moon Inn, 307
Halifax, Lord, 500-2, 505-6
Hall, Alderman, 5
„ John, 356, 369
., Mr., 55
„ Thomas, 41, 554, 565
Hall's MS., 24, 35, 37, 55, 65, 244, 306,
403, 496, 498-510
Hall-keeper, 49, 58, 89, 372
Hamer House, 163
Hampton Court, 443
Hanbury, Sir John, 435
„ William, 509
Hancock, John, 460, 462, 550, 557-8
Handcuffs, 196
Hands, Thomas, 224
Hanslop, 139
Hanson, Thomas, 86, 172-3, 484, 571
Harbert (Herbert), Daniel, 362, 457, 459
Jeremy, 457, 459
„ John, 169, 414, 552, 562, 563, 567
„ Robert, 449
„ Samuel, 457, 459, 562
,, Zachariah, 22
Hardingstone, 61-2,311, 329-30, 301, 368,
370. 478
Harleston, 167, 205, 298, 539-40
„ Geoffrey de, 493, 556
Harman, Nicholas, 268
» Mr., 385
„ Samuel, 458-9
„ Stephen, 458-9
Harp Inn, 307
Harpole (Harpoll), John, 131, 216, 566
„ William, 56-7, 182, 450, 557,
560, 566, 561
Harringworth, 252
Harris, Henry, 117
„ John, 558-9, 565
„ Richard, 72, 117, 205, 570
Harrison, Elizabeth, 168
„ George, 322, 566
„ Robert, 168, 560
„ Simon, 140
„ Thomas, 157, 168, 175, 446
Harrold, John, 558
Harrow, Thomas, 558
,, William, 550
Hart Inn, 307
Harvey, Francis, 72, 106, 496-8
Haskett, Robert, 560
Haskyn, Roger, 322
Haskytte, Oroger, 154, 164
Hastings, 198
Hatter, William, 560
Hatters, 504
Hatton, Lady, 228
,, Farmer, 70, 72
„ Mr., 498-9
„ Sir Christopher, 390, 468-9
Haughton, John, 549
Hawkins, Crestopher, 44
Hawk way, 165
Hayes, Abram, 136
„ Francis, 40-1, 366, 570
„ George, 66, 405, 554, 569, 563-4
» Mr-> 37. J73
„ Samuel, 449
„ Thomas, 553, 564
INDEX.
Haynes, William, 130, 564
Headboroughs, 140
Hearne, Robert, 448
Hedgehogs, 325
Helmdon, 365
Helmet Inn, 52, 307
Hempdressers, 504
Hen and Chickens Inn, 307
Hendeley, John, 557
Henfrey, William, 511, 554, 566
Henry I., 170, 467
„ II., 239, 329, 449, 467
„ III., 170, 427, 467. 52i, 523, 528
„ IV., 16, 239, 467
» VI., 16, 83
„ VII,, 24, 103, 112, 433, 468, 493
„ VIII., 95, 332, 383, 420, 467, 493
„ Prince, 469
,, Richard, 403
Hensman, Edward, 134, 226, 308, 421,
469, 472, 552, 561
John, 445, 469, 551, 552, 560,
570
Joseph, 291, 457, 562
Mr, 255
William, 555
Herd, William, 550
Herdsman, 58, 60, 215
Herdswoman, 223
Hereford, 88
Hermitage, 432, 523
Heron, William, 550
Hesil Bridge, 166
Hesilrige, Robert, 245, 361
Hett, Mr, 503
Heward, Ralph, 560
Richard, 559
Hewlett, Alderman, 27
,, Daniel, 554, 566
„ John, 461
Heslerig, Sir Arthur, 540
Heyford, 153, 161
Heyrow, William, 558
Hickman, Henry, 495
John, 503
Higet, George, 171
Higgins, Hugh, 365, 566, 570
„ William Thomas, 555
Higgs, William, 50
Higham, Roger, 314, 552, 561
,, John, 558
Higlers, 504
Hill, Henry, 140, 562
„ John, 461
„ Charles, 512
Hilliar, Edward, 136, 563
Hilliers, 504
Hillyard, Clarke, 554, 565
Mr, 55
Hilton, Nicholas, 557
„ Robert, 159
„ John, 551, 559
Hitchcock, John, 564
Hoare, John, 38, 138, 553, 563
„ Isabell, 340
Hobbs Hole, 161-2
Hoboy, Thomas, 43, 65
Hocknell, Dr., 222
„ Widow, 343
Hochstet, 482
Hodgekin, Simon, 85
Hodgkinson, Thomas, 565
Hodgskins, Edward, 65
Hogs, 224-25, 236
Hogge, Wilfiam, 558
Hog Herd, 215, 224-25
Hog Market, 154, 186, 523
Hogmarket Lane, 523
Holcot, 350, 364
Holdenby House, 109, 390, 468-71
,, Goodman, 461
Holland, 126-27
Lord, 474
„ Thomas, 306
Henry, 561
Holies, Richard, 442, 539
Holleed, John, 158
„ Henry, 567
Hollis, George, 377
„ John, 565
„ William, 566
Hollwell, John, 559
Holman, Sir John, 45, 245, 246
,, William, 562
Holme Meadow, 291
Holmes, John, 158
Holhead, John, 561
Holly Tree, 156, 160
Holt, Chief Justice, 317
„ Mr , 42, 99
„ Samuel, 511, 565, 570
Holy Sepulchre, Church of, 98
Honnor, Matthew, 480
Hooke, Richard, 456-7
Hope, Mr. St John, Corporation Plate,
74, 83, 95
Hopkins, Agnes, 154, 368, 372
Anne, 316
> 155, 561
Matthew, 554, 565, 570
r, 58
Thomas, 122, 124, 131, 372,551,
560, 566
William, 287
Hopper, Mr, 503
Horn Book, 358
Horncastle, William, 559
Horses, 60, 212-21
Horsebread, 279
Horsebreakers, 504
Horsedealers, 504
Horsemarket, 16, 186, 267, 307, 368-9,
374, 421, 523
Horseracing, 57, 60, 539-40
Horseshoe Lane, 523, 528
Horsley, Robert, 294
£'
i
588
NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
Horton, 353-4
„ Mr., 46
Hosier, Adam le, 556
Hosiers, 289-90
" Hotnoll," 128
Houghton, 63, 354
,, Thomas, 457-8
Houton, Simon de, 555
„ William de, 570
Howard, Richard, 551
„ Sir John, 499
Howe, Earl, 486
Howe, John, 154, 158
,, Hon. Thomas, 502-6
Howes, John, 34, 460, 553, 562
„ Hatton, 402, 564
„ Mr., 44-5
Hubbard, George, 338
Huching, John, 406
Hugh, Bishop of Lincoln, 341
„ Samuel, 24
„ St., Feast of, 187, 243, 277, 282,
297
Hulat, John, 140
Humfrey, Francis, 375
,, Mr., 468, 470
Henry, 550-1, 559
Thomas, 342, 397, 445, 552, 561
Humphrey, Raphael, 166, 169, 552, 561
Hundred Rolls, 197-8
Hunt, Henry, 559
„ Mr., 46, 406
„ Robert, 43
„ Thomas, 550, 558
Hunter, Edward, 561
Huntsmen, 505
Huntingdon, 109, 198
Hutchins, Goodman, 461
Huthwyth, William, 254
" Hurden," 124
Hurt, John, 245
Hustings, Court of, 103, 113, 118-9, 324
Hutt, John, 204
,, Harman, 480
Hutworth, William, 140
Hynde, Katharine, 323
„ Thomas, 323
Idle, John, 458
Ham, John, 558
Impyngham, Henry, 559
Inclosure Acts, 170
Infirmary, 92
Innholders, 299, 308, 505
Inns, List of, 306-7
Inquisitions, Post Mortem, 132
Inventories, Church, 415-16
Ipswich, 113
Ireland, 123, 294, 445-7
Ironmongers, 290
Irvine, J. T., 354
Isham, Sir Justician, 63, 442, 474
Isham, Eusebius, 433
„ Sir Edward, 318
Italy, 14
Ives, Alderman, 409
„ John, 22
„ Mr., 36-8, 60, 257
„ Robert, 21, 362, 553, 563
„ Thomas, 401, 553, 568, 561
I vie Lane, 421,524
Ivory, Alderman, 405
„ Edward, 298, 553, 563, 568
„ John, 562
„ Mr., 37, 60
„ Robert, 457
Jackson, Edward, 124
„ William, 378, 554, 564
Jacobite Invasion, 39
James I., 15, 53, 74, 84, 91, 105, 147, 224,
415, 428, 449, 469-70, 474, 538
„ II., 37, no, 471, 476-8
,, Croft, 164
„ Edward, 561
,, Jarvis, 205
,, St., Abbey of, 187, 226-9, 42o» 528
„ St., End, 140, 168, 187, 216, 307
„ St., Farm of, 241
Jeffcutt, Elizabeth, 375
„ Henry, 402, 405, 553-4, 563, 564,
iu569
Mr., 37
„ Nicholas, 401, 553, 564
,, Richard, 401, 564
Jeffery, John, 570
,, William, 43
Jenkins, S., 109
enkle, General, 480
ennings, Mr., 390-1
Jeoffrey, William, 59, 61
Jersey, 335
Jesuits' Books 47
Jewell's "Apology," 415
Jeyes, John, 71, 123, 570
„ Philadelphus, 555
,, Samuel, 564
„ Theophilus, 5, 24, 42, 71, 570
,, Thomas, 460
John, St., Hospital of, 158-9, 161, 210,
333-40,420, 519, 526
„ St., Lane, 307, 363, 368, 374, 526
Joiners, 505
Johnson, David, 373
,, Richard, 551
„ Thomas, 565, 566
Jolland, Matthew, 402
Jones, Nathaniel, 554, 566
„ William, 555
ourneymen, 325
oyce, Cornet, 471
udges of Assize, 147-8
udkins, Goodman, 463
„ Thomas, 60, 227, 462, 472, 561,
562, 567-8
INDEX.
589
Katharine, St., Church of, 236, 420-1, 516,
524
,, Fraternity of, 161
Hall, 277-8, 281
,, Street, 155-6, 236, 370
,, Wheel Inn, 307
Kayhner, Robert, 198
Keeper, Richard, 460
Kempworth, Mr., 315
Kenilworth, 242
Kerby, Edward, 460, 554, 569
Kerr, Dr. 449
„ Major, 449
„ Mrs.. 257
Kerrick, John, 338
Kerrison, Sir Edward, 509-10
Kershalton, Pentecost de, 549, 558
Kershaw, Luke, 566, 570
Kettering, 419, 497
Ketton, 45
Key, Silver, of Chamberlain, 66-7
Key-bearers, 253
Key-keepers, 49
Keyes, Joseph, 457
Keys, 4, 5, 56
Kibworth, Prothero, 461
Kightley, Dr., 411-12
,, John, 24
Kilsby, Simon, 550
King, Mr., 46, 61-3, 401
Nicholas, 80, 571, 463
Robert, 564
Street, 224, 517
Thomas, 569, 564
William, 435, 554, 564, 565
King's Head Inn, 307
Lynn, 14, 98
Messenger, 33
Sutton, 299
Kingston, Edward, 292
„ William, 63
Kingsthorpe, 45, 201, 255, 287, 311,331,
394
Kingswell Lane (Street), 159, 160, 264,
266, 307, 370, 517-18, 522, 528, 535
Kirby, Edward, 369
,, Mr., 420
Kirkham, Mr., 40
Kirk, George, 172
Kirkland, John, 31, 172
Kirkland, John, 31, 182
Kirkshaw, Luke, 554
Kislingbury, 367, 379
Kislingbury, 367, 379
Knaptoft, 168, 537
Knight of Garter, no
Knight, John, 60, 462
„ Mr., 396
Knight, William, 115, 169, 298-9, 361, 562
Knight Street, 524
Knightley, Richard, 496
,, Sir Richard, 242
„ Thomas, 559
Knightley, Valentine, 494
Knighton, Edward, 244, 248, 563
Mr., 43-5
Knott, Elizabeth, 203
„ John, 202
Knotting, Richard, 558
Knolle Farm, 241
Kymbold, Mr., 459, 481
„ William, 245, 246, 248
Kytstalls, 283
Kyrtlande, John, 552
La Hogue, 479
Labram, John, 412, 456, 458
Labourers, 505
Labour, Price of, 63-4
Lack, Henry, 298
Lacy, John, 263, 375, 570, 505
Lacemen, 505
Lacey, Thomas, 59, 449
Ladders, 242
Lady Bridge, 160
Lady-day Fairs, 189, 278
Lady Lane, 524
Lamb and Flag, 307
Lambe, Sir John, 238, 391, 395
„ Richard, 54
Lambell, Samuel, 402
Lambert, John, 462
Lammas Close, 163
Lamport, 318
Lancashire Cloth, 124
Lancaster, 194
Earl of, 422
Duchy of, 133, 205-8
Furlong, 163
Herald, 146
Joseph, 358
Lancastrians Schools, 29, 358
Lancum, Seaton, 205-7
Landers, George, 375, 378
,, Thorns, 163
Lane, John, 183, 358
,, Richard, 105-6
,, William, 406
Langham, Sir James, 245, 497-8
Sir John, 65, 342, 361, 369
„ John, 561
Mr., 58, 61
„ William, 475
Langford, John, 448
Langham's Charity, 345, 361, 364
Langwell Hill, 161
Lantern, 173, 269
„ Mayor's, 48
Latham, Thomas, 130
Latimer, Lord, 239
Laud, Archbishop, 391, 395
Launden, John, 68
„ Thomas, 460, 463
Lavender, Henry, 549
Laves, William, 562
P P
590
NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS
Lawrence, St., Church of, 170, 420, 528
Law, John, 285
„ William, 369
Lazarus, St., 330
Lazer House, 50, 329, 333
Lazerman, 57, 60, 332-3, 372
Leach, William, 140
Lead, Church Roof, 422
„ Weights, 63
Leather, 123
Bottles, 275
Buckets, 242, 252, 275
Breeches, 357
Dressers, 505
Lee
Edward, 22, 170
„ Henry, 35, 70, 79, 404, 457, 475,
570-1, 562, 563
„ Mr., 44-5, 58, 62
., Richard, 59, 461, 569
„ Robert, 561
„ William, 72
Leeds, 91
Leicester, 14, 15, 17, 28, 30, 73, 83, 92,
200, 205, 346, 379, 439, 444,
468
„ Earl of, 335
Lemons, 174
Lenche, Richard, 557
Leonard's, St., Day, 31, 226
Leonard's, St., Farm, 58, 163-4, 166, 368
St., Hook, 164
Leonard, St., Hospital of, 6, 329-33, 420
St., Street, 526
Lepers, 329-334
Lewis, Jeremiah, 414
„ Mr., 398
„ Peter, 408
„ William, 166
Leycester, Gilbert, 550
Robert de, 555
Levishall, Simon de, 549
Lichefeyld, Edward, 139
Lichfield, 142
Liege, 535
Lillingston Dayrell, 364
Lillingstone Lovell, 351, 364
Limerick, 479
Linch, Daniel, 503
Lincoln, 91, 121, 123, 520
„ Bishop of, 330, 334
Linnell, Edwin, 503
Lion and Lamb Inn, 307
„ Inn, 267, 307
Litchfield, Edward, 369
Little Dipdale, 163
„ Hoton, 138
Littleton, Captain, 407
„ Lord, 106
Sir Thomas, 366, 384
Livery, 312
„ of the Town, 89-90
Lockett, William, 565
Locock, Henry, 259, 371, 375, 554, 564
Loe, John, 166, 566
London, 14,21, 46, 51, 73,83, 98, 108, 119,
121, 123-4, 182, 229, 234, 235,
432, 448, 520
,, Bishop of, 391
„ Way, 164-5
Londonderry, 478
Long Buckby, 543
„ John, 104, 122, 154, 185, 551
„ Parliament, 496
„ Walter, 462
Longstaffe, Charles, 566
Longstrap, Richard, 461
Longville, Sir John, 522
Lord, Obadiah, 458
Lords, House of, no
Loutham, John, 549, 550
Lovell, Arthur, 206-7
„ Mr., 269, 292
„ Salathiel, 245, 246
Lowacke, William, 159
Lowe, Arthur, 336
Lowick, John, 450
„ William, 248, 459, 561
Loyd, Lewis, 403
Lucan, Lord, 507
Lucas, John, 65, 563, 569
,, Martin, 366-7, 565
„ Richard, 285
„ Robert, 402, 554, 564, 565
Lucy, John, 554
Luddington, John, 222
Luke, St., Feast of, 243
Lummas, James, 65
Lungevill, John de, 549
Lyllebourne, Richard, 556
Lynde William, 550
Lynn, 520, 535
Lyon, Charles, 357, 363, 554, 564
„ James, 512
„ Mr., 39
„ Samuel, 553
„ Thomas, 559
Lyster, Gilbert, 557
Maberty, Captain, 509, 510
Maces, 45, 74-85, 407
Macheby, William, 147
Maddock, William. 63
Madras System of Education, 358
Magdalen College, Oxford, 336
Magistrates, 114-5
Magpie Inn, The, 203, 307
Maine, Robert, 561
Marlborough, Duke of, 482-4, 540
Mallone, Thomas, 140
Malplaquet, 484
Maltsters, 85, 299-307, 505
Malthill, 186
Maltkilns, 241
Maltman, Roger, 557
„ William, 557
INDEX.
591
Malt Row, 524
Man, John, 559
„ Robert, 462
„ Thomas, 558
Manchester, Earl of, 104, 106
Lord, 84, 435
Manfield, Moses Philip, 555
Maning, Alexander, 59, 61, 64
Maning, Bartholomew, 47
Maning, Richard, 95
Mankin, John, 559
Manley, Edward, 104, 127, 322, 551, 560
„ Lawrence, 30, 154, 158, 160, 350,
551-2, 559, 561
Mr., 397
Manners, Col., 508
Manninge, Thomas, 72,
Manning, Bartholomew, 247, 553, 563
James, 410
John, 563, 569
Manningham, William, 559
Manus Dei, 527
Marcey, John. 143
Maredale, 163
Marefair, 16, 403, 522
Marehold (Mayorhold), 16, 170, 186, 241,
297-9. 374, 5i6, 518, 524, 526
Marescale, 162-3
Margaret, St., Church of, 420, 528
Market Cross, 148. 193-5, 244> 261, 296,
470, 506-7
„ Square (or Hill), 166, 171, 186,
192, 244, 247, 256, 259, 271, 284,
350, 379, 418, 506, 526
Markets, 40, 53. 85, 133-5, 186-192, 240,
278-9
Market Harborough, 471, 476, 538-9
Markham, Christopher, 555
H. W., 378
Mr., 511
„ William, 570
Marriatt, Stephen, 140
Marriot, Richard, 124
Marriott, Mr., 72
„ Samuel, 554, 564
Marryett, Thomas, 58
Marryot, William, 138
Marshall, George, 86, 457-8
„ James, 566
John, 142 555, 559, 566
„ Justice, 366
Thomas, 559. 566
William, 365, 554, 559, 565-6
Marshes, Ralph, 126
Marston Moor, 106
Martin, St., Chapel of, 420, 526
St., Street, 307, 526
Edward, 561
Henry, 555
Lewis, 563
Mr., 353-4, 571
Samuel, 441, 552, 562, 568
Martin, Thomas, 117, 350, 360, 552, 561
„ William, 570
Martyn, Thomas, 169
Martyne, John, 557
Marvell Gutter, 164
Marvell Mills, 155, 159, 217, 291-2, 374,
433,516,519
Mary, Queen, 56, 123, 182, 312,385, 422-3
„ St., Headland, 163
,, Mary, St., Church of, 352, 420-2
„ Mary, St., Street, 244,266, 521,526
Mason, Nicholas, 64
,, Richard, 63
Masons, 505
Massey, Mr., 457, 459
„ Valentine, 478
„ William, 59
Massingberd, Mr., 44-5, 47, 245, 362
Richard, 374, 457, 459, 553,
562, 568
Maswell, Head, 162
Matlock, Paul, 459
Matmakers, 505
Matthews, Agnes, 321, 323
Joseph, 402, 408, 564
Maud, John, 37
Maude, Empress, 467
Maunci, Yacomo de, 537
Maundy. Thomas, 83-4
Maunsell Furlong, 165
Maxey, John, 557
May (Mey), Richard, 550
„ William, 550, 558
Maydwell, Lawrence, 475
,, Thomas, 475
Maynard, John, 166, 428, 446, 561
„ Ralph, 551, 560
„ Thomas, 552
Meacock, Richard, 369, 373, 554, 565
Mead, John, 558
Medbury, Edward 456, 458
., Richard, 563
Medlar Trees, 154
Megre, John le, 549
Meerhole Gutters, 165
Members of Parliament, 493-512
Menard, Mr., 240
Ralph, 104, 113, 124, 566
Mercer, Edward, 421, 552, 561
„ James, 552, 561, 567
„ John, 450, 457, 459, 552, 560
„ Mr., 56, 61
„ William, 457
Mercers' Row, 40, 174, 192, 247, 261, 271,
509, 519, 522, 524-5
290
Merry, William, 561
Merton College, 256
Metcalf, Cuthbert, 259
Meynard, Abram, 478
„ John, 139
Michael, St., Church of, 93, 420
„ St., Lane, 261, 528
P P 2
NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
Middle Hollow, 162
Middleton, Richard, 373
„ William, 460, 462
Midsummer Meadow, 63, 368
Miles, Mr., 396
Mill Holme, 368
Miller, Edward, 402-3
„ James, 123, 365, 554, 565, 570
„ Mr., 25
„ William, 558
Millers and Mills, 290-3, 505
Mills, Richard, 554
„ William, 550, 555
Millwrights, 505
Milton, 59, 63, 153, 160, 370
Mobbs, William, 566
Modena, 107
Moigne, John, 556
Molecatcher, 63, 225
Monk, General, 498
Monmouth, Duke of, 475
Monshill, 165
Montague, Colonel, 500-1
Duke of, 109
Hon. Edward, 499
Hon. Ralph, 499-501
Lord, 108
Sir Edward, 108-9, 39°
Monte, William, 556
Montford, Simon de, 167,1521
Monuments, 419-20
Moor Field, 164
Moorson, Capt., 544
Moore (More), John, 81, 559, 571
„ Richard, 39, 402, 554, 564
„ Robert, 571
„ Stuart A., 6, 8, 122, 321, 329
„ William, 562
Mordock, John, 559
Morgan, Francis, 104, 168, 196, 245, 248
„ George, 299
John, 556
More
[organ, 255
Mr., 45
William Fisher, 555, 566
Moninge, Hugh, 159
Morley, Thomas, 131
Morris, Edward, 375
„ Mr., 411
„ Richard, 565
„ Robert, 375, 554
Mortimer, Briscoe, 139
Morton, Henry, 139
Morvin, William, 570
Moseley, Henry, 323
Mosse, Robert, 558
Motte, John, 551
Moulton, 130
„ Way, 161-2
Mount Sorrell, 525
Mountebanks, 153
Moyne, John de, 549
Muckhill, Miles, 322
Mulliner, Augustine, 462
„ Francis, 511, 554-5, 566
Multon, W'illiam, 556
Murage, 8, 427-8
Murphy, Mr., 503
Museum, Town, 194
Musicians, 323, 505
Muskets, 451-2
Mustarden, Richard le, 555
Myddleton, John, 168
Myddloocke Slade, 165
Mynors, Abraham, 562
Naiton, 505
Namur, 479
National Schools, 29
Navigation, 542-3
Nayles, Mr., 341
Nayleworth, Alexander de, 556
Neal, Henry, 551, 560
» John, 373, 457-9, 560
Neale, Mr., 46, 56, 58, 61, 65, 130, 368
Neel, Harry, 312
Neels Chapel, 393
Nelson, Jane, 363
„ Lord, 174, 486-7
Nene, River, 431, 542-3
Netherlands, 128, 256
Nettleboro Furlong, 163-4
Neville, John, 239
New Sarum, 493
Newberry, 107
Newby, Marmaduke, 365, 554, 570
Newcastle, 73, 121, 123, 444, 520
New Close, 163, 165
Newcome, Alderman, 366-7
„ John, 507, 554, 564-5, 569
Newe, George, 322
Newland, 244, 246, 248, 264, 363, 368, 374,
525
Newman, Nicholas, 158
,, Thomas, 462, 550
Newton, Gabriel, 357, 367, 379
Niccolls, John, 140
Nicholas, Edward, 460, 463
„ William, 550
„ Sir Edward, 442-3
Nichols, Richard, 561
Nile, Battle of, 486
Nippin, Mr., 43
Noble, William, 560
Noon, Meadow, 165
Norman, George, 555
„ J. Berridge, 555
Normandy, 128
,, Duke of, 467
North End, 363
„ Gate, 58, 267, 363, 469-70, 525
„ Street, 166, 469, 525
„ Ward, 59, 139, 140, 153, 439, 440
INDEX.
593
Northampton, Earl of, 104, 107, in, 312,
357, 379. 480, 487
„ Lord, 43-7, 46, 478, 501 , 505
„ Marquis of, in, 538
Northey, Sir Edward, 39
Northfolk, Robert, 558
Norway, 535
Norwich, 14, 73, 121, 311, 520
Sir John, 245, 498
„ Bishop of, 416,
Norwick, Sir Roger, 45, 47
Norwood, George, 379
Nottingham, 14, 91, 121, 346, 438, 4-68
Nuncourt, William, 556
Nuns Bridge, 525
„ Mill, 62, 64, 525
„ Well, 525
Nut trees, 155-160
Nutt, William, 417
Oakley, Mr., 61
Oath of Allegiance, 474-5
Oats, 531-33
Oatmeal Man, 505
Obelisk, 193
O'Brian, Lord, 36, 43-7,499
Odell, William, 566
Ogle, Beatrice, 361, 363, 370, 373
„ Cuthbert, 361
Oldam, William, 61
Oldham, Mr., 37
Orange School, 357
Oranges, 174
Organs, 386, 411-12
Orphans' Court, 119-20, 531
,, Court Books, 3
Osborne (Osborn), George, 554, 565
Francis, 554, 565, 570
Henry, 365, 511, 558
John, 461, 570
Mr., 41
Sir George, 501-6
Thomas, 93, 555
Osborne's jetty, 520
Osmond, William, 44-6
„ Samuel, 44, 46
Ostlers, 505
Otley, 128
Oudenarde, 483
Oughtlands, 163
Oundle, 543
" Our Lady of Grace," 521, 524
Ouse, 535
Overbury, Sir Thomas, 447
Over Marsh, 164
Overston, Geoffrey de, 199
„ Lord, 403
Overton, Roger, 556
„ Thomas, 549, 556
Oxenford, John, 557
Oxford, 15, 23, 1 06, 109, 146, 336
„ Lord, 481
„ Way, 164, 476, 520
Pack-horses, 199, 204
Packsaddles, 125, 204
Packwood, Thomas, 58
Page, John, 559
Pageants, 181, 184
Painters, 505
Palmer, Agnes, 167
„ John, 167
,, Joseph, 89
Papal Legate, 383
Paper-makers, 505
Papillon, David, 439-40
Paraphrase of Erasmus, 415
Parchment-makers, 217, 314, 505
Pares, Thomas, 205
Paris, 95
Parker, Colonel, 481
Edward, 457-8, 562, 569
Francis, 555
Mr., 503
Nicholas, 561, 567
Thomas, 559
Parkinson, Edward, 420
Parks, Thomas, 550
Parminter, Luke, 555
Roger, 558
Parr, John, 456, 562, 563, 569
„ Mr., 37, 44, 458
„ Richard, 411, 564
Parsham, John, 564
Parvin, William, 559
Pasham, John, 408, 564
Passelewe, Ralph, 555
Passenham, 340
Ralph, 557
Patte, William, 558
Pattishall, 239
Pattison, Goodman, 459
„ Rowland, 154
Paul's, St , Church of, 168, 538
Paulet, Mr., 335
Pairage, 8
Paving of Highways, 266-7
Payment of Members, 493-5
Payne, William, 565, 566
Paynter, Thomas, 556
Peach Trees, 156
Peach, Edward, 371
„ George, 555
„ Thomas, 291, 318, 402, 458, 553,
563, 564
„ William, 402
Peacock, Inn, 50, 66, 223, 307, 374, 480,
482, 517, 521
Peate, Jonathan, 563
„ William, 565
Pear Trees, 153, 160
Peck, John, 331
Peedle, Thomas, 86, 571
Peirce, William John, 555
Pell, George, 207
Pemberton (Pemerton), Thomas, 104,551,
559,
illi
William, 560
594
NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
Pence, St. George's, 204
Pendleton, John, 60
Roger, 446, 561
„ Thomas, 294
Pennye, Thomas, 551
Pensionary Parliament, 498
Pensioners, 505
Penthouse, 269
Percival, James, 503
„ John, 363
„ Spencer, 22-3, 25, 104, 1 12, 206,
319, 349, 487-8, 508-9
Perkins, Thomas, 136
Perrin, Thomas, 558
„ William, 550
Perven, John, 551, 559
Perry, Pickering P., 555
Peryne, John, 558
Peryor, William, 557
Perruque-maker, 504
Pesson, William le, 549
Peter, St., Church of, 238, 266, 361, 364,
420-3, 516
„ the Trumpet, 482-4
Peterborough, 384, 386, 497, 543
„ Bishop of, 93, 352, 390-1,
394,404, 411, 417, 421
„ Earl of, 47, 106-10, 478
Peter, William, 461
Petnall, William, 551
Pettit, William, 138, 180, 553, 563
Pews, 407-10
Pewter Vessels, 125-6, 173, 181, 184
Peybody, Thomas, 560
Pheasant, William, 563
Philip and Mary, 17, 57, 68, 104, 113, 127,
383, 449, 494
Phillipps, Mr., 503
Phipps, Alderman, 85, 511
Edward, 365
John, 85, 553, 566
Mr., 95
Pickering, 544-5, 566
Richard, 566
Pickering, Sir Gilbert, 400, 497
" Picklinge," 124
Pickmer, Mr., 35, 36, 84, 475, 553
Pidgeon, Thomas, 457, 459
Pike Lane, 525
Pikes, 448-53
Pilkington, 496
Mr., 45
„ Thomas, 245
Pillory, 134, 296
Pinder, 215
Pindleton, John, 562
„ Thomas, 552, 562, 568
Pinfold, 225
Pinner, 57, 60, 269
„ Robert, 160
Pipe Rolls, 209-10
Pipemakers, 505
Pipes and Candles, 65, 174, 481, 483
Pippewell, Thomas de, 198
Pitsford (Pisford), 59, 153, 161, 350, 370
Plackett, John, 554, 564 569,
Samuel, 139, 553, 563, 569
Plague, The, 223-40, 396
Plant, Anthony, 70, 570
Plate, Communion, 416-17
Plasterers, 504
Play Acting, 173
Plough Hotel, 344
Ploughman, Goodman, 460
„ Mr., 62
„ William, 375
Plum Cakes, 40
,, Trees, 153-60
Plumbers, 504
Pointmakers, 324
Pole, Cardinal, 351, 357, 383, 422
„ Thomas, 558
Pontage, 8
Ponteys, Henry, 198
Poole, Daniel, 563, 569
„ Samuel, 457, 562
Poope, Thomas, 550, 558
Poor, 176-81
„ Badges, 179
„ Man's Box, 179
Porta, John de, 556
Porte Lane, 164
Porter, John, 461
Porters, 504
Portico of All Saints, 405-6, 419
Portmeadow, 167
Post-chaise, 347
Post-boys, 504
Postmaster, 539
Potter, Arthur, 561
John, 565
„ Nathaniel, 449
„ Richard, 446
„ Thomas, 341, 446, 561, 567
Potterspury, 122
Powys, Thomas, 506
Poyner, Christopher, 563
Pratt, John, 553, 564
Priestley, George, 463
Prentes, John, 68, 556, 570
Prentice, John, 183, 560
William, 559
Press Gang, 446
Preston, 46, 93
„ John, 460
Pretyman, Bishop, 339
Richard, 338-9
Price, Goodman, 459
Prichergh, Mr., 429
Priest, John, 558
Priners, 358
Printers, 504
Prior, Henry, 131, 534, 560
„ John, 562
„ Mr., 46, 65
Prisoners, 175-6
INDEX.
595
Pritwell, John, 560
Proctor, William, 373
Provence, 14
Psalters, 358
Public Record Office, 8, 171, 427, 493
Pump, 192-3, 261
Punch Bowl, 39
,, Brewing, 174
Puritans, 238, 385-97
Purser, John, 462
Pury, John, 557-8
,. William, 557
Pykes, 164
Pym, Wm., 124
Pyrfoot, 430
Pysford, William, 556
Quack Doctors, 53
Quakers, 316
Quarrior, John, 360, 384-5
Quart Measure, 194
„ Pot Inn, 307, 374, 376, 525
Pot Lane, 307, 522, 525
Queen, The, 471-2
„ Eleanor's Cross, 157
Queen's Place, 160
Queenby, Peter, 418
Buince Tree, 154
uinton, Lawrence, 557
Railways, 543-4
Radford, Thomas, 460, 462
Rainsford, George, 227, 552, 561
,, Lawrence, 552, 561
Richard, 245, 256, 345, 498"9»
552
,, William, 159, 450, 551, 560,
562
Raleigh, Sir Walter, 448
Ram Inn 307
Ramillies, 483
Rand, Simon, 462
Thomas, 448, 457, 459, '561
„ Tobias, 248
Rande, Nicholas, 196, 494, 551, 559
Randes, Robert, 153, 157, 446, 561, 567
Rands, Elizabeth, 61
„ Mr., 45, 245
„ Richard, 35, 47, 84, 211, 456, 458,
562
„ William, 138
Randall, Henry Edward, 555
Raunds, 252
Ravenscroft, Mr., 157-8
Rawlens, Richard, 556
Rawlines, Holme, 215
Rawlins, Ann, 340
Rawson, William, 537
Raynsf ord, Sir Richard, ill
Reading, Christopher, 556
,, Francis, 72, 117
„ John, 117, 570
Reading, Mr., 62
Reason, Robert, 561
Re-building of Northampton, 246-9
Record, Court of, 116-119
Recognizances, 67
Recorders, 103-112
Red Cow Inn, 307
„ Lion Inn, 50, 187, 307, 482, 505
Reding, Daniel, 345
Reeves, 14, 51, 112, 114
Regent, Prince, 489
Remmington, Joshua, 377
Resten, John, 558
Reve, John, 559
Revell, John, 557
Revels, Mr., 504
Revolution of 1688, 478
Reignfford, Mr., 1 88
Reynold, Anthony, 338
,, Dr. and Mrs., 416
„ Edward, 391
„ William, 461, 503
Reyny, Bartholomew de, 556
Reyse, Edward, 560
Richard I., 329, 467
II., 16, 147, 467, 523
„ HI., 239
Richardson, William, 461
Richards, William, 476
Richmond, 93
„ Archdeaconry of, 364-5
Rickman, John, 441
Riledge, Thomas, 559
Ringrose, Thomas, 62
Riot Act, 509
„ Wheat, 65
Rishworth, Francis, 394, 400
Roade, 362, 367, 379
Roberts, John, 87, 571
William, 555
Robins, John, 558
Mark, 154, 157,
Robinson, John, 218
„ Sir George, 509-12
Walter, 463
William, 373
Rochelle, 448
Rock, Goodman, 462
Rockingham, 467
John, 557
Roddis, Mr., 174
Rodney, Sir George, 501-6
Rodwell Hill, 164
Rogers, Daniel, 353, 571
„ James, 458-9
„ Samuel, 355, 571
„ Timothy, 540
Rood-in-the-Wall, 420, 524, 527
Roger, Henry, 448, 556
Rose Inn, 307
Rose and Crown Inn, 50, 66, 307, 479, 481
Rose, James, 566
„ John, 117, 570
596
NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
Rosehand, John, 559
Roser, Robert, 189
Roson, Christopher, 561
„ Robert, 552
Ross, Charles, 490
Rothwell, 200
„ Nicholas, 361
Rotten Row, 157
Rous, Robert le 549, 556
Rowell, George, 70-1, 539, 563
„ John, 570
„ Miss, 377
Rowland, Simon, 559
Rowson, Christopher, 567
Rowte, John, 184
Royal Demesne, 13, 115
„ Visits, 467-72
Roys, Francis, 457
„ John, 459
Rusheden, John, 557
William, 550, 557
Rushmill, 63
Rushton, Mr., 244
William, 117, 475, 570
Rushworth, Alderman, 338
„ Brian, 86
„ Francis, 345, 441, 562
Russel, John, 185
Rutland, Mr., 445
Rye Hill, 518,
Ryswick, Peace of, 480
Sabbath Observance, 282, 303
Sacrament, Receiving the, 38-9
Sadler, Ralph, 557
Simon, 557
Sadlers, 51
Sakin, John, 559
Sakes, John, 550
Salcey, 467, 521
Sale of Advowson of All Saints', 401-2
,, of Church Plate, 416
„ Thomas, 549, 550
Salisbury, 98
Yard, 58, 164-5
Sallet Inn, 307
Salt, Making, 198-9
Saltpetre, 240
Salt Street, 198-9
Salters' Inn, 307
Samuell, Francis, 183, 332
Samwell, Sir Thomas, 61
„ William, 160-1
Sanbrooke, Thomas, 69, 153, 158, 472,
537, 56i
Sandale, John de, 423
Sandbox, 174
Sandwich, 15
Saracen's Head Inn, 43, 138, 307
Sargeant, Joseph, 345, 568
Mr., 33, 400
„ Roger, 552
Satchwell, Joseph, 82, 571
Saucee, Onorius, 556
Saunders, Christopher, 562
,, Coffee House. 50
Daniel, 86, 285, 571
George, 369, 565
„ John, 61, 449, 558, 560
Mr., 37-8, 60
Richard, 553, 564, 569
,, William, 294
Saunderson, Christopher, 567
Mr., 155, 156, 352, 423, 571
Savage, William, 166
Sawyers, 504
Saxby, John, 69, 124, 294, 551, 559-60,
570
„ Thomas, 550, 557-8
Scambler, Bishop, 386
Scamfield, William, 550
Scarborough, William, 458, 562
Scarlet Colour, 95-9
,, Well. 170, 256, 275
Scarletwell Street, 256, 526
Scavenger, 265-269
Sceptre, no
School, Free Grammar, 61, 153, 155-6,
l65, 35°-6, 400, 421, 541-2
Schools of Corporation, 356-60
Scilly Isles. 483
Scorrall, Gilbert, 560
„ Robert, 560
Scriven, George, 570
„ John, 457-8, 463
„ Richard, 566
„ Samuel, 58, 564
„ Thomas, 565, 570
, „ W., 46
Scriveners, 504
Scryven, John, 166, 401, 562, 564
Sea Coal, 203
Seal, The Great, 422
Sealers of Leather, 49
Seals, 45-6, 119-122, 142-5, 245-6,333, 339
Searchers of Leather, 49
Seats at All Saints', 406-10
Sea well, James, 564
Segary, John, 565, 570
Selby, Alderman, 405
John, 37
„ 291, 457, 478, 553, 562, 563
,, William, 211, 291, 562, 568
Sepulchre's, St., 138, 153, 170, 188, 238,
267, 340, 361, 364, 391, 420, 423
Sergeant, Alderman, 338
Sergeants, 49, 50, 64, 73-85, 134, 149, 372,
485-90
Sergeant's Charity, 365
Serjeant, Joseph, 553, 562
„ Mr., 407
„ Roger, 140, 561
Thomas, 245, 553, 562
Serjeants of Militia, 505
Sermons, 386
INDEX.
597
Servants, 505
Sessions House, 148, 245
Sexton, 49, 50, 58, 60, 85, 86, 147, 372,
417-19
Seymsters, 278
Sharpe, Durham, 566
Henry, 155
Hugh, 564
Robert, 140
Thomas, 555
William, 136
Shaw, Francis, 565
„ John, 288
Shawell, 361
Sheep, 187-9
Sheep Market, 247, 469-70, 526
Sheep Street, 186, 376, 516, 526
Shefford, Robert, 331, 550
William, 549, 559
Shenley, William, 556
Shepherd, Elizabeth, 154
„ Henry, 461
Robert, 159, 559'6o
Shepherds, 505
Sheppard, Archdeacon, 390
„ Thomas, 61, 417
Sheremen, 288-9
Sheriffs, 53-5, 113
Sherland, Christopher, 495
Sherley, Henry, 323
„ William, 323
Sherwood, Mr., 44
Shipwrits, 434-5. 437
Slipton, 200- 1
Shoemakers, 184-5, 293-5, 505, 510
Shoosmith, William, 570
Shopkeepers, 505
Shops, 172
Shoreditch, 197
Shorland, Christopher, 105
Short, Samuel, 417, 563, 570
„ Hawtway, 165
Shortland, Samuel, 568
Shortgrave, John, 333, 570
Shrewsbury, 98, 121
Shrovesbury, John, 549
Shrove Tuesday, 361
Sibley, Joseph, 566
„ Robert, 43
Sibthorpe, Dr., 391, 394
„ Robert, 570
Sillesbee (Sillesby, Silsby), Henry, 308,
562
John, 76, 458
„ Matthew, 361, 363, 368, 552,
561, 562, 568
William, 558
„ Thomas, 457-8
Silver Street, 154, 166, 374, 517, 526
Singleton, Matthew, 458
Simcoe, John, 564
Simnel, 279
Simpson, John, 43
Skavage due, 269, 418
Skelton, John, 338-40, 558
Skerolles, Mistress, 155
Slapton, 200- 1, 299
Slaters, 505
Slatier, Giles, 322
Sleeve-Badges, of Silver, 87, 146-7
Sloth, Goodman, 458
Slottes, 162
Small Doles, 162
Smart, John, 33, 562
„ Joseph, 359
„ Mr., 178
„ Richard, 561
Smerekernererowe, 526
Smith (Smyth), Arthur, 178
Charles, 122, 371, 565
Dorothy, 248-9
Edward, 59, 79, 134, 139, 154, 571
Elizabeth, 136
George, 139
Henry, 139
John, 60, 87, 456. 458, 460, 462,
550, 554, 559> 562, 564, 569, 57i
Mr., 390
Mr. Justice, 358
Randall, 423
Richard, 556
Robert, 375
Samuel, 457, 562
Thomas, 369, 371, 462, 565
William, 168, 248, 298, 407, 562
Smithies Lane, 523-4
Smiths, 505
Smithson, Robert, 511, 554
Snathes, 162
Snelle, John, 558
Snowden, Joshua, 375
Sokle, William de, 556
Soldiers, 47, 436-448, 480-1, 486
Somers, John, 563
Somersete, Gilbert de, 556
Somerton, Thomas, 567
Sossinghall, Thomas, 558
Southampton, 23, 121
South Bridge, 159, 470, 538-9
„ Gate, 470
„ Street, 247
„ Ward, 58, 139, 140, 159, 1 66, 439,
446
Spain, 448, 535
Spaldwick, John de, 556
Sparkes, John, 460, 463
Speed's Place, 515
Spence, William, 418
Spencer, Lord, in, 442, 495, 504-507
Mr., 36-7, 44, 47
John, 494
Sir John, 122, 242, 390
William, 457, 553, 562
Laurence, 564
Richard. 495
Spereman, William, 139
598
NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
Spereman, Richard, 549
Robert, 549
Spicer, William, 562
„ John, 441, 549, 552, 562
Spinning Wheels, 180
Spread Eagle Inn, 307
Sprigge, Henry, 552, 562
Spriggy, John, 30, 549, 550, 556-7
„ Thomas, 549
Sprynge, John, 549, 556
Spycer, Richard, 556
„ Simon, 549, 556
St. Liz, Simon de, 383, 427
„ Neots, 146
„ „ Richard de, 555-6
„ Omer, 123
„ Omer, William de, 198
Stacey, William, 558
Stafford, Earl of, 106
,, Mr., 442
Stag's Head Inn, 307
Stamford, 520
John, 44, 77
„ Mr., 240
Stanbridge, John, 559
Stannard, John, 457
Stansey, William, 308
Stanton, Samuel, 565, 566
Edward, 566
Stanwick, 252
Stanyan, Henry, 285
„ John, 285
Staple Merchants, 123-130
Star Inn, 307
Starton, 122
State Lotteries, 537-8
Statue of Charles II., 406
Statute Merchant, 120-3, J34
Statute of Northampton, 123
Staumford, Hugh de and John de, 549, 556
Thomas de, 549, 556
Staves, 87, 88, 90
Staymakers, 505
Steevans, John, 568
Stephen, King, 333, 467
Stephens, John, 457-8,
Stephenson, John, 566
Stevendale, 162
Stevens, Jeremy, 457
Hugh, 558
Thomas, 456, 458, 562
Stevenson, Edward, 136
„ Valentine, 76
Steward, Henry, 560
„ John, 562
„ William, 565
Stewards, 49, 115-118
„ Books, 3
Stoakes, John, 117, 570
Stockburn, Henry Lenton, 555, 566
Stockdale, John, 324
Stocks, 61, 134, 137, 195-7
Stockwell Hall, 363, 370
Stoddart, Rev. John, 176, 355-6, 403, 542,
571
Stoke Way, 163
Stokes, Henry, 322
„ John, 322
Stoneley, Thomas, 556
Stone, John, 63, 130, 131
„ Henry, 550
„ Robert, 153, 157, 182
Stowe-nine-Churches, 168
Store House, 155
Storer, Richard, 559
,, Thomas, 457
Stormer, James, 298
John, 461, 557
„ Robert, 298
„ William, 460
Stormesbathe, Richard, 556
Stormesworthe, Henry de, 555
Storms, 404
Story, Robert, 561
„ Simon, 567,
Stourbridge Fair, 64, 535-6
Stottesbury, John, 557
Stowe, 157
Strafford, Earl, 377
„ Charles, 564
Stratford, Nicholas, 80, 8t, 571
Henry, 458, 562
„ William, 364-5, 379
Stratton, John de, 557
Streatley, Edward, 551
Strowdall, Cornelius, 560
Stuart, Thomas, 82, 571
Sturdy, Roger, 559
Sturgis, Samuel, 348, 366-7, 554, 565
Stychhall, Edmund, 557
Styles, Mr., 37, 60, 354-5, 417
Robert, 181, 553, 563, 571
Subscribers to Fire Relief, 250-1
Subsidies on Cloth, 145
Succar, Wiiliam, 385
Summer, John, 35
Summerfield, Samuel, 375
Sunderland, Earl of, 484, 540
Suriegien, William, de la, 198
Sussex, 535
Sutton, James, 366, 371, 565, 570
„ Mr., 55
„ Thomas, 549, 556
„ William, 348, 565
Sutley, Thomas, 183
Swan, Thomas, 565
Inn, 44-5, 58, 61, 148, 156, 307,
479
Swarbutts Head, 255
Swathys, 162
Swearing, Convictions for, 137-9
Sweyne, Matthew, 550, 559
Swinedale, 162
Swinewell Street, 526-7
Symonds, Daniel, 456, 458, 562
„ Henry, 446
INDEX.
599
Symonds, John, 418
Swynfen, Samuel, 565
Symons, Willows, 163
Sywell, John, 556
Tabard Inn, 307
Taffeta Hats, 97
Tailors, 295, 505
Taintors, 217-8, 289
Talbot Inn, 307
Tamworth, 107
Tanners, 217, 264, 295-9, 505
Taragona, 485
Tasters of flesh and fowl, 49
Tate, Francis, 72, 495
„ William, 245, 248
,, Richard, 496
„ Zouch, 496
Tates, William, 58
„ Richard, 479
„ Thomas, 459, 565
Taylor, Widow, 442
William, 166
» » 56-7, 122, 124, 131, l82,
294, 551, 566
Tear, Richard, 373
Tebbutt, Edward, 457
„ John, 402
Temple, Sir William, 499
Testament, New, 174
Thackeray, James, 78, 571
Mr., 352, 57i
Thirdboroughs, 49, 139-142
„ Grass, 161
Thomas a Becket, St., Well of, 261-3, 289
„ a Becket, 329, 341
„ David, 566
,, St., Bridge, 266, 432
„ St., Bridge Chapel, 160,420
„ St., Day, 180-1, 289, 308, 361, 363
„ St., Hospital of, 50, 58, 62, 64,
75, 89, 222, 240, 341-4,
360-7, 372-7, 398-420, 432
„ St., Hospital, Master of, 245,
292, 341-2
Thompson, Alderman, 366
„ Christopher, 59, 481
George, 553-4, 564
„ Henry, 554, 565
„ Mr.. 486
„ William, 554, 565
Thorogood, Edward, 562
Thornton, Thomas, 475, 553
,, Mr., 498
Thorp, Constantine, 363
„ Robert de, 148
,, William, 457, 439
Thrapston, 200, 543
Three Pigeons Inn, 307
„ Tuns Inn, 307
,, Pots Lane, 527
Throwe Acre, 165
Thruppe Bridge, 161
Thruppe, Brook, 160-1
Thrupp Way, 164
Thursby, Christopher, 245
J- H., 375
„ William, 403
Thyresby, Walter, 556
Tidyman, Nicholas, 557
Tiffield Woods, 63
Tilly, William, 549
Tims, Joseph, 63, 64
Tiplady, Benjamin, 458-9
Tirringham, John. 557
Joseph, 557
Tithe Meadow.. 162
Tiverton, 252
Toad, Henry, 308
Tobacco, 174
Toby, John, 556
Todd, Henry, 561
Token, Town, 210-12
Tollemache, Hon. Wilbraham, 507
Tolls, 49, 50, 86, 192, 197-208, 379
Tolldish, 191
Toll House, 203
Toby, Robert, 556
Tomes, William, 555
Tomkins, William, 203
„ Lawrence, 562
„ Martin, 562
Tomkyns, Mr., 169
Tompson, Alderman, 364
George, 169, 366, 401, 569
„ William, 569
Toms, Joseph, 299
Tonson, William, 197
Torbay, 477
Tournay, 126
Towcester, 238, 397
John, 68
Tower of Northampton, 239-40, 527
Town Attorney, 71-2
Clerk, 7, 58, 67-71, 183
Counsel, in
Crier, 49, 50, 62, 85-9, 147, 418
Dyke, 155
Hal1- 3, 35. 36, 52, 58, 61, 62, 64,
65, 108, 113, 158, 170-5, 244,
294, 421, 428, 481
Towns of the Staple, 123-4
Trader, William, 462
Trades of the Town, 275-308
Trained Bands, 437, 440-8
" Trantor," 65
Trasler, Robert, 123. 554, 565
William, 566
Travell, Henry, 168
Treasure Trove, 112, 113
Treddy, Edward, 563
Tree Planting, 63
Trees, Fruit, 153-160
Tresham, George, 170
Treslove, Samuel, 554, 565
Trinity Fair, 187.
6oo
NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
Trotman, Mr., 507
Trott, Henry, 159, 298, 560
Trotters, Henry John, 44
Trout, Richard, 504
Truman, Richard, 561
Trumpet Inn, 307
Trumpeters, 92, 481-5
Tryers, Robert, 402
Tuckwell, Thomas, 569, 563
Tuffnell, Mr., 403
Tumbrell, 134, 195-6
Turberville, Hugh de, 167
„ William de, 167
Turland, Charles, 458-9
„ Thomas, 136
Turner, Thomas, 504
Turners, 505
Turner, William, 555
Tusbury, John de, 330
" Twenty-four," 16-29
Twickton, Richard, 322
Twigden, John, 44, 255, 269, 291, 552-3,
561, 562
„ Mr., 62, 229
,, Giles, 401, 564
Tybalde, Mr., 71
Tyers, Robert, 554, 569, 564
„ Warwick, 64
Unemployed, Public Works for, 180
Unicorn Inn, 307
Ushers, 505
Utrecht, 485
Vagabonds, 176-7
" Vallans," 125
Vaughan, Mr., 456, 458
William, 553, 562
Veasey, John, 365, 566
Velvet Hats, 98
Venice, 535
Ventris, Abraham, 169, 237,342,552,561,
567
John, 312, 568, 562
„ Mr., 44
„ _ Mrs., 45
Vermin, 225
Vernall's Inquests, 7, 48, 135-7, 533-4
Vernon, J. Middleton, 555
„ Robert, 512
Vessels, Town, 56
Victoria, Queen, 405
Vigo's Well, 262, 263
Villars, Marshall, 484
Vipont, William de, 167
Virgin, Blessed, Feasts of, 187
" Vitry," 126
Volunteers, 449
Vyneter, John le, 549
Wade, Mr., 58, 61
Waded, John, 559
Wager, William, 551, 559
Wainwright, Samuel, 82, 571, 565
Waits, 90-2, 147, 476, 479, 481-5
Wake, Arthur, 335-6
„ George, 336-8
„ John, 558
„ William, 335
Wakelyn, Thomas, 549
,, William, 549
Walbek, 167
Walcot, William, 318
Mr., 508
Wale, William, 549
Wales, 72
Prince of, 93, 95
Walger, Henry, 566
Walgrave, 294, 480
Walker, Anthony, 158
Fox, 375
Goodman, 462
Governor, 478
Henry, 155
James, 457, 459, 568
John, 131, 560
Joseph, 375
Samuel, 58
Simon, 557
Thomas, 428, 560
Wall, Mr., 46
„ Richard, 402, 564
„ William, 556
Waller, Sir William, 431
Wallis, Mr., 38-9
„ John, 401, 553, 563
„ Richard, 180
„ William, 62, 70, 298, 322, 405,
417. 553, 563, 569
Walls, The Town, 53, 427
Walmsley, Richard, 561
Walnut Trees, 152, 160
Walton, William, 561
" Wandlas," 128
Wandley, Elizabeth, 158
Henry, 450, 551, 560
Wantage, Lord, 403
Wanton, Roger de, 198
" Wantye," 125, 204
Ward, Edward, 44
„ John, 556
„ J. T., 88
„ Lucas, 554
„ Richard, 557, 563, 569
„ Robert, 245, 375
„ Thomas, 245, 407, 563
Warden Trees, 153-160
„ of St. Thomas, 49
,, Wardington, 122
Ware, Richard, 161-560
Warner, Jonathan, 36, 553, 563, 569
Joseph, 34
John, 366, 559
Mrs., 61
Warre, Thomas, 569
INDEX.
60 1
Warwick, 107, 346, 468
„ Sir Philip, 108
„ Thomas, 549
Warwicke, William, 63, 64
Wash, The, 200
Watford, 542
Water Carts, 260
Water Furrows, 162
Watkin, G., 423
Watkins, Edward, 375
Mill, 162-3
Washington, Lawrence, 541
Wastel, 279
Wastell, Symon, 352-3, 471
Wate, Richard, 397
Waterloo, 488
Watch and Ward, 453-63
Watchmen, 235, 240
Water Works, 252, 263
Watts (Watts), John, 139, 450, 550
„ Jonas, 60, 64
„ Mr., 240, 445
„ Richard, 153, 185, 428, 450, 460,
56i, 567
„ Robert, 50, 418
„ Thomas, 253, 551
Watson, Mr., 60
Watyr, John, 558
Waydour John le, 549
Wayne Way, 162
Waxmakers, 505
Weavers, 505
Webb, Edward, 460, 462
Wedon, Thomas, 549
Weights and Measures, 40, 63, 78, 133-5,
193-5
Weldon, 436
Welford, Samuel, 62
Wellingborough, 200, 543
Wellington Street, 422
Weller, John, 549
Wells, Zachray, 377
Wellys, John, 556
William, 558
Welsh, Katharine, 340
„ Robert, 173
Wemmes (Wemys), Richard, 549, 550,
557
Wenley, Henry, 127
Wentworth, Mr., 188
Paul, 351, 364
Peter, 494
„ Trustees, 354
West Bridge, 59, 62, 63-4, 222, 440
West Street, 16, 522, 527
West, Mathew, 462
,, Thomas, 63
Westerwell Holme, 162
Westgate, 59, 155, 368
Bishop, 335
Westley, John, 377
Westminster, 133, 494, 496
Westmoreland, Lord, 442-3, 452
Weston, 44
„ Henry de, 556
John, 131
„ Joseph, 402, 564
„ Annys, 131
Street, 344
West Ward, 59, 139, 140, 155, 439, 446
Weydon, Martin le, 556
Weydour, John le, 556
Whaley, John, 63
„ Mr., 400
Whalley, Peter, 345, 441, 496, 552, 568,
562
Wharloe, Richard, 104, 322, 468, 494,
551
Wharlow, Henry, 154
Wheathill, 192, 518
Wheatley, Simon, 560
Wheatlie, Thomao, 360
Wheat Sheaf Inn, 136, 307
Wheeler, William, 189, 265, 430
Richard, .551, 559
Wheelows, William, 561
Whetfield, William, 559
Whetston, Robert, 460, 462
Whimplers, Row, 329, 524
Whipping Post, 196
Whiston, Jonas, 44, 60
Jonathan, 33, 553, 562
Mr., 244, 457
,, Theophilus, 569
Whittlebury, 467
Whithorn, John, 553
Whiston, Theophilus, 44, 46-7, 553
Whit, Mr., 240
Whitawers, 217, 264, 295-9
White Bear Inn, 317
Friars, 182-5, 521
Friars' Lane, 521, 528
George, 43
Hart Inn, 251
Hill, 162
Horse Inn, 307
Lion Inn, 307
Richard, 245, 362, 368, 404, 553, 563
Sir Thomas, 28, 122, 307, 345-50,
360, 367, 378
Thomas, 557
William, 138
Whitehead, Daniel, 46
Whitesmiths, 505
Whitewell Path, 163
Whithome, John, 58, 563
„ Thomas, 563
Whiting, Ambrose, 205
Whitney, John, 566
Whitwell Path, 161
Whitwham, Jonas, 346
Whitworth, Robert, 169
„ Charles, 570
Wickens, Samuel, 457, 459
Wilcox, John, 550
Whurlidge, Edward, 63
602
NORTHAMPTON BOROUGH RECORDS.
Whyte Leys, 163-4
Whytenuze, Simon, 556
Wilkinson, James, 561
„ Mr, 105
Richard, 156-7, 160, 537, 559
„ Roger, 562
„ William, 369
Willey, Thomas, 59
William III., 109, no, 194, 295, 471-2,
477-80, 482
„ IV., 489
,, the Conqueror, 330, 333
Williams, Bishop, 336
Roger, 33, 34, 457-8, 562
Williams, 355, 555, 571
Williamson, Frances, 379
„ James, 316
Keeling, 82, 571
Samuel, 553, 564
William, 402, 554, 564
Willis, John, 559
Willoughby, John, 107 477, 553
Mr., 443
„ Thomas, 22, 245, 246
Willow Trees, 155-160, 221-2, 229
Willowes, John, 558, 561
Wilmer, William, 499-500
Wilson, Edward, 160
John, 153, 159
„ Theophilus, 563
Wilver, Thomas, 559
Wim, John, 536
Winchelsea, Earl of, 367, 379
Winchester, 73, 98, 123, 444, 520
Windmill, 291-2
Hill, 165
Windsor, 209-10
„ Dean and Canons of, 44, 46, 367,
379, 400
Wine, 45-7, 57, 64, 66, 137, 148-9, 481-7
Wineloofers, 505
Wingrave, Giles, 45
Winston, Stephen, 401, 411, 564
Wiseman, William, 462, 550
Witham, Colonel, 440
Witsey, Samuel, 138
Witworth, Charles, 566
Wives of Mayors, 95-8
Wodehouse, William, 557
Wodwell Bundles, 162
Wolaston, Laurence, 84, 374
„ Samuel, 363
„ Richard, 169
Wolaweston, Adam de, 556
Wolverton, 522
Women's Market, 86, 192
Wood Cleaving, 179
„ Edward, 385, 565
,, Furlong, 160
„ Hill, 50, 81, 86, 171, 186, 190-2,
260, 370, 376, 470, 507, 527
Wood, Richardson, 355, 571
„ Street, 528
Woodard, Jonas, 461
„ William, 461
Wooddon, Thomas, 559
Woodford, Margery, 157
„ Robin, 117
Woodmongers, 179
Woodstock, 468
Woodward, John, 556
„ Richard, 560
„ William, 145, 275
Wool, 123, 200
Woollen Drapers, 295
Woolmonger Street, 158, 307, 528
Woollaston, Lawrence, 362, 552, 562, 567
„ Richard, 552, 561, 567
Wool-combers, 505
Wool-sorters, 505
Wool-staplers, 505
Woolpack Inn, 307
Woolley, Henry, 554, 565
„ Thomas, 355, 571
Woolston, John, 34, 43, 270, 402, 475, 553,
562, 564, 568, 569
„ Joseph, 363, 379, 553-4, 564, 569
Mr., 37
Wootton, 1 60, 198, 354
„ Mere, 165
Worcester, 14 468
Workhouses. 177
Wray, Sir Edmund, 245
Wright, Agnes, 156
Charles, 419
John, 82, 419, 504, 566, 571
Samuel, 419
Thomas, 462, 560
William, 460. 462
Wronge Landes, 162
Wykes, Joseph, 555
„ William, 258, 499, 500
Wylscote, Charles, 557
Wyman, Edward, 138
Wyndham, Judge, 46
Wynghale, 147
Yarmouth, 14
Yelverton, Christopher, 103, 452, 494
„ Sir Henry, 103-5, 494-5, 499
Yeoman of the Guard, 482
Yeomanry, 449
"Ynckell," 125
Yonge, John, 323
York, 14, 91, 93, 121, 123, 468
„ Duke of, 107, 109, 520
Young, Christopher, 54
John, 558
„ Mr., 342
„ William, 558, 560
Yoxon, Samuel, 371
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